Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's Life and Contributions
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Buddhism, Democracy and Dr. Ambedkar: the Building of Indian National Identity Milind Kantilal Solanki, Pratap B
International Journal of English, Literature and Social Science (IJELS) Vol-4, Issue-4, Jul – Aug 2019 https://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.4448 ISSN: 2456-7620 Buddhism, Democracy and Dr. Ambedkar: The Building of Indian National Identity Milind Kantilal Solanki, Pratap B. Ratad Assistant Professor, Department of English, KSKV Kachchh University, Bhuj, Gujrat, India Research Scholar, Department of English, KSKV Kachchh University, Bhuj, Gujrat, India Abstract— Today, people feel that democratic values are in danger and so is the nation under threat. Across nations we find different systems of government which fundamentally take care of what lies in their geographical boundaries and the human lives living within it. The question is not about what the common-man feels and how they survive, but it is about their liberty and representation. There are various forms of government such as Monarchy, Republic, Unitary State, Tribalism, Feudalism, Communism, Totalitarianism, Theocracy, Presidential, Socialism, Plutocracy, Oligarchy, Dictatorship, Meritocracy, Federal Republic, Republican Democracy, Despotism, Aristocracy and Democracy. The history of India is about ten thousand years and India is one of the oldest civilizations. The democratic system establishes the fundamental rights of human beings. Democracy also takes care of their representation and their voice. The rise of Buddhism in India paved the way for human liberty and their suppression from monarchs and monarchy. The teachings of Buddha directly and indirectly strengthen the democratic values in Indian subcontinent. The rise of Dr. Ambedkar on the socio-political stage of this nation ignited the suppressed minds and gave a new hope to them for equality and equity. -
Ambedkar and the Dalit Buddhist Movement in India (1950- 2000)
International Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 2 Issue 6 ǁ July 2017. www.ijahss.com Ambedkar and The Dalit Buddhist Movement in India (1950- 2000) Dr. Shaji. A Faculty Member, Department of History School of Distance Education University of Kerala, Palayam, Thiruvananthapuram Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was one of the most remarkable men of his time, and the story of his life is the story of his exceptional talent and outstanding force of character which helped him to succeed in overcoming some of the most formidable obstacles that an unjust and oppressive society has ever placed in the way of an individual. His contribution to the cause of Dalits has undoubtedly been the most significant event in 20th century India. Ambedkar was a man whose genius extended over diverse issues of human affairs. Born to Mahar parents, he would have been one of the many untouchables of his times, condemned to a life of suffering and misery, had he not doggedly overcome the oppressive circumstances of his birth to rise to pre-eminence in India‘s public life. The centre of life of Ambedkar was his devotion to the liberation of the backward classes and he struggled to find a satisfactory ideological expression for that liberation. He won the confidence of the- untouchables and became their supreme leader. To mobilise his followers he established organisations such as the Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha, Independent Labour Party and later All India Scheduled Caste Federation. He led a number of temple-entry Satyagrahas, organized the untouchables, established many educational institutions and propagated his views through newspapers like the 'Mooknayak', 'Bahishkrit Bharat' and 'Janata'. -
14. Formation of State of Maharashtra
14. Formation of State of Maharashtra After India gained independence, there was demand on large scale for the reconstruction of states on linguistic basis. In Maharashtra also the demand for state of Marathi speaking people led to ‘Samyukta Maharashtra Movement’ from 1946 onwards. Through various changing circumstances the movement progressed and finally on 1 May 1960 the state of Maharashtra came to be formed. Background : From the beginning of 20th century, many scholars had begun to express the thoughts on unification of Marathi speaking people. In 1911, the British Government had to suspend the partition of Bengal. On this background, N.C.Kelkar wrote that ‘the entire Marathi speaking poulation should be under one dominion’. In 1915, Lokmanya Tilak had demanded the reconstruction of a state based on language. But during that period the issue of independence of India was more important, hence this issue remained aside. On 12 May 1946, in the Sahitya Sammelan at Belgaon, an important resolution regarding Samyukta Maharashtra was passed. Samyukta Maharashtra Parishad : On 28 July, ‘Maharashtra Ekikaran Parishad’ was called at Mumbai. Shankarrao Dev was its president. It passed a resolution that all Marathi speaking regions should be included in one state. This should also include Marathi speaking regions of Mumbai, Central provinces as well as Marathwada and Gomantak. Dar Commission : On 17 June 1947, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President of Constituent Assembly established the ‘Dar Commission’ under the chairmanship of Justice S.K.Dar, for forming linguistic provinces. On 10 December 1948, the report of Dar Commission was published but the issue remained unsolved. -
