An Outsider’s View of Early Twentieth-Century Liberals Liberalism and Liberal politicians in ’s life and fiction The first half of the twentieth century saw the electoral triumph of the Liberal Party in the 1906 election, the struggles of Liberalism to cope with the demands of the First World War, the split between Lloyd George and Asquith, and the collapse of the party through the 1920s and 1930s. That period also formed the backdrop to the novels of John Buchan, in many of which were depicted Liberal characters and Liberal ideas. Malcolm Baines looks at Buchan’s portrayal of Liberals and what this tells us about the Liberal Party of that period – as seen through the eyes of an outsider who himself had something of a Liberal heritage and outlook.

6 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 An Outsider’s View of Early Twentieth-Century Liberals Liberalism and Liberal politicians in John Buchan’s life and fiction

ohn Buchan is best known as Intelligence Corps in 1916). A third there than in the more rural areas the author of The Thirty Nine series of novels revolved around of the Scottish Borders.3) Let down JSteps, popularised through a Dickson McCunn, a romantic, by the colonial ex-Premier he had number of film and TV adapta- retired Glasgow grocer; Buchan booked to speak, Sir Harry is look- tions. Less well known are not only had studied at Glasgow University ing for a free trader who can tell the large number of other nov- and had a good knowledge of the the locals what a poor deal protec- els and historical biographies that Scottish Borders where many of the tion is for the colonies. The can- he wrote, but the fact that he was McCunn stories are set. Common didate’s speech is poor – he says to also a Unionist MP between 1927 to many of the books, however – Hannay beforehand, ‘I’m Liberal, and 1935 and then Governor Gen- whether the thrillers of Leithen and because my family have always eral of Canada from 1935 to 1940. Hannay or the more light-hearted been Whigs’ – but Buchan portrays Consequently, Buchan was very McCunn novels – is the role played him as a man who can see Hannay much part of the governing estab- by politics as an important part of is no murderer and who gives him a lishment of the United Kingdom the background. recommendation to his godfather, and friendly with most of the lead- Although Buchan was a Con- the Permanent Secretary at the For- ing politicians and other figures servative, Liberal politicians appear eign Office, which proves crucial in of the period. This keen interest in many of his novels, and this foiling the German plot.4 Buchan’s and involvement in politics shines reflects both his upbringing in a writing captures many character- through in many of his novels and strongly Liberal nineteenth-cen- istics of pre- and inter-war politics, short stories, and the roles played tury and his friendships not least the importance of relation- by the Liberal characters he depicts with leading Liberal politicians ships, and this article will look at form a central part of this article. such as Haldane1 and the Asquiths. some of these in more detail as they Many of his characters, both One of the vignettes in The Thirty appear in his novels and with refer- major and minor, appear in more Nine Steps that survived to grace ence to Buchan’s own Tory political than one book. As a result, they many of the subsequent adaptations career and his interaction with his have a holistic quality, with their depicts a Liberal by-election meet- Liberal contemporaries. fictional lives developing and por- ing in the Scottish Borders. Han- It is perhaps surprising that trayed at different stages of the first nay, the novel’s hero, has fled to Buchan was a Conservative rather half of the twentieth century. The Scotland, wrongly accused of mur- than a Liberal politician. His father major ones frequently reflected der. His car crashes whilst avoid- was a minister in the Free Church aspects of Buchan’s own life and ing another vehicle driven by the of Scotland, a group that broke experience. Sir Edward Leithen, constituency’s Liberal candidate, away from the established Church the protagonist in five novels, was, Sir Harry. Sir Harry says he has ‘a of Scotland in 1843 over the role of like Buchan, a Scottish barrister meeting on tonight in Brattleburn the state in the governance of the and Tory politician. Sir Richard – that’s my chief town and an infer- church. According to Pelling, prior Hannay appears as a South Afri- nal Tory stronghold.’2 (Interest- to the 1880s the majority of Free can mining engineer in The Thirty ingly, Pelling in Social Geography of Church clergy were Liberal sup- Nine Steps (Buchan had worked in British Elections 1885–1910 comments porters – in contrast to the Church South Africa after the Boer War) that because Presbyterian Dissent- of Scotland where the Conserva- and in subsequent novels as a First ers were stronger than the Church tives remained strong.5 Buchan, in World War army officer and secret of Scotland in the towns, the Con- John Buchan his own memoirs, Memory Hold- agent (Buchan was posted to the servatives were generally weaker (1875–1940) the-Door, states that his family

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 7 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction became Unionist in response to in Peebles and Selkirk, where a Scottish Borders by-election in a Gladstone’s weakness in leaving Asquith’s stepmother’s fam- rural seat just like Peebles and Sel- General Gordon to be killed in ily lived.10 In the event, Asquith kirk, although here the action takes Khartoum, as well out of sympathy was selected for Derby in 1912. place in the 1920s so Labour is also a for the plight of Ulster’s Protestants Buchan, however, had been cho- factor. Two of the Diehards, Jaikie threatened by the Liberal leader’s sen the year before as the Tory and Dougal, go on a walking tour conversion to home rule. This does candidate for Peebles and Sel- around the area and meet up with not appear to have been an unu- kirk – which was a Liberal seat, Thomas Carlyle Craw, an unctu- sual response to these events among although between 1886 and 1906 