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The Yesterday and Today Different Perspectives on Slavic Ethnicity in German Archaeology

ChriStoPh Kilger

This article deals with the numerous images of the Slavic tribes between the Elbe and the in archaeological interpretations. The position taken by East German archaeologists was to integrate the Slavs explicitly into the theoretical constructions of historical-materialism; in the ideo- logical struggle between East and West the Slavs, as victims of medieval feudal developments politically supported the picture of a common socialist identity and history. In contrast West German archaeologists on the basis of rigid source criticism placed the Slavs behind the scenes of the historical stage.

Christoph Kilger, Stockholm Numismatic lnstitute, Bollhusgränd 1 B, SE-lll 31 Stockholm, Sweden.

After the collapse of the Berlin wall and the THE IMAGE OF THE SLAVS IN fall of the government in East , MEDIEVAL TIMES almost the entire structure of the former, The Sachsenspiegel, written by the Saxon centrally organized, archaeological authori- nobleman Eike von Repgow in the 13th centu- ties was replaced by the federal West German ry, constituted an important compilation of model. By this time even the old archaeological different law texts and procedures for the establishment had retired due to its political administration of justice. In its popular form involvement, and West German colleagues the Sachsenspiegel was a vernacular manu- took over. It is not my intention to comment on script with depictions of different scenes of these changes, to criticize or to justify the new crimes, judgments and punishments. Because order in German archaeology in the perspec- of the lack of a general law in the German tive of those people directly involved. What is countries, the Sachsenspiegel influenced the essential is not to choose sides but to look at jurisdiction up till modern times, for instance what both archaeologies have accomplished in Thuringia until the beginning of the 20th in their interpretation of the Slavs. An important century (Run8berg 1930ff:11).The vernacu- question concerns the role of the Slavic people lar shows clearly how the connection to differ- in the historical records and archaeological ent groups in medieval society was significant narratives. Which part did they play while for procedures of judgment. The different forming national, ideological or regional iden- groups were depicted stereotyped by their tities? A proper starting point would be by clothing, their hairstyle or by their posture. examining how the Slavs were interpreted in The bearded Jew was clearly marked by his German medieval records. hat, the Frank by his fur collar, the Saxon by

Current Srvedish Archaeotogy, Vol. 6, 1998 100 Christoph Kilger his knife, and the Slav by his haircut (short at basic principles of archaeological research the neck) and striped socks. In the judgment were defi ned. scene all the different ethnic groups are repre- sented with the count as judge and as judicial HOW TO CONDUCT ARCHAEOLOGY- authority sitting on a chair. The Slav is clearly THE POST-WAR DEBATE IN GERMAN marked by his peripheral position and the ARCHAEOLOGY gesture interpreted in the medieval text as an Both in post-war East and , expression of incompetence (fig. I). In judi- archaeologists were developing research cial court the Saxon and the Slav were not strategies but with clear attitudes of how to allowed to pass judgement on each other pursue archaeology in a proper way. The posi- (ibid:19). tion taken by some East German archaeolo- gists to rely on Marxist models and historical- materialism, could not be sustained without a response and a clear repudiation of these ideas by the West Germans. In this debate the initia- ti ve was clearly taken by East German scholars like Karl-Heinz Otto. When Otto started a discussion on how archaeology should be conducted with his West German colleague Joachim Werner (Otto 1953, 1954; Werner 1954), there was still no clear-cut division Fig. l. Cozzn scenei n the vernacular Sachsezzspi egel between a West German and the genuine East in the Heiclelbergerznanuscri pt. 14th century. Erozn German Marxist archaeology at least on an Runf3berg 1930ff, fig. 13. academic level as there seemed to be later (Coblenz 1992). According to Manfred Gläser, being a Slav Otto proclaimed that archaeology is his- in the implied several dis- torical science. The two sciences do not differ advantages. An integration of the Slavs into methodologically, and they have to apply the German society was not desired by the same kind of source criticism. According to German authorities. The Slavs were judged the historical-materialistic concept outlined according to the Vendish law and were paying by Marx, archaeological source criticism has different taxes compared with the German to verify and denote the level of development population. In the Middle Ages belonging to a of the prehistoric group under investigation. different ethnic group like the Slavs implied As a historical science archaeology can recon- also social and economical disadvantages. struct the economical structure and process of Ethnical representation and identity had slowly production and exchange. Material culture changed to an identity ofclass. A Slavic identity reflects ancient societies and their level of became synonymous with the rural peasantry development; it signifies the forces of produc- of the Middle Ages until modern times. As the tion that determine people's conditions in life people of the hinterland, they were separated and their relationships in the process of pro- from those living in the towns (Gläser 1982). duction. The economical embraces the social. Their position in medieval society was clearly Thus society's genetical development can be determined, but how did their image change studied retrospectively with the aid of material and how were they interpreted in modern re- culture, even in times before the appearance of search? To understand how German archaeo- written sources (Otto 1953:1—4). Otto's theo- logists were trying to interpret the Slavs and retical constructions were later refined by integrate them into wider interpretations, we Joachim Herrmann, who applied them directly have to take a closer look at how the aims and to Slavic archaeology.