Ambedkar Times September, 2014 Layout 1
Editor-in-Chief: Prem Kumar Chumber Contact: 001-916-947-8920 Fax: 916-238-1393 E-mail: [email protected] Editors: Takshila & Kabir Chumber VOL- 6 ISSUE- 12-13 September, 2014 www.ambedkartimes.com www.ambedkartimes.org Babasaheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Poona Pact and the Current Situation Efforts to purchase Dr Ambedkar former Prem K. Chumber (Editor-in Chief) www.ambedkartimes.com Residence in London for an Ambedkar Memorial Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar devoted his entire life pounds to purchase the property. proposed memorial will be a cul- for the emancipation and empowerment of the London (Ambedkar Times "I am delighted that the Govern- tural and educational centre that Scheduled Castes of India who for centuries have News Bureau)- Efforts are being ment of Maharashtra has sup- generations of Indians in the UK been compelled to live in deplorable situations. He made to convert the former Lon- ported the FABO, UK's initiative and visitors interested or inspired tried different ways for this noble cause while set- don residence of Dr B.R. Ambed- to purchase the house where Dr by Dr Ambedkar’s key roles in ting the goal of annihilation of caste. First, he did kar into an Ambedkar memorial. Ambedkar lodged while he was furthering social justice, human his best to improve upon the situations through re- He lived at 10 King Henrys Road studying at the London School of rights and equal treatment issues forms within Hinduism. But soon, he realized that London in 1921-22 during his can visit. The bedrooms would reforms within Hinduism will not work for the anni- higher studies in the London be ideal for some students from hilation of caste because without caste the whole School of Economics. -
Ambedkar's Vision
Ambedkar’s Vision The Buddhist revival in India ignited by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar more than fifty years ago has brought millions of the country’s most impoverished and marginalized people to the Buddhist path. There is much we can learn from them, says Alan Senauke. buddhadharma: the practitioner’s quarterly SPRING 2011 62 PHOTO PHIL CLEVENGER (Facing page) Dr. B.R. Ambedkar painted on a wall in Bangalore, India With justice on our side, I do not see how we can lose our HIDDEN IN PLAIN SIGHT, a modern Buddhist revolution is battle. The battle to me is a matter of joy… For ours is a gaining ground in the homeland of Shakyamuni. It’s being led battle not for wealth or for power. It is a battle for freedom. by Indian Buddhists from the untouchable castes, the poorest It is a battle for the reclamation of the human personality. of the poor, who go by various names: neo-Buddhists, Dalit Buddhists, Navayanists, Ambedkarites. But like so much in — Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, their lives, these names carry a subtle odor of condescension All-India Depressed Classes Conference, 1942 that suggests their kind of Buddhism is something less than the real thing. In the children’s hostels and schools of Nagpur or modest viharas in Mumbai’s Bandra East slums and the impoverished Dapodi neighborhood in Pune, one finds people singing simple PHOTOS ALAN SENAUKE H63 SPRING 2011 buddhadharma: the practitioner’s quarterly When Ambedkar returned to India to practice law, he was one of the best-educated men in the country, but, as an untouchable, he was unable to find housing and prohibited from dining with his colleagues. -
History of Modern Maharashtra (1818-1920)
1 1 MAHARASHTRA ON – THE EVE OF BRITISH CONQUEST UNIT STRUCTURE 1.0 Objectives 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Political conditions before the British conquest 1.3 Economic Conditions in Maharashtra before the British Conquest. 1.4 Social Conditions before the British Conquest. 1.5 Summary 1.6 Questions 1.0 OBJECTIVES : 1 To understand Political conditions before the British Conquest. 2 To know armed resistance to the British occupation. 3 To evaluate Economic conditions before British Conquest. 4 To analyse Social conditions before the British Conquest. 5 To examine Cultural conditions before the British Conquest. 1.1 INTRODUCTION : With the discovery of the Sea-routes in the 15th Century the Europeans discovered Sea route to reach the east. The Portuguese, Dutch, French and the English came to India to promote trade and commerce. The English who established the East-India Co. in 1600, gradually consolidated their hold in different parts of India. They had very capable men like Sir. Thomas Roe, Colonel Close, General Smith, Elphinstone, Grant Duff etc . The English shrewdly exploited the disunity among the Indian rulers. They were very diplomatic in their approach. Due to their far sighted policies, the English were able to expand and consolidate their rule in Maharashtra. 2 The Company’s government had trapped most of the Maratha rulers in Subsidiary Alliances and fought three important wars with Marathas over a period of 43 years (1775 -1818). 1.2 POLITICAL CONDITIONS BEFORE THE BRITISH CONQUEST : The Company’s Directors sent Lord Wellesley as the Governor- General of the Company’s territories in India, in 1798. -
