Mukt Shabd Journal ISSN NO : 2347-3150 On the Fringes: The Making of Meo Marginality Kartika Saharan Ph.D. Scholar, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, G.D. Goenka University, Sohna, Haryana, India ABSTRACT India is home to a highly diverse population cut across various regions, religions, ethnicity, languages, cultures and traditions. Historically, such heterogeneous societies have often witnessed contestations and conflicts between and among communities, groups or individuals for their sustainability which in the long run hampered the holistic growth and development of the region. The dominant and powerful groups exert their control and restrict the progress of the subdued individuals, impelling the latter to the fringes or ‘periphery’ of the society. Over time, one group is able to acquire more favours from the state which corresponds to an increase in their power; thereby, dominating others and containing their influence in the region, resulting in their marginalization. People-to-people conflict or ethnic conflict is perhaps rooted in usurping more and more power and property as well as in religion and politics which is deeply entrenched in human societies. The present paper explores from a historical panorama the impact of community viz.-a-viz. development and progress in the Mewat region due to the changing power notion from 13th-18th centuries between the Meos who once dominated this region and the Narukas who eventually marginalized the Meos.1 Before 1351 AD, the Meos were low-caste ordinary peasants always in conflict with the central authority. However, between 1351 AD and1680 AD they were able to upraise themselves to the status of zamindars. But with the downfall of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century, the Meos lost their dominant status as the power of the Narukas increased. This resulted in the marginalization of the Meo community. Keywords: Meos, Mewat, Narukas, marginalization INTRODUCTION The term ‘marginalization’ means exclusion of such people from mainstream society who are either less advantageous or considered to be no more desirable or who no longer serve any useful function in society. This in turn hinders their scope and means of survival. According to Leonard (1984) marginality is “… being outside the mainstream of productive activity and/or social reproductive activity.”2 Marginalization may vary in form or intensity- from a more intense form of genocide and ethnic cleansing such as the German Holocaust to a relatively fundamental economic and social deprivation such as the Dalits in India. This paper is based on archival sources catalogued at the Rajasthan State Archives at Bikaner which has a treasure- trove of many arzdashts, arshatthas, dastur komwar, vakil reports, yaddashtis, etc. These documents delineate the process of negotiations and contestations between the Meos and the Mughal rulers on one hand and between the Meos and the Narukas on the other as they throw light on the agrarian and political conditions pertaining to the parganas of Mewat. Indo-Persian sources such as Baburnama, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Ain-i-Akbari and Tarikh-i-Firozshahi also throw ample light on the changing socio-political equations in this region. 1 The Mewat region is conterminous to the Dundhar region (Jaipur territories). 2 Leonard, P. (1984). Personality and Ideology: Towards a Materialist Understanding of the Individual. London: Macmillan. p.80 Volume IX, Issue IX, SEPTEMBER/2020 Page No : 824 Mukt Shabd Journal ISSN NO : 2347-3150 II. The fall of the Mughal Empire had wide-ranging ramifications on the history of the Indian subcontinent. Ali (1975) and Streausand (1989) states that the fulcrum of the empire was the interconnected networks of revenue, mansab, jagir and currency.3 These systems find their genesis in Akbar’s reign and spread and penetrated throughout the Mughal Empire.4 The Mughals enjoyed allegiance and acknowledgement from among its subjects. This is substantiated by Banarasidas who writes that people of Jaunpur were so attached to Akbar that on hearing about his death they felt orphaned.5 But by the closing years of the 17th century a process of internal decay had already kindled the Mughal Empire which led to political ferment, agrarian disturbances and dwindling commerce. According to Habib (1995), the disintegration of the Mughal Empire proved to be a decisive moment for many umaras (high-born nobles), local zamindars and rural communities.6 Alam (1986) and Richards (1983) conclude that eighteenth century saw the undoing of many imperial nobles and many high-ranking families lost their advantageous position in the society rendering them insignificant. The reign of Jahandar Shah and Farrukhsiyar saw extermination of many nobles.7 Contemporaneously, this period was also marked by an increase in the power and status of a very few imperial nobles, local and/or lower-caste zamindars and military crusaders. Through their maneuvering tactics and timely moves, they were able to carve out the successor states