Current Szuedish Archaeotogq; Vot. 6, 1998 The Slavs Yesterday and Today 101 Otto's Werner rej ected concept of archaeo- metal artefacts and other objects of high logy as a historical science and the importance cultural and social value. They could remain of socio-economic studies, and pointed out in circulation for several hundreds of years the renewed interest in archaeological cultural and distort distribution maps. Religious ideas groups and cultural hi story in Marxist archaeo- or traditional patterns of behaviour among logy —a breakthrough which was possible in different tribes could influence and finally the Soviet Union only after the denial of determine whether certain objects became Nikolay Marr's theories of ethnogenesis as a dead or living culture. This becomes especially false dogma by Stalin in the beginning of the obvious when analysing different find cate- 1950s (Trigger 1989:230).Thus Werner com- gories such as grave, hoard and settlement mented on the obvious dependence of Marxist finds showing different patterns of behaviour archaeologists like Otto on ideological dog- (Eggers 1986:255—297).Thus, criticism against mas and political decisions. He refuted the Kossinna's ideas was mainly directed against influence of overall ideas like Marxism in the flaws in his methodology. The West archaeology and proposed common sense and Germans were following the conception of the proper archaeological documentation as basic cartographical and source-critical method principles (Werner 1954). outlined by Eggers and Wahle. But West As an example of the West German point German archaeologists did not continue in of view supported by Werner, Hans-Jurgen theoretical matters from the 1960s onwards, Eggers' thoughts on material culture can be when processuell approaches were being mentioned here. Eggers influenced West Ger- formed and theoretical and methodological man archaeology profoundly. His book Ein- questions were explicitly debated in the United fiihntng in die Vorgeschichte (Eggers 1986) States, Great Britain and Scandinavia (Härke was compulsory reading for the student of 1991: 191). The source-critical method out- prehistoric archaeology at all West German lined by Eggers seemed to be sufficient in universities. Here he developed methods of West German archaeology, meeting the basic archaeological source criticism, and continued requirements of archaeological interpretation. the criticism that was already put forward by In some way these discussions fore- Ernst Wahle in 1941 against Kossinna's settle- shadowed later developments in German ment-archaeological method (sieähtngs- archaeology. The 1950s were in some way the archäologische Methode) (ibid:237). Eggers' heyday of a theoretical debate in post-war work resulted in the so-called archaeological- German archaeology. The shadow of Kossinna geographical method based on a source- was haunting German archaeologists after the critical concept of material culture, thereby war and forcing them to emancipate and separating "living culture" from "dead culture". reconstitute archaeology. But the stress, Knowledge of ancient societies is severely strongly proposed by West German archaeolo- biased depending on how and in which cir- gists, lay on how archaeology should be cumstances material remains are discovered carried out on a methodological level. The and studied by the archaeologist. Thus mate- theoretical outlines developed by Otto, as rial remains which are excavated belong to representative of a normative, Marxist view dead culture or retrieved culture. In contrast and by Eggers and Werner as representative of living culture denotes traces which were not the West German source-critical type of buried and which have managed to survive archaeology —thereby denying and rejecting above ground (Härke 1991:190). Eggers' all interference of ideological matters into the source-critical purpose was to point out the business of archaeology —strongly influenced traps which archaeologists and historians like how the Slavs were represented in archaeo- Kossinna could fall into when dealing espe- logical interpretations. cially with living culture such as precious