AN EGALITARIAN EQUATION in INDIA TODAY (Engaged Buddhism
Volume: III, Issue: I ISSN: 2581-5828 An International Peer-Reviewed Open GAP INTERDISCIPLINARITIES - Access Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies ENGAGED DHAMMA AND TRANSFORMATION OF DALITS- AN EGALITARIAN EQUATION IN INDIA TODAY (Engaged Buddhism And The Impact Of Buddhist Philosophy In Transforming Our Social World In Terms Of Egalitarianism And Social Justice) Dr. Preeti Oza St. Andrew‟s College University of Mumbai Abstract Engaged Buddhism refers to Buddhists who are seeking ways to apply the insights from meditation practice and dharma teachings to situations of social, political, environmental, and economic suffering and injustice. The Non-duality of Personal and Social Practice is making such engagement possible even today. Buddhist teachings themselves as the restrictive social conditions within which Asian Buddhism has had to function. To survive in the often ruthless world of kings and emperors, Buddhism needed to emphasize its otherworldliness. This encouraged Buddhist institutions and Buddhist teachings (especially regarding karma and merit) to develop in ways that did not question the social order. In India today, Modern democracy and respect for human rights, however imperfectly realized, offer new opportunities for understanding the broader implications of Buddhist teachings. Furthermore, while it is true that the post/modern world is quite different from the Buddha‟s, Buddhism is thriving today because its basic principles remain just as true as when the Buddha taught them. A classic case of engaged Buddhism in India is discussed in this paper which deliberates on the Dalit- Buddhist equation in modern India. For Dalits, whose material circumstances were completely different from the higher castes, the motivation continually remained: to find out concerning suffering and to achieve its finish, in every person‟s life and in society. -
Imagereal Capture
H.M. SEERVAI - HIS LIFE, BOOK & LEGACY Michael Kirbylt LIFE The common law system, followed in most countries that at one stage in their history were part of the British Empire, is as dependent for its success upon leading advocates and fine scholars as it is on great judges. In India, one such advocate and scholar, of world renown, was Hormasji Maneckji Seervai, born in Bombay on 5 December 1906. Seetvai, as every Indian lawyer knows, was the author of the great commentary, Constitutional Law of India. But first and foremost, he was a brilliant advocate who won spectacular success before the Supreme Court of India and other courts. It is a privilege for me to offer these reflections on Seervai, whose centenary was celebrated in 2006. My remarks are based on a lecture that I delivered at the Bombay High Court in January 2007, the penultimate year ofmyjudiCial service in Australia, as a member ofthe High Court ofAustralia, the nation's apex court. I approach my task with a great love of India, a respect for its Bench and Bar and an admiration for my subject. I spoke of Seervai, of his life, of his work and of his legacy. Most advocates and judges, however great, walk for but a short hour on the stage of the law. They play their parts. Their voices are raised and the pages of the books are filled with their learning. But then they depart. They are remembered by their loved ones and a few friends or grateful litigants. But soon they are forgotten. -
The Role of Marathi Newspapers in Samyukta Maharashtra Movement
International Journal of Applied Research 2015; 1(12): 435-436 ISSN Print: 2394-7500 ISSN Online: 2394-5869 The Role of Marathi Newspapers in Samyukta Impact Factor: 5.2 IJAR 2015; 1(12): 435-436 Maharashtra Movement www.allresearchjournal.com Received: 01-09-2015 Accepted: 03-10-2015 Ashish Nareshrao Thakare Ashish Nareshrao Thakare B. D. College of Engineering, Abstract Sevagram Samyukta Maharashtra Movement was the most powerful movement after independence. The movement received active support from Maharashtra people. The inclusion of Bombay in the Maharashtra state is considered as the victory of the movement. Marathi Newspapers “Navyug”, Maratha, Samyukta Maharashtra Patrika, Prabhat, Belgaon Samachar, Navakal etc. played a key role to make this movement more mass base. “Maratha” was considered as the mouthpiece of the movement. Marathi Newspapers spearheaded the demand for the creation of a separate Marathi-speaking state with the city of Bombay as its capital. Keywords: movement, mouthpiece, spearheaded. 1. Introduction The rise and growth of the Samyukta Maharashtra movement must be studied not merely in the general context of the country-wide agitation for linguistic States but also in the particular context of the society and politics in Maharashtra Language is closely related to culture and therefore to the customs of people. Besides, the massive spread of education and growth of mass literacy can only occur through the medium of the mother tongue. The history of Samyukta Maharashtra movement can be stretched back to 1920s. Lokmanya Tilak expressed the need to impart national education through mother tongue. Gandhiji himself proposed recreation of States along the linguistic lines in the Nagpur Session in 1921. -