ous newspaper editor who has been his father’s peers.6 His mother’s it had been represented by a Lib- kidnapped by Tory students in Borders’ farming family, the Mas- eral Unionist.11 There he was to error for the Liberal leader and then tertons, however, had a Liberal face Donald Maclean, who had released without ceremony into background. only been elected as the Liberal the Scottish countryside. Trying to Buchan writes in his memoirs MP in the immediately previ- avoid some central-European revo- that he was a ‘professed Tory’ at ous election in December 1910.12 lutionaries whose cause Craw had Glasgow University but also that he Pelling comments that most of espoused and now regretted, the chose to support Herbert Asquith the Tory strength in the con- three are on the run and spend the in the Rectorial election whilst he stituency was associated with evening dropping in on the differ- was there. Moreover, he had many the landholdings of the Duke ent by-election meetings. The Tory Liberal friends from his time study- of Buccleuch, amounting to one not seeming very entertaining, ing at Oxford – including Asquith’s over 60,000 acres in Selkirk- they go to the Liberal one at which son, Raymond Asquith – as well shire.13 The local paper reviewed the candidate and the party leader, as from his time working for Lord Buchan’s speech at the adop- Foss Jones, a thinly disguised Lloyd Milner in South Africa and as a tion meeting, which reflected George, speak: publisher in London before the the views expressed thirty years First World War. Furthermore, his later in his memoirs: ‘Let’s go there,’ said Jaikie [to wife’s father, Norman Grosvenor, Craw], ‘I have never seen Foss who died in 1898, had been Lib- Mr John Buchan is rather Jones. Have you?’ ‘No’, was the eral MP for Chester between 1869 advanced in his opinions to answer [from Craw], ‘but he and 1874.7 Up until about 1910, it please some of the more rabid tried several times to make me was possible for Buchan’s political Tories. Part of his programme a peer.’ friends to imagine him standing for is stated to be: Abolition of either of the main parties: Charles the hereditary principle of the Craw and Jaikie go on to the Masterman, already by then the House of Lords, Free Trade Labour meeting where they bump Under-Secretary for the Home and a scheme of Small Hold- into the local Communist. After Department in the Liberal govern- ings. How the Unionist Tariff telling them how much the Com- ment, insisted to Susan Buchan that Reformers will act with such munists respect the Tory enemy, he should stand, saying, ‘and don’t a programme remains to be he goes on to add, ‘Liberalism is let him be a mugwump, let him join seen. Certain it is that some an antique which we contemptu- either the Liberals or the Tories, I who attended the meeting ously kick out of the road’, before don’t mind which, but one or the are not at all keen on such an describing the Labour Party’s lead- other.’8 In the event, Buchan stayed advanced programme.14 ers as men treasonable to social- loyal to his prior allegiances and ism who will meet the fate of all chose the Conservatives. Indeed, the radical paper, the traitors.16 Party politics therefore In his memoirs, Buchan sets out Edinburgh Evening News, went on adds entertaining background col- his political creed. It is a peculiar to say that Buchan was ‘a bleat- our to what is an enjoyable com- mixture of romantic Conservatism, ing sheep, strayed from the fold, edy thriller, and the novel portrays resting on a dislike of unnecessary with just enough of the party many of the attitudes that were change, combined with a desire tar-mark on him to be recog- commonplace by the time it was that the community use its com- nised, and sent kindly home.’15 published in 1930. Certainly, by munal strength to achieve what From the commencement of his that stage, the Liberal Party was a are, in effect, the objectives of New formal political career, therefore, shadow of its former self – scarred Liberalism. He states, ‘For the rest, Buchan was not a conventional by the Asquith–Lloyd George split I was critical of the details of Mr Conservative, espousing many and struggling for credibility as the Asquith’s policy, but approved its of the central planks of pre-war third party ground between the purpose – old age pensions, health Liberalism including free trade, class-based millstones of Labour and unemployment insurance, and land reform and reform of the and the Conservatives. most of the famous 1910 Budget. House of Lords. Andrew Lownie, in his biogra- In the quarrel with the House of The politics of the early twen- phy of John Buchan, speculates that Lords, I was on the Government’s tieth century is even woven into part of the explanation for his Tory side.’ But, of course, Buchan disa- Buchan’s comic novels. Castle Party politics lies in a romantic greed profoundly with them over Gay, for instance, which features Poster for the rebellion against the Liberal Party Ulster.9 as its main protagonists Dickson film of Buchan’s as the established political party of Buchan himself had romantic McCunn and a group of Glasgow Thirty-Nine Steps, Scotland while Buchan was grow- notions of a titanic struggle with youths, the Gorbals Diehards, made by Alfred ing up, but he also rightly high- Raymond Asquith for election is set against the background of Hitchcock in 1935 lights Buchan’s views on Ulster