Cttrrent Sivedislt Archaeotogs; Vol. 6, 1998 102 Christoph Kilger

SLAVIC IMAGES IN - used in the process of production; there are the IDEOLOGICAL AND MATERIAL means to run the working process; and finally REPRESENTATIONS there are the practical working skills, embrac- East German archaeology according to the ing technologies and procedures. Thus materi- theoretical program advocated by Otto and al culture both contains and reflects the soci- later by Herrmann (1977) aimed at a broad etal relationships. Man at work and the condi- archaeological reconstruction ofthe economic tions under which work is planned, executed base of the former Slavic population. Episte- and displayed, constitute the nexus of society mological advances through the materialistic (fig. 2). approach of Marxism could only be accom- Herrmann classifies material culture ac- plished by thorough empirical studies and the cording to its archaeological expressions. First application of natural science. Herrmann, there are all objects that reveal material pro- refering to Soviet ethnographists, character- duction, in other words all archaeological ized the dichotomical nature ofmaterial culture. finds that are man-made; second, there are The latter expresses a so-called economical- artefacts and archaeological complexes that cultural type that embraces material produc- directly reflect the forces of production, such tion, as well as an external, historical-cultural as workshops, settlements, hoards, market- dimension. The historical-cultural dimension places and mines; and finally there are objects has often been understood and described that reveal the artificial and intellectual ideas mechanically in traditional research as the in contemporary society, such as graves, cult distribution of specific artefact types. The places, works of art, statues, objects of sacri- economical-cultural dimension has conse- fice, details of clothing and so on. Thus the quently been neglected. Material culture is an chorological distribution of specific artefact expression of the forces of production. The types does not reveal anything about the other, forces of production directly reflect the work- inherent aspects of material culture and of ing process materially. There are the objects society itself. Conclusions about society could only be drawn through research on the eco- nomical prerequisites. In the archaeological and historical context this means that investi- gations must aim at reconstructing the former settlement areas and their economical basis (ibid:19—22). The aim of the practical fieldwork was to record all traces of Slavic occupation and activity. A systematic survey was first initiated after the foundation of the GDR (German Democratic Republic), and after the ratifica- tion of a new law in 1954 concerning the protection of antiquities. The initiative was taken as an archaeological complement to the broad research program and the renewed in- terest in Slavic history and archaeology in the GDR. The Corpus-project provided the hard data for this research program. As the authors of Corpus put it, an investigation covering all Fig. 2. Slavicpeasantscrushing milletandpressing questions that deal with the history-generat- oil. Reconstruction Groj3 Raden 8thl9th century. From Bartel et. al. 1985.Deutsche Geschichte vol. ing activities of working people, tribes and 1. P. 423. tribal entities is not possible to realize without

Current Su edish Archaeology, Voh 6, 1998 The Slavs Yes(erdas and Today 103

49/111 142 143 141

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148 I 149

I 163 161

160 168 162 164

159 165 170

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Fig. 3. Artefacts fro»( the coastal trading si(e of Men-lin in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Corp«s I979:49IIII.