Inequality and Ethics in the Writings of Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
This is a repository copy of “Educate, Agitate, Organize” : Inequality and Ethics in the Writings of Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/170888/ Version: Published Version Article: Kumar, Arun orcid.org/0000-0003-0064-794X, Bapuji, Hari and Mir, Raza (2021) “Educate, Agitate, Organize” : Inequality and Ethics in the Writings of Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. Journal of Business Ethics. ISSN 0167-4544 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04770-y Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) licence. This licence allows you to distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon the work, even commercially, as long as you credit the authors for the original work. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Journal of Business Ethics https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04770-y ORIGINAL PAPER “Educate, Agitate, Organize”: Inequality and Ethics in the Writings of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar Arun Kumar1 · Hari Bapuji2 · Raza Mir3 Received: 3 July 2020 / Accepted: 8 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Scholars of business and management studies have recently turned their attention to inequality, a key issue for business eth- ics given the role of private firms in transmitting—and potentially challenging—inequalities. -
The Caste Question: Dalits and the Politics of Modern India
chapter 1 Caste Radicalism and the Making of a New Political Subject In colonial India, print capitalism facilitated the rise of multiple, dis- tinctive vernacular publics. Typically associated with urbanization and middle-class formation, this new public sphere was given material form through the consumption and circulation of print media, and character- ized by vigorous debate over social ideology and religio-cultural prac- tices. Studies examining the roots of nationalist mobilization have argued that these colonial publics politicized daily life even as they hardened cleavages along fault lines of gender, caste, and religious identity.1 In west- ern India, the Marathi-language public sphere enabled an innovative, rad- ical form of caste critique whose greatest initial success was in rural areas, where it created novel alliances between peasant protest and anticaste thought.2 The Marathi non-Brahmin public sphere was distinguished by a cri- tique of caste hegemony and the ritual and temporal power of the Brah- min. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, Jotirao Phule’s writings against Brahminism utilized forms of speech and rhetorical styles asso- ciated with the rustic language of peasants but infused them with demands for human rights and social equality that bore the influence of noncon- formist Christianity to produce a unique discourse of caste radicalism.3 Phule’s political activities, like those of the Satyashodak Samaj (Truth Seeking Society) he established in 1873, showed keen awareness of trans- formations wrought by colonial modernity, not least of which was the “new” Brahmin, a product of the colonial bureaucracy. Like his anticaste, 39 40 Emancipation non-Brahmin compatriots in the Tamil country, Phule asserted that per- manent war between Brahmin and non-Brahmin defined the historical process. -
Sacralizing the Secular. the Ethno-Fundamentalist Movements Enzo Pace1
http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7984.2017v16n36p403 Sacralizing the Secular. The Ethno-fundamentalist movements Enzo Pace1 Abstract Religious fundamentalist movements regard the secular state as an enemy because it claims to codify its power as if God did not exist. Those movements consider their religion the repository of absolute truth, the ultimate source legitimizing human laws. Therefore, although they are post- secular, at the same time they endeavor to transform religious principles into political agendas. Indeed, militants often act in accordance with political objectives in the attempt to assert the primacy of their own faith over that of others. They move within contemporary societies in the name of a radical political theology. The main arguments based on two case studies: Bodu Bala Sena in Sri Lanka and the movements for the Hindutva in India. Keywords: Fundamentalism. Ethno-nationalism. Secular state. Introduction This article contains some reflections on the links between secularization, the secular state and fundamentalism. Religious fundamentalist movements, which act on behalf and in defense of an absolute transcendent truth, regard the secular state as an enemy because it claims to codify its power etsi Deus non daretur2, that is, independently of any religious legitimation. Those movements consider their religion the repository of absolute truth, the ultimate source legitimizing human laws. Hence the paradox of their beliefs 1 Professor de Sociologia e Sociologia da Religião na Universidade de Pádua (Itália), onde dirige o departamento de sociologia (DELETE). Professor visitante na École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris) e antigo presidente da Sociedade Internacional para a Sociologia das Religiões (ISSR/SISR).