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The China Factor in Taiwan's Media China Perspectives 2017/3 | 2017 Varia The China Factor in Taiwan’s Media Outsourcing Chinese Censorship Abroad Huang Jaw-Nian Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/7388 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 September 2017 Number of pages: 27-36 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Huang Jaw-Nian, « The China Factor in Taiwan’s Media », China Perspectives [Online], 2017/3 | 2017, Online since 01 September 2018, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/7388 © All rights reserved Articles China perspectives The China Factor in Taiwan’s Media Outsourcing Chinese Censorship Abroad HUANG JAW-NIAN ABSTRACT: To investigate how the Chinese government extends its influence to manipulate extra-jurisdictional media, this case study investi- gates Taiwan’s experience. It suggests that as Taiwanese media companies become embedded in the Chinese capital, advertising, and circulation markets, the Chinese authorities increase their ability to co-opt them with various economic incentives and threats, leading to self-censorship and biased news in favour of China. Using process tracing as the principal method, and archives, interviews, and secondary literature as princi- pal data sources, the study supports the transferability of the “commercialisation of censorship” beyond China. Liberal states around China must design institutions protecting the media from inappropriate intervention by both domestic and foreign political and economic forces. KEYWORDS: China Factor, Commercialisation of Censorship, Media, Self-censorship, Taiwan. Introduction ternational institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, pro- viding economic aid without human rights obligations, establishing Confu- ccompanying the trend of China’s economic rise, concern has been cius Institutes globally, and expanding Chinese official media and other growing in the international community about the potential impact pro-Beijing media abroad (Kurlantzick and Link 2009; Kurlantzick 2013; Pills- Aof China’s authoritarian regime on human rights and democracy in bury 2015; Nathan 2015). These studies enhance understanding of the gen- neighbouring societies and even globally (Gat 2007; Diamond 2009; eral dynamics of the China model’s transnational diffusion. However, in Kurlantzick and Link 2009; Ambrosio 2010; Chang Mau-Kuei 2011; Wu 2012; regarding the media as only one of Beijing’s comprehensive instruments to Pillsbury 2015; Nathan 2015). Its impact on the media’s liberal practices is exercise influence overseas, they identify few specific mechanisms for one of the issues attracting the most attention (Sciutto 1996; Link 2002; China’s influence over media abroad. Ma 2007; Cook 2013; Hsu 2014; Kawakami 2015). In this regard, the Tai- Other studies examine how the Chinese government has controlled the wanese experience warrants attention. After two decades of improvement media within its own sovereign territory. In China, the Chinese Communist in the post-democratisation era, Taiwan’s media freedom seems to have Party (CCP) enforces administrative censorship on the media with political been eroding since the late 2000s, when Taiwan began engaging in closer and legal penalties. It has also mastered the media through the “commer- economic cooperation with China. According to Freedom House and Re- cialisation of censorship,” in which censorship is “outsourced” to private porters Without Borders, Taiwan’s press freedom shows a deteriorating trend media companies by threatening them with economic repercussions. Both from 2008 to the present (see Figures 1 and 2). (1) In particular, Freedom political and economic threats have generated “fear-induced self-censor- House fears the “potential direct or indirect influence of the Chinese gov- ship” in China (Link 2002; Kurlantzick and Link 2009). A similar phenomenon ernment on free expression in Taiwan” when the “commercial ties between has occurred in Hong Kong. Without the legal right to directly intervene in Taiwan and mainland China deepened in 2010 with the signing of the Eco- Hong Kong’s media, the Chinese authorities have still achieved a similar nomic Cooperation Framework Agreement.” (2) Amnesty International also pattern of self-censorship in Hong Kong through physical assaults, cyber- notes that the “concentration of ownership of media outlets raised concerns attacks, threatening lost advertising, and transferring media ownership to about freedom of expression and editorial independence” in Taiwan. (3) These pro-Beijing figures (Sciutto 1996; Ma 2007; Cook 2013). These studies im- phenomena motivated this paper’s main inquiry: Through what mechanisms prove understanding of the mechanisms