Curren(S(vedish Archaeology, 1(ol. 6, l998 104 Christoph Kilger an analytical processing of the archaeological an ethnic minority with its own language and sources. Finally the archaeologists behind the genuine cultural traits in Saxony in the south- Cor~rug-proj ect emphasized a strict objective eastern part of the former GDR. Under the documentation, avoiding any subjective bias terror of the Nazi regime they were discrimi- (Corpus 1973:VII—VIII). The first volume of nated against because of their distinctive this ambitious survey-project covering the cultural otherness. In the view of Herrmann north-western parts with the general districts this otherness exploited by the Nazis in racial of Rostock, Schwerin and Magdeburg, was terms, showed in reality the event of the con- published in 1973. One important objective tinuing class struggle. With regard to their was to depict characteristic artefacts from the political and class affiliation, the Sorbs repre- different Sl avic settlement sites (fig. 3).S i m ilar sented the working peasantry and the working regional surveys have been done before as for class in towns in modern times. The confronta- instance Adolf Hollnagel's investigations in tion that already existed for over a millennium the former districts of Neustrelitz and Neu- could be resolved by the abolishment of the brandenburg in the northern parts of the GDR exploiting classes. This has only been (Hol l nagel 1958, 1962). achieved by the development of socialism. Herrmann further interprets cultural and THE POLITICAL DIMENSIONS OF ethnic otherness in teleologic or almost reli- SLAVIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN EAST gious terms. Sorbic otherness had a symbolic GERMAN Y function, denoting the working-class struggle According to Joachim Herrmann, the task of through centuries. As a symbol of the op- archaeology is to confront the bourgeois pressed, their martyrdom has ended with the writing of history that showed increasing establishment of socialist order. Now they can influence in the politics of the federal republic be integrated as part of the socialist society of West Germany. In Herrmann's view the (Herrmann 1985:3—4). Slavs, as a genuine part of the occidental culture, were dependent on the mercy of TRIBAL RECONSTRUCTIONS- and the 's THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC BASE cultural hegemony and its economical, social According to Herrmann, ethnicity has inevita- and political influence. In the opinion of bly merged into an ideological representation Herrmann, Slavic archaeology should serve of class and the evolution towards socialism. as a scientific tool to support the Slavic posi- Thus the obj ective of Slavic archaeology is to tion against the reactionary image of the Slavs establish and to show how feudal society in the West. However, the objective was not to evolved, and how the resistance against this create an East German Slavic identity. The oppressive order was organized internally young East German Republic and the old within Slavic society. In the eyes of Marxist Slavs were in the same position, in danger of archaeologists, some Slavic tribes represented becoming extinct and disappearing. The a primary state in the evolution of societies Slavic heritage and the history of the Slavs are described by Marx and Engels as Urgesell- supposed to be a common frame of reference. gchaft. Other tribes have inevitably drifted It is the archaeologist's task to reconstruct the towards with the establishment of evolutionary course of class struggle. The an exploiting class with aristocrats and kings. possibility of class struggle is already deter- Material culture directly mirrors people's mined by the socio-economic circumstances living conditions and the socio-economic out of which human societies evolve. To make base. The Slavic tribes appeared in East his point, Herrmann exemplifies the Sorbs' German interpretations as socio-economic role in history. The Sorbs, as a substantial part entities, each representing a microcosm with of the former Elb-Slavic tribes, still exists as the sequences of an inherent unilinear socio-

Carreed Swedish Archaeology, Voh 6, l998 Ttte Slavs Yesterzlay anel Taelay 1ÜS economic development. In contrast, notions the extent of the use of silver as means of of tribes and ethnic groups in the medieval payment in the different tribal territories and chronicles were integrated into the historical- ethnic groups until the thirteenth century materialistic approach. Questions about (fig. 4). The development of coin and silver ethnicity were secondary in relation to socio- economies is bound to the tribal organisation. economic processes. They could only be In Herrmann s interpretations the historical answered according to the principles of socio- explanation of the notion of different Slavic economic and historical analyses (Herrmann tribes is revealed through the dialectic rela- 1977:27).The notion of ethnicity was conse- tionship between the social and the economic quently dominated by a pure materialistic organisation. Coin finds in this example are content. For instance, as an indication of a very sensitive indicators of these different but significant and distinct socio-economic synchronous tribal developments (Herrmann development on a tribal basis, Herrmann used 1968:128ff). the abundant evidence of hoards containing The East German archaeology thereby re- coins in the Elb-Slavic territory. The size and sembles some of the traits of the evolutionary frequency of coin finds in his model showed approach in the New Archaeology. Neverthe-

Fig. 4. Recottstrttctiott of(lte socio-econotttic developtnent of different ttibes attd territoties after the si-e a»d fi etittency oftlte ltoards. Frotn Herrmatttt 7968:729.