8 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 9 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction and the Empire as having a crucial Throughout Edinburgh, but spoke firmly in sup- which shines through in his nov- impact.17 Parry, in his essay ‘Reflec- port of the 1707 Act of Union. In els. However he struggled to find tions on the Thought of John the majority that respect he was an enlightened political leaders that he admired. Buchan’, agrees that Buchan was Unionist and therefore less favour- Initially Buchan thought highly of reacting against parochial Scottish of his adult able towards Scottish self-govern- both Roseberry and Balfour: both sentimentalism.18 Such an outlook ment than most Liberal MPs. of these men, he thought, had a real on the world was not only epito- life, Buchan Following the success of The sympathy for the common man, mised in Craw, the newspaper edi- Thirty Nine Steps, Buchan wrote sev- an attractive philosophy and a love tor and central character of Castle drew on his eral more novels set during the First of nature. As Roseberry’s failings Gay, but also parodied in his 1910 World War and immediately after- became more apparent, Buchan re- short story, ‘A Lucid Interval’. In experience wards. Liberals feature unfavour- categorised him as a Calvinist stoic, this latter example, the politics of of Scottish ably in several of these, confirming too aware of the essential transience a number of Liberal Cabinet min- a general hardening of his views of life to become fully involved in isters are dramatically changed, Liberals and against the party as the political politics. Although Buchan admired to general amusement, following temperature rose under the Asquith Lloyd George as a war leader, he consumption of a spiked curry. therefore government both before and after attacked him as someone who Buchan satirises that Scottish Lib- the outbreak of war. In Mr Standfast, stoked class hatred before the war eral sentimentality in the charac- associated for example, Hannay goes under- and preached harshness and venge- ter of Cargill, the Liberal Home cover to find a German spy hiding ance after it, leading to the 1918– Secretary, describing him before Liberalism in a pro-peace group in an Eng- 1922 parliament being unfitted for he eats the curry with the words, lish village. In this novel, the spy is post-war reconstruction. In his his- ‘There was no appeal too base for in both his Moxton Ivery, a London publisher tory of the reign of George V, The him, and none too august: by some with impeccable credentials. Han- King’s Grace, Buchan paid a double- subtle alchemy he blended the arts novels and nay’s American associate, Blenki- edged compliment to Lloyd George of the prophet and the fishwife.’19 ron, describes him: ‘He was Liberal by contrasting him with the older Throughout the majority of his his public candidate for a London constitu- liberalism that he, Buchan, had adult life, Buchan drew on his ency and he has decorated the board reacted against when he was grow- experience of Scottish Liberals and discourse of every institution formed for the ing up. Lloyd George had: therefore associated Liberalism in amelioration of mankind.’ Ivery’s both his novels and his public dis- with those use of a Liberal persona to provide … unsurpassed demagogic tal- course with those he regarded as he regarded camouflage for his activities as a ents, and that rarer gift, a sense rootless emotional intellectuals and German spy in wartime England fits of political atmosphere. He secularised Nonconformists. Char- as rootless into Buchan’s increasingly negative might err in his ultimate judge- acters such as Craw and Cargill view of Liberals. By contrast, how- ments, but rarely in his immedi- who fit that mould appear in many emotional ever, when the novel’s action moves ate intuitions … he was always of his novels. Further, Buchan up to Glasgow, Hannay encounters human, and had none of the reacted very strongly against what intellectuals Andrew Amos, an old Borders radi- dogmatic rigidity, the lean spir- he saw as a change in political tone cal and trade union official. Amos itual pride, of the elder Liberal- on the part of the 1905–1915 Liberal and secular- describes his outlook thus: ism … Now [in the First World government away from the consen- War], he had found his proper sual unifying politics of Harting- ised Noncon- I’m for individual liberty and trade, and was emerging as one ton and Rosebery and towards a equal rights and chances for all of the most formidable figures sectional, class-warfare demagogu- formists. men. I’ll no more bow down in the world … He was a born ery exemplified by Lloyd George. before a Dagon of a Government coalitionist, sitting always loose In his 1909 article ‘The Intellec- official than before the Baal of to parties, a born War Minis- tual Bankruptcy of Liberalism’, a feckless Tweedside laird. I’ve ter, since strife was his element, published in Blackwood’s Magazine, to keep my views to mysel’, for and a born leader of a democ- Buchan coruscated the Liberal gov- thae young lads are all drucken- racy, indeed both in its strengths ernment for using its parliamentary daft with their wee books about and weaknesses, he was more majority to pass legislation that Cawpital and Collectivism and than a representative – he was a appealed to the interests of a variety a wheen long senseless words I personification.22 of different groups, while making wouldna fyle my tongue with. no effort to integrate the country’s Them and their socialism! Like many of his contemporary energy and aspirations into a pro- There’s more gumption in a page commentators, Buchan found gressive national and popular con- of John Stuart Mill than in all Lloyd George hard to compre- sensus.20 Likewise, Buchan thought that foreign trash. hend and characterise. After the the Liberal government’s response First World War, Buchan argued on Ireland was weak – neither fol- Amos is an appealing character in that the Liberals had no princi- lowing the constitutional logic the book and shows Buchan taking ples other than outdated ones. of home rule all round, which he one of the many rural working- The decline of the Liberal Party claimed he would have supported, class Scottish Liberals that he would after the war meant that Buchan nor simply imposing the law. have encountered in his childhood was here expressing a commonly Later, once he was himself an MP, and making him into a positive fig- held view. In a speech in October Buchan supported limited devo- ure in this novel.21 1928, he described Lloyd George’s lution to Scotland, including the Buchan had a romantic concep- speeches as ‘trying to find little establishment of a Scottish Office in tion of the nation and its leadership words to cover vacant spaces’ in

