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Institute of China Studies UNIVERSITY of MALAYA International Conference “From Hu-Wen to Xi-Li Administration: China’s Leadership Transition and Its Domestic and International Implications” jointly organized by Institute of China Studies UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA and East Asian Institute 东亚研究所 EAI 12-13 September 2013 Venue: Auditorium, Research Management and Innovation Complex, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Chinese Leadership Transition and Developmental Aspirations: Socioeconomic Realities, State-Civil Societal Relations and the Teleological Ambiguities of the “China Model” Dr Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh, Director and Associate Professor, Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, Malaysia. Emile K.K. Yeoh, Teleological Ambiguities of the China Model ICS, UM-EAI, NUS Conference, 12-13 September 2013 ICS(UM)-EAI(NUS) International Conference “From Hu-Wen to Xi-Li Administration: China’s Leadership Transition and Its Domestic and International Implications”, 12-13 September 2013, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur Chinese Leadership Transition and Developmental Aspirations: Socioeconomic Realities, State-Civil Societal Relations and the Teleological Ambiguities of the “China Model” Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh* University of Malaya 1. Introduction With the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China concluded on 15th November 2012 and the birth of a new Politburo Standing Committee, the Party thus completed its second orderly hand-over of power in more than six decades of its rule over this most populous country in the world, and today, the world’s second largest economic entity. Nevertheless, also marking the year 2012 are various other poignant events that have further strained State-civil society relations in this vast country. Among these, most undoubtedly epitomizing the contemporary sociopolitical dilemmas of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the proliferation of public protests mainly related to forced demolition and relocation, industrial pollution and official corruption, and related to this, State response to civil rights-defending weiquan activism and its treatment of such activists as part of the wider dissident community. The continued unfolding of this systemic crisis has, indeed, to be properly placed in the overall environmental context of the problem of increasingly acute socioeconomic inequality, including its ethnoregional dimension, which in many ways constitute the epitome as well as the root of China’s social ills resulted from her recent * Dr Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh 楊國慶 is Director and Associate Professor of the Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, Malaysia. Graduated with a PhD from the University of Bradford, West Yorkshire, England (1998), Dr Yeoh’s research interests include institutional economics, China studies, decentralization and fiscal federalism, and socioracial diversity and the role of the State in economic development. His works have been published in journals and occasional paper series such as The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies, GeoJournal: An International Journal on Human Geography and Environmental Sciences, Journal of Asian Public Policy, International Journal of China Studies, International Journal of Business Anthropology, Malaysian Journal of Economic Studies and the Copenhagen Discussion Paper series, and his recent books, as both editor and contributor, include Ethnic Interaction and Segregation on Campus and at the Workplace (2004), Economic Kaleidoscope (2005), China and Malaysia in a Globalizing World (2006), Emerging Trading Nation in an Integrating World (2007), Facets of a Transforming China (2008), China in the World (2008), CJAS Special Issue (26(2)): Transforming China (2008), Regional Political Economy of China Ascendant (2009), China-ASEAN Relation (2009), Towards Pax Sinica? (2009), IJCS Inaugural Issue (1(1)): Changing China (2010), East Asian Regional Integration (2010), IJCS Special Issue (1(2)): Social Change in the Age of Reform (2010), IJCS Special Issue (2(2)): Reform, Governance and Equity (2011), IJCS Focus (2(3)): South China Sea and China’s Foreign Relations (2011), CAPF Special Issue (2(1&2)): From Ethnic, Social to Regional Relations (2012), IJCS Special Issue (3(3)):.State, Governance and Civil Societal Response in Contemporary China (2012) and CAPF Special Issue (3(1)): From State, Economy to Sociocultural Change (2013). <Email: [email protected], [email protected]> 1 Emile K.K. Yeoh, Teleological Ambiguities of the China Model ICS, UM-EAI, NUS Conference, 12-13 September 2013 decades of continuous, astounding economic tour de force while having stagnated are the modernization and democratization of its political structure and