Carrent S«edislt Arcltaealagi; Val. 6, /998 t06 Christoph Kilger less, Herrmann rejects the theoretical premises subjected to the radical Marxist approaches of New Archaeology and Cultural Anthropo- outlined by scholars like Marr and Ravdonicas logy. Those approaches can only provide a (Trigger 1989:216).After the formation of the fragmentary picture of the basic role of the GDR, practical antiquarian matters like the working process that ultimately determines reorganisation of the museum collections de- people's existence and cultural traits. Socio- stroyed and dispersed by the war came to the economic analyses are the only way to fore. Research within Slavic archaeology, with approach the study of human cultures (Herr- traditions from the beginning of the century, mann 1977:24).Unl ike West German archaeo- was carried out quite unaffected by the new logy, the historical-materialistic approach political system. Especially two research areas explicitly used the notion of ethnicity as a survived almost intact and formed the corner- methodological tool. The notion of ethnicity stones of Slavic archaeology in East Germany, should not be reduced to documentative namely, rampart archaeology and the estab- studies of material culture. This epistemologi- lishment of a chronology and typology of cal position is put forward, for example, by Slavic pottery. Ewald Schuldt introduced a Eggers and Werner. new taxonomy for Slavic pottery. In fairly traditional manner he named characteristic TRADITIONAL ROOTS —RAMPARTS pottery ware after famous rampart- or settle- AND POTTERY ment sites from the Slavic period (Schuldt Nevertheless East German archaeology never 1956). Archaeologists like Wilhelm Unver- lost its ties with cultural-history and more zagt and Ewald Schuldt continued investiga- traditional ways of conducting archaeology. tions within rampart archaeology founded by Unlike Soviet archaeology during the 1930s, in the beginning of the cen- archaeology in the former GDR was never tury. In German archaeology Schuchardt is

Fig. 5. Part of the w~ooden constructions in Behren-Liibchin. From Schuldt 1965. Fig. 67a.

Current Srvedislt Archaeology, Voh 6, l998 The Slavs Yesterday and Today 107

Fig. 6. Two workers holding a post from the outer wall in Behren-Lubchin. From Schuldt 1965.Fig. 67b. known to have opposed Gustav Kossinna's THE TEMPLE SITE IN national and racial ideas about archaeological GROSS RADEN cultures and prehistoric populations (Herr- The investigations i llustrating the transition to mann 1977:16).Unlike Kossinna, Schuchardt feudal society were not carried out in Meck- was a professional archaeologist trying to lenburg-Vorpommern but in Saxony in the establish a chronology for the earthen ram- 1960s. The prestigious project in Tornow parts in eastern Germany (Schuchhardt 1909). showed the strongholds of the feudal class, Developing excavation methods, he became thereby illustrating internally the transition famous for introducing the postholes into from the early classless society to feudal archaeology (Eggers 1986:219—226). As a society (Henmann 1985:187).Slavic rampart disciple of Schuchardt, Unverzagt was not investigations continued into the 1970s and connected with the nationalist archaeology 1980s. The last large-scale excavation was founded by Kossinna. Unverzagt and Schuldt carried out by Ewald Schuldt in Mecklenburg continued the excavations of huge ramparts at the site called Gro8 Raden between 1973 from the Slavic period. As defensive ramparts and 1980. Besides the excavation of the ram- they were often built near the shores of lakes parts, a settlement with buildings and traces of or on islands. The conditions of preservation Slavic craftsmanship was revealed. A house were often excellent. Aspects of the wooden construction consisting of vertical posts with construction work could be studied in detail heads carved at the ends was interpreted as a (fig. 5).Most famous were the projects carried temple (fig. 7) (Schuldt 1985:35—49). out on the lake sites in Teterow (Unverzagt & Both the economic- and craftmanship Schuldt 1963) and Behren-Liibchin (fig. 6) buildings were interpreted as the 9th-century (Schuldt 1965). Rampart archaeology also temple site ofthe easternmost part of the realm played a decisive role later in the narrative of of the Obodrits, inhabited by a subtribe called Marxist archaeology. Warnower. The excavation attracted great