10 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction the Liberal Party’s approach and Steel-Maitland. Following his by- behind We Can Conquer Unem- policy.23 election victory, Buchan made his ployment, made nineteen net gains Exhausted by the war, dur- maiden speech in July on the subject and increased their representation ing which he had worked as both of the government’s plans to reform to fifty-nine MPs. For Buchan, a journalist and a propagandist, as the House of Lords, primarily by however, the election had proved well as writing some of his best- returning powers lost in the 1911 exhausting (he frequently suffered known novels, Buchan had initially Parliament Act. In accordance with from ill health) and he withdrew no inclination to stand for parlia- his rather maverick views, Buchan from public and professional life for ment. In his memoirs he states that: attacked both his own govern- the remainder of the year. ment’s plans and the Labour criti- Unemployment remained the The Armistice found me at the cism of them, to some approbation: leading political issue with which end of my tether and I straighta- ‘… there was so much applause MacDonald’s minority Labour way collapsed into bed. I was not that it was some minutes before government had to grapple. fit to stand for Parliament at the Lloyd George [who spoke imme- Buchan made a number of contri- ensuing election, nor did I want diately afterwards] could begin.’28 butions from the backbenches to to, for the pre-war party labels One parliamentary commentator this debate, including advocating seemed to me meaningless, so I described it as ‘not only the best a scheme for Empire resettlement withdrew my candidature and maiden speech I had ever heard, in Canada and criticising Labour’s induced my supporters to vote but that it was the best speech I had general inability to tackle the mat- for my previous opponent.24 heard in this Parliament.’29 Buchan ter. The Nation, a Liberal newspa- himself described it in his memoirs per, commented, ‘Each of them Although Maclean did not receive as ‘against the Government and my [Boothby and Buchan] would have the Coupon issued by Lloyd George own party, and that gave me a fillip. spoken with more appropriate- and Bonar Law, he had a straight Mr. Lloyd George, who followed ness from the Liberal benches, and fight with Labour, so the fact that he me, did me the honour to repeat my each, in attacking the record of this had Buchan’s support is not surpris- arguments in his own words …’30 Government, was attacking by ing. Buchan himself again turned Like Sir Robert Goodeve, the implication with greater force the down opportunities to stand in Tory MP in Buchan’s most politi- far more prolonged failure of their Peebles and Southern Midlothian cal novel, The Gap in the Curtain, own.’33 By late 1930, Buchan had in 1920 and then in 1922 in Central Buchan’s maiden speech was prob- begun to argue that the country Glasgow in succession to Bonar ably his most impressive achieve- needed a National Government to Law. However, following the sud- ment in parliamentary politics. deal with the matter. In parliament den death of one of the Unionist At Westminster he gravitated he said, ‘The advantage of such a incumbents, he did stand in a 1927 naturally towards those Tory MPs Government would be twofold. It by-election for the Combined Scot- such as Macmillan, Stanley, Elliot Like Sir Rob- would pool two things – brains and tish Universities seat.25 With no and Boothby who advocated the unpopularity.’34 This echoes a com- political work other than an elec- need for more state intervention ert Goodeve, ment by Labour politician Mayot tion address required and with in industry, further social reform to narrator and Tory MP Leithen the electors all voting by post this and the importance of the League the Tory MP in The Gap in the Curtain. The lat- seemed an ideal constituency. One of Nations and the Locarno Pact in ter asks the former what the differ- of the other incumbents was Dugald preventing another European war. in Buchan’s ence is between a coalition and a Cowan, a Liberal MP.26 Buchan He combined these views with a National Government: ‘ “A Coali- commented in his memoirs, looking focus on Scottish issues, includ- most politi- tion” he [Mayot] said gravely, “only back on his parliamentary career, ing opposition to local government shares the loot, but a National Gov- ‘I was elected as a Conservative, reform in that country. During the cal novel, ernment pools the brains.” ’35 for, believing in party government, third reading of the Local Govern- The Gap in the Curtain, published I disliked the name of Independ- ment (Scotland) Bill, Buchan said The Gap in in 1932, portrays British parlia- ent. But I held a university member ‘I am a Tory and so have not the mentary politics in the late 1920s should sit a little loose to parties, Whig distrust of State action. I am the Curtain, and is the Buchan novel in which and I was independent in fact, if not ready to admit that many activi- the Liberal Party features both in name.’27 Whilst this independence ties are better in the hands of the Buchan’s most strongly and most favour- of mind fitted with what, for a Tory, community than in the hands of ably. The title refers to a glimpse were iconoclastic views expressed individuals.’31 maiden of The Times a year ahead given to before the First World War, it was Buchan had an easy victory in five men whose stories are narrated less in tune with his friends’ sub- the May 1929 general election, top- speech was by Leithen. One sees an industrial sequent efforts to obtain him high ping the poll for the Combined probably his merger; two, including Goodeve office in the National Government Scottish Universities seat (Dugald referred to above, see their obituar- after 1931. Cowan, the Liberal, and George most impres- ies; a fourth sees his departure on The 1924 parliament was domi- Berry, Buchan’s fellow Tory, were an exploratory trip to Yucatan; and nated by the Conservatives, with also re-elected),32 however Labour sive achieve- the last, a former Tory free trader the Liberals reduced to forty seats won the most seats overall in that but now Labour Under-Secretary, following a catastrophic collapse election despite having polled ment in David Mayot, that there is a new at the general election. Many of fewer votes than the Conservatives. Prime Minister in the form of the the Tory Cabinet members were The Liberals, reinvigorated under parliamen- Liberal Party leader, Waldemar. old friends of Buchan such as Leo the leadership of Lloyd George and Leithen comments that Walde- Amery, F. E. Smith and Sir Arthur with added impetus from the work tary politics. mar was the ‘leader of the small,