sociopolitical power configuration. In his cynical take of the teleological hopes invested in the presumed apparent continuous transition of the People’s Republic of China from authoritarianism to liberal democracy just like what went through with her East Asian neighbours, especially South Korea and Taiwan, Dirlik and Prazniak (2012) asked three questions: “First is the relationship to the legacies of the revolution of the Party and the people at large, including many dissidents, which is hardly the one-dimensional relationship it is often assumed to be. Second is the relationship of questions of repression and dissent in the PRC to its structural context within global capitalism […] finally, is there a case to be made that the PRC is better off exploring socialist alternatives in economy, society and politics than emulating models whose future is very much in question, in which case critique should be directed at holding the Party to its promise of socialism rather than its failures to live up to the examples of those who themselves are in retreat from democracy?” Dirlik and Prazniak’s first two questions can be viewed in an integrated context, for State governance and civil societal response in today’s China are intrinsically inseparable while opponents of the Communist Party’s continuing political monopoly has increasingly based their challenge upon the increasing socioeconomic injustice under CCP rule in the post-Mao era, in facing the “increasing legitimacy” of the Party’s authoritarian grip following the last three decade’s miraculous economic success of the “China model”. This has resulted in a complex situation wherein while the PRC “presently suffers from severe economic and social inequality that may be sustained only by political repression”: It is frequently overlooked, however, that economic and social inequality are products of the very development policies for which the PRC is widely admired. The ironic consequence is that criticism directed at the PRC for its democratic deficit is more than compensated for by pressures to keep up a pattern and pace of development that gives priority to its functioning within the global system over the economic and political welfare of the population. Indeed, the “China Model” has more than a few admirers who look to it with envy against the “inefficiencies” thrown up by popular pursuit of justice in democratic societies. (Dirlik and Prazniak, 2012: 287) Seen in this context, the teleological inevitability implicit in the democracy activists’ claim sounds equally hollow as the CCP’s continuing upholding of its now ragtag socialist flag in justifying its “moral obligation” to perpetuate its political monopoly, for as Dirlik and Prazniak argue: Deepening inequality is a pervasive phenomenon of global neoliberalism, of which the PRC is an integral part. Around the globe the predicament of democracy has set off a dialectic of protest and repression that has further thrown its future into jeopardy in any but a formal sense. Within a global context in which democracy is at risk and human rights in shambles, what does it mean for the PRC to be moving toward a more democratic regime? (ibid.) 2 Emile K.K. Yeoh, Teleological Ambiguities of the China Model ICS, UM-EAI, NUS Conference, 12-13 September 2013 2. Socioeconomic Dilemmas of Reform Charles Dickens described the years of the French Revolution as “the best of times” as well as “the worst of times”. The degree of social contradictions that has grown into a highly alarming proportion, not only from the perspective of the masses but also well recognized by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 1 as for instance reflected in the amount of spending on the weiwen2 -related efforts, in China today accompanied by, ironically, an unprecedented economic miracle not only from the Chinese perspective but also the global, since the tragic ending of the 100-day 1989 Tiananmen protests, has indeed made the transposition of Dickens’s well-known adage to present-day China much less preposterous than it might appear to be. Indeed, in an unusual three-part article, “Hu/Wen de Zhengzhi Yichan” [Hu/Wen’s political legacy]3, written by Xuexi Shibao’s deputy editor Deng Yuwen – unusual because Xuexi Shibao (Study Times) happens to be a magazine run by the Communist Party’s Central Party School (which was headed by current president Xi Jinping, the then presumptive next State president and Party general secretary), hence the article is seen by most as possibly reflecting Xi’s views – Hu Jintao-Wen Jiabao administration’s seven great achievements during the past decade are juxtaposed with ten severe problems it has been considered to be responsible for during the same period. While proclaiming China’s glorious achievements during the reform era as in the first part of Deng’s article posted on 30th August 2012 is commonplace inside and outside the country nowadays
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