Current Swedish Archaeotogy, Vol. 6, 1998 108 Clzristoph Kilger

brother state was not welcomed by the leader- ship of the GDR. East German politicians were sceptical to the reform models put for- ward by the Soviet government. Instead the traditions created by socialism and the achievements of the people of the German Democratic Republic were put forward and celebrated. Seen in the political context, the popular image created of the early Slavic tribes in Gro8 Raden should reinforce the Fig. 7. Recozzstruction of the tenzple huilding in Graf' Raden. From Schuldt l 985. Fig. 50. roots and the history of socialism. A golden age of proto-communism was reproduced in the conception of Gro8 Raden. The Warnower attention because a temple site from the early in this image did not function as the victims of Slavic period had been discovered. Thus it feudalism. The religious aspect and the work could support the frequent mention of such of simple craftsmanship dominate the concep- sites by medieval writers (Schuldt 1985:216). tion of Gro8 Raden. The temple construction After the project ended, the excavated site was and the attachment to the simple Slavic hea- reconstructed by Schuldt and an open-air thendom could be interpreted as an attempt to museum was inaugurated. The purpose was to establish a popular and spiritual image of the mediate everyday life in a Slavic village to the Slavs as opposed to Christianity and the broader pub lic. When Gro8 Raden was built in decadence of the West (fig. 8).In the end Gro8 the middle of the 1980s, the relationship be- Raden represented a compromise between, on tween the Soviet Union and the West changed. the one hand, Schuldt's scientific aims to But that change initiated by the socialistic reconstruct a tribal central place of the Slavic

Fig. 8. Reconstruction of the earlier settlement in Grog Raden from the 9th century. From Schuldt 1985. Fig. 159.

Current Swedish Archaeology, Vol. 6, 1998 The Sle&v» Yesterday and Today 109 period in accordance with the long experience of archaeological fieldwork and the profound knowledge of such sites in East German archaeology and, on the other hand, the idea of Gro8 Raden as a prestigious and boastful monument of the Communist Party.

MULTICULTURAL ENVIRONMENTS IN WEST GERMANY —THE SLAVS AND THE VIKINGS Also in West Germany several ramparts from the Slavic period were excavated. But only a small part of the former Slavic lands was at this time accessible to West German archaeologists, such as the coastal areas of Ostholstein around Kiel, Oldenburg and Liibeck and the tiny inland area around West Berlin. Most famous were the excavations of the coastal sites in Old Lubeck and in Olden- burg. Besides having huge rampart-construc- tions, these sites are known as central places of political and economical importance (Fehring Fig. 9. Southern settlement in Old Liibeck with 1991; Gabriel 1984). Another project was traces of log cabi&ts. In the background the river Trave gi ving access to the Baltic Sea. Escavatio&t carried out at the Burgwall in Spandau in l953. Fro&» Neugebauer /964/65. Fig. l9. former West Berlin (von Miiller ge von Miiller- Muci 1987).Oldenburg appears in the histor- ical sources as the central place of the Slavic can be studied without reference to social or tribe Wagrier. Old Liibeck constituted the ethnic interpretations as guiding principles. royal seat of the later Nakonids in the second Their value lies in their documentary qualities, half of the eleventh century. Old Liibeck is telling us about artificial and technical proper- known as the stronghold of the powerful ties of different ethnic groups. Conclusions Obodritic ruler Heinrich (1093—1127)(fig. 9). can be drawn on the basis of vast comparative Oldenburg was excavated at the same time studies of different workmanship traditions. as Gro8 Raden, between 1973 and 1982.The The ethnical significance is revealed in their project followed the methodological principles chorological distribution. Gabriel stresses outlined by Werner, Eggers and other promi- Oldenburg's international importance. Further, nent West German archaeologists. Gabriel the influences from outside exhibit the needs defined archaeology's role in the historical of a higher class. He uses the terms Hoft und period as a complement to the written sources. Sakralkultur to si gni fy the specific upper class The excavations in Oldenburg —a trading place and the international and religious artefactual and the central place of the Ostholsteinian milieu found in Oldenburg. However, the ex- tribe of the Wagrier which bad various contacts cavated objects should not only be interpreted overseas —revealed the material culture of as traces of trade and an aristocratic environ- different ethnic groups around the Baltic and ment, but also as utilitarian objects of every- Western Europe. The German term Sachkul- day life in a multi-ethnical environment. The tur, which is the German equivalent to mate- documentary value of Sachkultur for interpre- rial culture, signifies the artificial, technical tations of ethnic, social, technical and artistic qualities of material culture. These qualities value is revealed only through the archaeolog-