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 11 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction compact and highly efficient Lib- some difficulty in accustoming Labour – which was not welcomed eral group. Within a year’s time, themselves to the language. You by many Conservatives. It is there- therefore, a remarkable adjustment see, the Liberals, having been fore not surprising that Baldwin of the parties would take place, long in the wilderness, were pre- was lobbied by Buchan’s friend Vio- and the leader of what was by far pared to follow any Moses who let Markham (who had contested the smallest party would be called would lead them across Jordan. Mansfield as an independent Liberal upon to form a Government.’ May- in 1918), through Tom Jones, the ot’s story depicts his attempt to Both Tories and Labour were Cabinet Deputy Secretary, to make make personal political capital out caught flat-footed – the election Buchan president of the Board of of that knowledge by working out resulted in 251 Labour, 112 Liber- Education. Jones records in his A how such a transformation could als, 290 Tories and 12 Independ- Diary with Letters 1931–1950 that he possibly occur. ents – and only Waldemar could be showed Markham’s letter to Bald- As that story develops, Buchan Prime Minister. As Buchan speak- win. Baldwin’s response to Jones deals with the parties, factions and ing as Leithen says, if only Mayot was apparently that ‘Buchan would characters of the period. In many had trimmed without any fore- be no use in the Cabinet’ and that respects they are caricatures: Wal- knowledge, then, as a competent the post had to go one of the Samu- demar, for instance, combines ele- centrist Labour leader of the larger elite Liberals. Jones goes on to refer ments of how a Tory might see party in the coalition, he would Waldemar, to his discussion with Baldwin Gladstone – ‘Waldemar was a relic have been Prime Minister instead about the merits and demerits of of Victorian Liberalism, a fanati- of Waldemar. for instance, Lord Lothian36 for the role and the cal free trader, an individualist of In the real world there were conclusion that Lothian’s Christian the old rock …’ – with Campbell- some similarities but these only combines Scientist views would make him Bannerman’s fondness for conti- went so far. By summer 1931, Brit- unacceptable to Roman Catholics. nental spas and Sir Edward Grey’s ain’s economic crisis had deterio- elements of Despite Jones’s view that ‘… of the love of bird watching. Nonethe- rated further and, in August, Sir men available among the Liber- less they are well drawn. The nar- George May’s report on national how a Tory als he [Lothian] is clearly the only rative develops in such a way that expenditure was published advo- possible person for promotion’,37 it Mayot’s hope of a Liberal–Labour cating huge reductions in govern- might see was Sir Donald Maclean – who had right coalition becomes plausible as ment expenditure. MacDonald’s been Buchan’s putative opponent in the country’s economic conditions Labour government collapsed and Gladstone – Peebles and Selkirk before the First worsen and unemployment soars, the National Government was World War – who became the new causing Labour’s left and the Tory formed. Despite Liberal opposi- ‘Waldemar president. According to the diary right to be marginalised. Mayot tion to another election, the new of military journalist Basil Liddell himself moves to the right, ruling government went to the polls in was a relic Hart, MacDonald had also sug- himself out of the Labour leader- October 1931 and won a landslide of Victorian gested to Buchan that he might be ship, in order to stay politically victory with 556 seats to 46 for the made Secretary of State for Scot- close to Waldemar. An election is opposition Labour Party. Further- Liberalism, land, but Buchan had declined. called following the retirement of more, far from being a ‘compact Here, again, the post went to a the Labour Prime Minister, Trant. and highly efficient … group’, by a fanatical Samuelite Liberal, Sir Archibald He is replaced as Labour leader the summer of 1931 the Liberals Sinclair, who subsequently became by Flotter, a compromise candi- were split three ways and largely free trader, Liberal Party leader between 1935 date between Labour’s left, right ineffectual in the Commons. and 1945.38 and centre factions with nothing Although the National Govern- an individu- Following the government’s in particular to recommend him. ment’s majority, after the October decision at Ottawa to make perma- However, in the course of the elec- 1931 election, rested overwhelm- alist of the nent a system of Empire trade tar- tion campaign Waldemar discov- ingly on the 472 Conservative MPs, iffs, thereby abandoning Britain’s ers the horrors of unemployment there were also 33 Liberals follow- old rock traditional commitment to free for himself – ‘went mad, or had a ing Sir Herbert Samuel, generally trade, Samuel, Sinclair and the Lib- call, or saw a vision like St Paul on committed to free trade, 35 more …’ – with eral ministers who followed them the road to Damascus. You can take who followed Sir John Simon, resigned in September 1932. Again, whichever explanation you choose’ more generally pragmatically pro- Campbell- Baldwin and MacDonald took the – and whilst remaining a free trader government whatever its policies, view that party balance within proposes a huge loan for emergency and 13 National Labour who con- Bannerman’s the National Government meant public work, which Mayot cannot tinued to support MacDonald. The that a Liberal, Sir Godfrey Col- credibly support as a result of his third Liberal faction consisted of fondness for lins,39 a follower of the other