of Awadh, Bengal, Hyderabad and Alwar.8 With the decline in the power of the Mughal Empire, the political power was veering from the imperial court to the rural countryside. Taking advantage of this transition, lower caste zamindars and military crusaders overtook vast territories and became rulers such as Jats, Marathas, Sikh and Narukas. Similarly, Habib (1997) points out that many village headmen too, grew into zamindars.9 Besides this, Kolf (1990) remarks that another factor contributing to the fall of the Mughal Empire, was the ever increasing militancy among various low-ranking castes.10 Thus, undoubtedly by the eighteenth century, the Mughal Empire had developed severe cracks which led to social churning and political realignment at pan-India level in general and in Mewat in particular. In Mewat too, communities experienced changes and re-arrangements in power which had a long lasting impact on their social standing in the reign. 3 Ali, M.A. (1972). Proceedings of the Indian History Congress (PIHC). 33rd Session: Muzaffarpur. pp.175-188. He emphasizes on Akbar’s reign for the evolution of these systems; Streusand, D.E. (1984). The Formation of Mughal Empire. Delhi: OUP. p.14 4 Richards, J.F. (1993). The Mughal Empire (The New Cambridge History of India 1.5). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. XV, 1-2; Ali, M.A. (1997). The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb. Delhi: OUP. p. XXV; and Habib, I. (2001). The Economic History of Medieval India – A Survey. Delhi: Tulika. pp.39-41 5 Lath, M. (Trans.). (1981). Ardhkathanak. Jaipur: Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan. p. 38 6 Habib,I. (1999). The Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556 – 1707 (2nd revd. edn.). Delhi: OUP. p.405; Habib, I. (1997). Essays of Indian History: Towards a Marxist Perspective. Delhi: Tulika. pp. 231-32 7 Alam, M. (1986). The Crises of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and Punjab 1707-1748. Delhi: OUP. pp. 43- 44; Richards, J.F. (1993). The Mughal Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 261 8 Alam, M. (1986). The Crises of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and Punjab 1707-1748. Delhi: OUP. pp.202- 204; Calkins, P. (1970). The Formation of a Regionally Oriented Group in Bengal 1700-40. Journal of Asian Studies (JAS). vol. 29. pp. 799-806; Leonard, K. (1971). The Hyderabad Political System and its Participants. Journal of Asian Studies (JAS). vol. 30. pp. 569-82; Gupta, S.P. (1986). The Agrarian System of Eastern Rajasthan. Delhi: Manohar. pp. 5-17 9 Habib, I. (1997). Essays in Indian History towards a Marxist Perception. Delhi: Tulika. pp. 252 10 Kolf, D.H.A. (1990). Naukar, Rajput and Sepoy: The Ethno History of the Military Labour Market in Hindustan (1450-1850). Delhi: Manohar. pp. 42-48 Volume IX, Issue IX, SEPTEMBER/2020 Page No : 825 Mukt Shabd Journal ISSN NO : 2347-3150 Medieval Chronicles describe Mewat as a region spread around Alwar, which is situated south of Delhi and north of Jaipur. The Mewat region is part of two Mughal subas of Delhi and Agra and five sarkars. It consists of nine modern tehsils of Nuh and Firozpur-Jhirkha (Gurgaon district); Alwar, Kishangarh, Lachhmangarh, Tijara (Alwar district); Deeg, Kaman and Nagar (Bharatpur district). The importance of this region is highlighted by its close proximity to Delhi and Agra, the seats of Mughal imperial power. Any disturbance in the region would endanger the safety of the empire. Further, the region was conducive to the growth of rich cash crops such as cotton which accrued a larger revenue to the empire. Therefore, as the region was both geographically and economically significant, the Delhi Sultans always wanted to bring it under their administration and effective control. III. The Meos settled in the Mewat region. Indo-Persian sources describe them as tribes known for their notorious activities such as looting, plundering and lifting of cattle.11 However, during the Mughal rule they transformed themselves from pastoralist to agriculturalists, thus, yielding enormous power. Since the inception of the Turkish rule, the Meos were in a constant conflict with the state. During the Delhi sultanate period, they were extremely hostile creating a law and order crises. Iltutmish subdued the Mewatis and therefore, during his reign the region was largely peaceful.12 But after his death, Meos bounced back and created havoc in the reign which was viewed as a serious threat by the Delhi Sultans. They were once again emboldened during Balban’s reign. This can be corroborated by the fact that the Meos stole the camels belonging to Balban. He, therefore, ordered the clearing of forest around Delhi and the construction of 3,000 thanas (military posts) in Mewat by Afghan soldiers so as to curb the lawlessness and anarchy in the reign. These Afghan soldiers kept very strict watch on the felonious activities of the Meos13. Alauddin Khilji too, pursued the policies of oppression and forced the Mewati chiefs to pay the peshkash (tribute) to the Delhi Sultanate.