Current Swedi st& Aret&aeote&gs; Vot. 6, t99tt 110 Chrhstoph Kilger ical context and the proper and extensive power relations in the Baltic and Western descriptions in the publications. Thus the West Europe, who were violent raiders and also had German interest in Slavic archaeology was the capacity to adapt to different social, concentrated to the important trading and economic and political constellations. They political sites like Oldenburg and Old Lubeck. deserve the respect and scrutiny of scholars This is partly because Oldenburg and Old and the public. In the Scandinavian countries Lubeck are the most famous coastal sites in the Viking-Age represents a living identity. the north-western Slavic region, even in the One main issue in Iron Age archaeology in historical records. The international character Scandinavia concerns the process of the of the Oldenburg material is outstanding com- manifestation of the state and the reproduction pared with the traces of the ordinary Slavic of power strategies by the Germanic people settlements from the rural inland sites. It shows (Hedeager 1990; Randsborg 1980; Sawyer strong influences from outside. As Gabriel 1989).This concern with the establishment of points out, the most significant traits of Slavic state structures in Scandinavian archaeology inhabitation are the building constructions, is especially obvious in comparison with the the pattern of settlement; however, the most writing of the history of and the research on significant traces of Slavic occupation consist the Slavs. The focus on macro-structures like of the typical Slavic pottery (Gabriel Stateformation and the centralisation of 1988:109). Innovations exclusively came organisation mechanisms may render the from Western Europe and were transformed Slavic case quite uninteresting. In the end the and integrated. In the end the development of Slavs failed. Instead they became zombies other typical traits of Slavic material-culture representing a dead identity and reproducing was strongly dependent on influences from the image ofthe losers in history. Nevertheless the West, exemplified by the bronze mount- the shell of a Slavic identity still exists, if only ings on knives (fig. 10). through the material remains in archaeologi- Both categories are connected with cal contexts or in the tales of the medieval persons of high social prestige (Gabriel w riters. It is easy to imagi ne that Sl avic ethnic- 1988:109—110). Thus the Slavic population ity became the victim and the prey of a priori was considered as the receiving part. Internal thinking. The hollow shell, the silent image, developments were thus conceived as the could be filled with different contents and images of the West or the North transmitted by used in research legitimating historical and the Vikings. West German archaeologists scientific orders. As stereotypical actors in a therefore concentrated more on the trading play, Vikings and Slavs may fulfill our own sites. Research was carried out to document needs, expectations and identification of win- the international, Viking-Age environment, ners and losers, of the strong and the weak, of literally the pattern of contacts with Western the good and the bad. In these histories the Europe, Eastern Europe and Scandinavia. The Slav will remai n the foreigner and "the other". internal development on the ordinary rural sites was almost neglected in the archaeolog- EPILOGUE ical narrative. The main question also implic- Scholars in the field of Slavic history are itly concerns how local political, economical always confronted with the situation that the and social structures were influenced and dominant national approach becomes trans- transformed from outside. formed and perverted in the racial approach (Arnold & Hassmann 1995).After World War LIVING AND DEAD IDENTITIES II following the political division of Europe, The Vikings denote winners in as much as they two general developments can be discerned were a powerful force in history, who founded concerning research on the Slavs among Ger- kingdoms and vast networks of trade and man scholars. The national approach during

Curreni Swedish Archaeology, Voh 6, 1998 The Slavs Yesterday and Today 1 l l

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12 13

Fig. 10. Cotnparati ve stttdies ojbronze mounti ngs on knives denoting different traditions of&nanufacture. From Gabriel J988. Fig. 26.