Lib- previous political manoeuvring. Lloyd George and three other MPs continen- eral group led by Sir John Simon, Waldemar’s subsequent whirlwind who were members of his family, should be appointed Secretary of oratorical tour makes an enormous who sat in opposition along with tal spas and State for Scotland. Buchan, like impact, winning support from the Labour Party. many Tories, found this adherence many on the Labour left. Buchan Naturally, the National Gov- Sir Edward to the demands of party balance writes: ernment reflected its component galling. Buchan wrote to Markham parts in the make-up of its Cabi- Grey’s love as follows: It was an awful position for eve- net, although there was a greater rybody else. His own party, weighting towards the three minor- of bird What is the good of kow-towing with a few exceptions, accepted ity parties – the Samuelite Liberals, to the Simonites, who are indis- him docilely, though they had the Simonite Liberals and National watching. tinguishable from the ordinary

12 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

Tories, except that they are more Despite his in the Labour and Tory leaders, it. He had met Mackenzie King at reactionary and who would Trant and Geraldine, portrayed in Chatsworth in the autumn of 1923 not exist for a moment in Par- previous The Gap in the Curtain. at a country-house party organ- liament except by our permis- Despite not obtaining a gov- ised by the Devonshires. Violet sion? I gather that the excessive approba- ernment post, Buchan served on Markham subsequently wrote to attention paid to them was not a number of bodies including the Susan Buchan, ‘You and John were Ramsay’s doing, but SB [Stanley tion, King BBC General Advisory Council out and away the nicest people he Baldwin]’s, who is apt to make and the School Age Council that had met in England’,46 and so before a fetish of magnanimity. But could not lobbied to raise the school-leaving the appointment, the Canadian my real objection is to their sec- resist com- age to fifteen. He continued, how- held Buchan in very high esteem, ond rate ability. If the National ever, to hope he could become a although that did not wholly survive Government means anything, it menting on Cabinet minister and by 1934 had his arrival at Rideau Hall in Ottawa. should be a pooling of the best become part of the circle of the Buchan’s parliamentary col- talents … Scotland is going to be Buchan that political hostess, the Marchioness leagues were sorry to see him go. a very difficult post in the near of Londonderry. Her lobbying of Attlee, Labour leader since Octo- future, and Godfrey Collins, ‘It confirms Baldwin and MacDonald however ber 1935, wrote, ‘We shall miss the Scottish Secretary, is simply proved no more successful than you very much in the House for preposterous.’40 the view that Markham’s efforts on Buchan’s although you spoke seldom, your behalf. Andrew Lownie discusses influence was pervading and you Here again, in Buchan’s view, the where a man in his biography why Buchan will leave a gap which will not be real National Government of the never made it to the Cabinet. He easy to fill in the scanty ranks of 1931–1935 parliament had not met is a Tory, Tory dismisses age as a factor, although those who are to large extent above the standards set out in his fiction. this was the explanation offered the battle’. 47 Despite some initial Although never in office, and instincts by Lothian: Neville Chamberlain, qualms, Buchan eventually agreed despite his grumblings, Buchan for example, was first elected at a to take a peerage to provide him did assist Baldwin and MacDon- are apt to similar age and promoted to Min- with the requisite dignity to act as ald with their speeches, acted as a ister of Health within five years. Governor General. In July he took confidant and provided advice on be stronger Likewise, Lownie points out that his seat in the House of Lords as proposed policies and other politi- Churchill continued to write as a Lord Tweedsmuir of Elsfield before cal personalities. Both Baldwin and than almost journalist and author without hin- arriving in Quebec at the begin- MacDonald were political leaders dering his career. Furthermore, ning of November 1935. The Gov- that Buchan admired. Baldwin was anything as referred to above, Buchan was ernor General’s role was to perform seen as a progressive Conservative – else, no trusted by both Baldwin and Mac- the function of the constitutional straightforwardly patriotic. He was Donald as a discreet adviser, rebut- monarch within the Canadian con- a believer in social, industrial and matter how ting some of the other explanations text, which proved challenging international conciliation, some- offered for his failure to become a for Buchan. During a dispute with thing of a scholar-statesman, and democratic minister. Lownie concludes that Mackenzie King over the award- willing to believe the best in people Buchan’s ill health and a tempera- ing of honours to Canadian civil – all traits that appealed to Buchan. in utterance ment ill suited to the necessary servants, Buchan used the phrase ‘I MacDonald, he felt, possessed compromises of peacetime govern- would advise you to consider’. King both heart and nerves, together and appear- ment were more significant fac- noted in his diary that providing with a willingness to seek Buchan’s tors.42 In addition, although he was advice was not the role of the Gov- advice; he cited the fact that Mac- ance one may an assiduous attender at Westmin- ernor General. Despite his previ- Donald had fought Seaham for ster, his speeches were too polished, ous approbation, King could not National Labour in 1931, when he be.’ too balanced and too intellec- resist commenting on Buchan that knew the electoral battle would be tual to win the approbation of his ‘It confirms the view that where very tough. However this appro- MP colleagues. As Lownie says, a man is a Tory, Tory instincts are bation did not last long. MacDon- Buchan’s qualities were not those of apt to be stronger than almost any- ald was too ready to despise those a successful politician: he was too thing else, no matter how demo- politicians