through which the CCP manipu- does China extend its authoritarian influence into the extra-jurisdictional 1. Freedom House, “Detailed Data and Sub-Scores 1980-2016,” 2016, https://freedomhouse.org/re- media? port-types/freedom-press (accessed on 7 March 2017); Reporters Without Borders, “World Press Existing literature rarely suggests a theoretical framework systematising Freedom Index 2016,” 2016, https://rsf.org/en/ranking (accessed on 7 March 2017). the mechanisms by which the Chinese government exerts its influence on 2. Freedom House, “Taiwan: Freedom of the Press 2010,” 2010, http://www.freedomhouse.org/re- port/freedom-press/2010/taiwan (accessed on 7 March 2017); Freedom House, “Taiwan: Freedom other countries’ media. Some studies explore how China encouraged other of the Press 2011,” 2011, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2011/taiwan (ac- countries, especially authoritarian and developing states, to adopt the so- cessed on 7 March 2017). 3. Amnesty International, “Amnesty International Report 2013: The State of the World’s Human called “China model” of authoritarian capitalism. Beijing’s general tactics Rights,” 22 May 2013, http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/state-of-the-world-2013 include offering diplomatic support at the United Nations, building new in- (accessed on 7 March 2017). No.2017/3 • china perspectives peer-reviewed article 27 Articles Figure 1 –Taiwan's press freedom scores by Freedom House by the CCP early in the twenty- first century. In this model, censor- 29 ship in China was not only implemented through traditional political and legal penalties but has 27 also been largely “outsourced” to private media companies by threatening them with economic 25 repercussions, such as losing sub- sidies and advertisements. Fearing political and economic punish- Score 23 ment, China’s media tend to exer- cise self-censorship on topics deemed sensitive to the Chinese authorities (Kurlantzick and Link 21 2009). According to Wu Jieh-min, the “China factor” is the process by which the Chinese government ex- 19 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 erts political influence on other countries by absorbing them into Year its sphere of economic influence. Note: The higher the score, the lower the level of press freedom. Source: Freedom House, “Detailed Data and Sub-Scores 1980-2016,” In particular, Beijing generally cre- 2016, https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-press (accessed on 7 March 2017). ates a structure in which the target lates the domestic media. They may also inspire our thinking about how country becomes economically dependent on China, establishes govern- China affects media abroad. However, it is doubtful whether the mecha- ment-business networks with the country, develops a group of local collab- nisms operating within China could apply to Taiwan and other countries de orators there by offering privileges and special interests, and finally employs facto independent of China. these collaborators to achieve Beijing’s intended goals in local society (Wu Further studies investigate how the Chinese government influences the 2016). Taiwanese media. Based on experiences in Taiwan, the approaches Beijing Based on these two models, this paper’s theoretical framework identifies has generally adopted to urge Taiwanese media to exercise self-censorship three steps by which the Chinese government “outsources” its censorship have been identified, including offering them embedded advertisements, to private media companies abroad. These three steps correspond with three buying the copyrights of TV programs from them, encouraging pro-Beijing levels of analysis, comprising the international, sectoral, and corporate lev- businesspeople to purchase media in Taiwan, and pressuring Taiwanese jour- els. Relevant analytical categories and their dynamic relations are discussed nalists and media owners, among others (Cook 2013; Hsu 2014; Kawakami below (see Figure 3). 2015). These studies offer a sufficiently detailed explanation of China’s in- The first step is to create an asymmetric economic structure at the inter- fluence mechanisms on the Taiwanese media. However, they do not provide national level, making the target country economically dependent on China. a theoretical framework potentially transferrable and applicable to other As a rising regional hegemon, China seeks to establish an alternative inter- countries. This is because, from the perspective of the “ladder of abstraction” national order in the region and even globally to compete with the existing (Sartori 1970), the mechanisms identified by these studies remain largely American hegemony. As the “China factor” model suggests, economic in- factual
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