Current Sivedish Archaeology, Vol. 6, l998 I I2 ChrivtophKilger the 19th century and the first decades of the internal social and ethnical processes. 20th century until World War II (Brather How the Slavs have been treated in the 1996:177—180) merged in East German archaeological literature is a welcome ques- archaeology into an explicitly ideological one, tion from the view of a critical archaeology. It but with a different point of view. The national might be easy to point out the faults and interpretative view was enlarged and trans- ethnocentric views and values noticed in formed. In its academic shape, Slavic archaeo- earlier research which helped German logy entered the realm ofhistorical-materialism. archaeology to get a better understanding of Thus research within Slavic history in the historic and prehistoric processes. It is not the former GDR comprised an important part and objecti ve of this paper to re-establish a kind of established a dominant position in historical Slavic consciousness and feeling of identifi- archaeology as it is understood by the scholars cation. It is more a feeling of sympathy as well supporting historical-materialism. It com- as curiosity as to how the Slavs were treated in prised the core of East German archaeology research and how history should appear. It and was of political and ideological signifi- further shows how important feelings of cance. Research within Slavic archaeology identification are when carrying out archaeo- opened the possibility of creating a common logical research. In my opinion the Slavic case East European past with the socialist and remains a special one in which unconcious Slavic countries in the East. Socialistic identity values have a strong impact on how research became rooted in a common Slavic history. should be conducted and how the results The political division of Europe after World should fit into already established structures War II into an eastern-socialist and a western- of scientific procedure. Elements of this atti- capitalistic block reflected also geographically tude towards this ethnic group have a long the "ethnical" division between the German history and can, as we have seen above, be Empire and the western Slavic regions in traced to the chronicles and law texts of the medieval times. Thus the GDR as a border- Medieval Ages. In the Slavic case it is obvious land was in constant need of processing an that interests are governing scientific research ideological and political identity which and that interests are governed by underlying stressed the historically distinctive character values. Interestingly, the gap to the Slavs in of the western Slavs. In contrast, West German East German research could be filled and their scholars were trying to exclude the overall image as "the other" could be neutralized at impact of dominant theories as guiding princi- least partially through Marxist archaeology ples in archaeological fieldwork and interpre- and its theoretical constructions. The Slavs tations. Questions concerning ethnicity were were the outsiders, the stupid and the ugly in lowered to the methodological level, such as German medieval history, and quite compara- the cartographical and source-critical method ble to the image of the Jews. Their image as outlined by Eggers. The Oldenburg-project , the working people from the coun- and the research on the Slavic sea-ports can be tryside, was later used and adapted to a social- considered masterpieces of archaeological ist image. Nevertheless, even if East German field- and investigation-work on the chrono- archaeology in its academical shape was logical and chorological distribution of the deeply normative, trying to prove the dogma different artefacts found at these sites. Thus of historical-materialism in an archaeological the only tool kit for interpretative work remains context, it pinpointed the Slavs' role as the profound knowledge about artefacts and victims. But this feeling of sympathy was constructions. Consequently West German mainly grounded in ideological and even archaeology could be termed a science of political reasons. On the other hand West workmanship and artefactual science, but one German archaeologists were hiding behind that is unable to answer questions about archaeological contexts and source criticism,

Correot Swedish Archoeology, Vol. 6, l99ö The Slavs Yesterday and Today 113 consequently focusing on external processes that could have an impact on Slavic society. The position of value-free research is a difficult one.

English revised by Laura Wrang.

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