who did not share his thoughtful, too courteous and too cratic in utterance and appearance background (nearly all in practice), sensitive.43 one may be.’48 And to Buchan, Mac- and as his fitness to take difficult However, Buchan had not been kenzie King had many of those decisions deteriorated, he became overlooked for all governmental characteristics that had turned him reliant on morning walks round St roles and it was his appointment to against Liberalism in Scotland at James’s Park with Buchan to steady Canada that brought him into con- the beginning of his career: his those nerves, whilst obtaining tact with Mackenzie King,44 argu- unctuousness, his sentimentality, updates about political gossip and ably the most successful Liberal his spiritualism and his devotion to developments. Nevertheless, on politician in the twentieth century. his mother. Significantly, King had MacDonald’s death in 1937, Buchan In early 1934, the Governor Gen- placed in Laurier House (his then wrote, ‘I think he was one of the eral of Canada, Lord Bessborough, residence as Prime Minister) an bravest men I have ever known’.41 decided not to continue. Macken- oil painting of his mother reading So, although the National Gov- zie King, the Liberal Prime Minis- Morley’s Life of Gladstone, with the ernment did not meet the expecta- ter of Canada, then lobbied Clive page open at the chapter heading tions he had of it, Buchan retained Wigram, George V’s secretary, for ‘The Prime Minister’. considerable faith in its leaders, and Buchan’s appointment.45 By March As well as the difficulty of man- their characteristics shone through 1935 Buchan had decided to take aging the strains and tensions of his

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 13 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction relationship with Mackenzie King, Buchan com- into them. The origins of Buchan’s Mr Gladstone, to trouble the waters Buchan’s appointment as Governor political views came from the Scot- even at the expense of our peace of General almost brought to an end ments in his tish political culture of the late nine- mind. I would have been happier if his active involvement in politics. teenth century. His Unionism was I could have found a leader, whose However Buchan was visiting Brit- memoirs, ‘I as much a reaction against a particu- creed I fully shared and whom I ain at the time of the Munich Crisis lar form of Gladstonian Liberalism could devoutly follow.’54 Never- in September 1938 and he engaged longed for dominant in much of lowland-Scots theless his novels do provide an in long discussions with Chamber- political and religious life at that insight into the Liberal types of the lain (Prime Minister since 1937), someone of time as it was a positive espousal of early twentieth century as seen by a Halifax and the other key National any form of ideological Conserva- humane, insightful outsider, him- Government ministers. Like most prophetic tism. It reflected his ‘generous lik- self brought up in a strongly Liberal establishment politicians he sup- strain, some- ing of men and things as they are, rural society whilst being intimate ported Chamberlain’s course of and a thorough impatience with the with the high politics of Westmin- action, although Buchan thought one like Mr doctrinaires who wanted to alter ster and Whitehall. This makes his that Chamberlain’s presenting it as them because they did not comply novels and short stories a rewarding a triumph on his return to Britain Gladstone, with some arbitrary pattern.’53 Parry read for the historian of the early was a mistake. goes on to argue that Buchan felt twentieth century, even if the real- Although Buchan had portrayed to trouble that the pandering to special inter- ity of the National Government’s Liberals and the Liberal Party with ests exemplified in the Newcastle power-broking and balancing of a mixture of affection and ridicule the waters Programme, and the splintering the interests of the different fac- in his novels and had never shown of the broad Liberal coalition as a tions was a long way away from the any particular sympathy for the even at the result of the departure of the Whigs romance of politics as portrayed in party in his public life, towards and the followers of Joseph Cham- The Gap in the Curtain and his many the end of his life, this changed. expense of berlain, had ended the Liberal Par- other novels. Buchan revisited his political ty’s ability to appeal to the whole beliefs and reread Morley’s Life of our peace country. By contrast the Union- Malcolm Baines read history at Selwyn Gladstone (although there is no evi- ists of the late nineteenth century College, Cambridge, before completing a dence that this was at Mackenzie of mind. I seemed more above class conflict D.Phil. thesis entitled ‘The Survival of King’s suggestion). Thereafter, in and closer to the religious values the British Liberal Party, 1932–1959’ at January 1940, he wrote to his old would have that Buchan valued. However, forty Exeter College, Oxford. He now lives Liberal friends Gilbert Murray49 years later the appeal of Conserva- and works in London as the tax manager and H. A. L. Fisher50 that he was been hap- tism had itself ebbed following the of a French multinational group. He is a becoming a Gladstonian Liberal. pier if I could resignation of Baldwin as Prime member of the John Buchan Society. He quoted with approval to Mur- Minister in 1937, whilst, paradoxi- ray that Gladstone had inspired have found cally, as Liberalism declined in pop- 1 Richard Haldane (1856–1928). MP men to fight materialism, compla- ular appeal Buchan became more for Haddingtonshire 1885–1911. Sec- cency and authoritarianism, values a leader, sympathetic to it. Buchan felt that retary of State for War 1905–1912. exemplified by Nazism. Having his own political failure had shown Viscount Haldane 1911–1928. Lord rejected what he had previously whose that the Tory hierarchy was just as Chancellor 1912–1915 and 1924. seen as meaningless Liberal plati- stuck in the past – and that Bald- Buchan discusses his friendship with tudes, Buchan admitted in those creed I fully win’s high-minded rhetoric was no him in his memoirs, Memory Hold- letters that the war and the Nazi more than that. the-Door (London, 1940), pp. 128–133. threat had given substance to ‘just shared and Despite Parry’s comments, 2 John Buchan, The Thirty-Nine Steps those platitudes about which the Buchan’s politics were those of an (first published 1915), p. 41 of ‘Four world must be again convinced’.51 whom I could enlightened Unionist throughout Tales’ edition published 1939. A month later he died following a his political career. Although his 3 Henry Pelling, Social Geography of stroke and Buchan’s ashes were sub- devoutly views often overlapped with Lib- British Elections 1885–1910 (London, sequently returned to the UK and eral ones, to the extent that many 1967), p. 397. buried at Elsfield, his country home follow.’ important Liberals could see him 4 Buchan, The Thirty-Nine Steps. in Oxfordshire. being a leading light in either of 5 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 374, Parry concludes in his essay that the two main parties before the argues that this was in fact quite Buchan was a type of Victorian Lib- First World War, his Toryism was common among Church of Scotland eral. He cites the weight Buchan forged in the reaction against Glad- clergy of the period. placed on the importance of good, stone’s enthusiasm for Irish home 6 J. P. Parry, ‘From the Thirty-Nine disinterested political leadership to rule. Buchan, it is fair to say, never Articles to the Thirty-Nine Steps: provide moral stewardship and a warmed to the character of twen- Reflections on the thought of John unifying figure for the nation as a tieth-century politics – the poli- Buchan’, in Michael Bentley (ed.), whole.52 This, though, was seen by tics of party machines and interest Public and Private Doctrine: Essays Buchan as coming from the Con- groups. His romantic view of in British History Presented to Mau- servative rather than the Liberal causes, the importance of history rice Cowling (Cambridge University Party, particularly after Gladstone’s and leadership was always going to Press, 1993). Buchan, Memory, p. 248. decision to support the cause of Irish be rebuffed by what he perceived as 7 Norman Grosvenor (1845–1898). Lib- home rule in 1886. Parry’s com- the mediocrity of most inter-war eral MP for Chester 1869 –1874. ments, however, reflect his own politicians. Buchan comments in 8 Janet Adam Smith, John Buchan: A perspective on Victorian Liberalism his memoirs, ‘I longed for someone biography (Oxford Paperbacks, 1985), and too much should not be read of prophetic strain, someone like p. 180.

14 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

9 Buchan, Memory, p.147 (1910). 35 John Buchan, The Gap in the 43 Ibid., p. 227. 10 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 180. 20 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. Curtain (1932). 44 Mackenzie King, Prime Minis- 11 Pelling, Social Geography, pp. 227. 36 Lord Lothian (formerly Philip ter of Canada 1921–1926, 1926– 396–397. 21 John Buchan, Mr Standfast (1919). Kerr) (1882–1940). Private Secre- 1930, 1935–1948. 12 Donald Maclean (1864–1932). 22 John Buchan, The King’s Grace tary to Lloyd George 1916–1921. 45 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 242. MP for Bath 1906–1910, Peebles (1935), pp. 186–187. Chancellor of the Duchy of 46 Adam Smith, John Buchan, pp. and Selkirk 1910–1918, Peebles 23 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, Lancaster 1932–1932. Under- 246–247. and South Midlothian 1918–1922 p. 228; reported in The Times, 30 Secretary of State for India 1932. 47 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 245. and North Cornwall 1929–1932. Oct. 1928. Ambassador to the United States 48 Ibid,. pp. 252–253. Leader of the Opposition 1918– 24 Buchan, Memory, pp. 179–180. 1939–1940. 49 Gilbert Murray (1866–1957). 1920. President of the Board of 25 The result was: Buchan 16,963; 37 Thomas Jones, A Diary with Let- Classical scholar and Liberal. Education 1931–1932. Labour 2,378. ters 1931–1950 (1954), pp. 42–44. Contested Oxford University 13 Pelling, Social Geography, pp. 26 Dugald Cowan (1865–1933). 38 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 218. Sir between 1919 and 1929 as a Lib- 396–397. Headmaster North Kelvinside Archibald Sinclair (1890–1970). eral candidate. 14 Andrew Lownie, John Buchan: Higher Grade School, 1896– MP for Caithness and Suther- 50 Herbert Fisher (1865–1940). The Presbyterian Cavalier (Con- 1919. Coalition Liberal and then land 1922–1945. Secretary of Liberal MP for Sheffield Hallam stable, 1995), p. 106. Liberal MP for Combined Scot- State for Scotland 1931–1932. 1916–1918. Liberal MP for Com- 15 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 181. tish Universities 1918–1933. Leader of Liberal Party 1935– bined English Universities 1918– 16 John Buchan, Castle Gay (1930). 27 Buchan, Memory, p. 222. 1945. Secretary of State for Air 1926. President of the Board of 17 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 106. 28 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 208. 1940–1945. Education 1916–1922. Only in the 1900 general election 29 Ibid., p. 209. 39 Sir Godfrey Collins (1875–1936). 51 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. did the Liberals not win a major- 30 Buchan, Memory, p. 225. MP for Greenock 1910–1936. 234. ity of Scottish constituencies in 31 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 211. Secretary of State for Scotland 52 Ibid., p. 235. the elections between 1885 and 32 The result was: Buchan 9,959; 1932–1936. 53 Gilbert Murray, Preface to Lady December 1910. other Tory 9,262; Cowan 6,698; 40 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 221. Tweedsmuir (ed.), The Clearing 18 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. Labour 2,867. 41 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 329. House: A John Buchan Anthology 226. 33 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 213. 42 Lownie, John Buchan, pp. (London, 1946) p. viii. 19 John Buchan, A Lucid Interval 34 Ibid., pp. 214–215. 224–225. 54 Buchan, Memory, pp. 227–228.

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