DOCSLIB.ORG

Zealous Democrats

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Zealous Democrats Lowy Institute Paper 25 zealous democrats ISLAMISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, INDONESIA AND TURKEY Anthony Bubalo • Greg Fealy Whit Mason First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2008 Anthony Bubalo is program director for West Asia at the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Prior to joining the Institute he worked as an Australian diplomat for 13 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 1360 Australia years and was a senior Middle East analyst at the Offi ce of www.longmedia.com.au National Assessments. Together with Greg Fealy he is the [email protected] co-author of Lowy Institute Paper 05 Joining the caravan? Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia. Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2008 ABN 40 102 792 174 Dr Greg Fealy is senior lecturer and fellow in Indonesian politics at the College of Asia and the Pacifi c, The All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Australian National University, Canberra. He has been a of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC, and copyright owner. was also an Indonesia analyst at the Offi ce of National Assessments. He has published extensively on Indonesian Islamic issues, including co-editing Expressing Islam: Cover design by Longueville Media Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Religious life and politics in Indonesia (ISEAS, 2008) and Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia (ISEAS, 2005). National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Bubalo, Anthony 1968- Whit Mason is currently the UN’s justice coordinator for Title: Zealous democrats : Islamism and democracy in Egypt, southern Afghanistan, a non-resident fellow in the West Indonesia and Turkey / Anthony Bubalo, Greg Fealy and, Whit Mason. Asia Program at the Lowy Institute and the director of Edition: 1st ed. ISBN: 9781921004353 (pbk.) the program on justice, peace-building and development in Notes: Bibliography. the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of Law, Faculty of Subjects: Islam and politics--Egypt ; Islam and politics--Indonesia ; Islam and politics- Law, University of New South Wales. He was previously -Turkey ; Political culture--Egypt ; Political culture--Indonesia ; Islam and politics-- based in Istanbul as a fellow of the Institute of Current Turkey. ; Democracy--Egypt. ; Democracy--Indonesia ; Democracy--Turkey. World Affairs and taught at Fatih University. He has lived Other Authors/Contributors: Fealy, Greg, 1957- , Mason, Whit. Dewey Number: 320.5 and worked abroad since 1989 as a journalist, political analyst, UN offi cial, NGO chief of party and diplomat. He Printed and bound in Australia using fibre supplied from plantation or sustainably is the author, with Iain King, of Peace at any price: How the managed forests. Inks used in this book are vegetable based (soy or linseed oil). world failed Kosovo. Executive summary The fear of Islamists coming to power through elections has long been an obstacle to democratisation in authoritarian states of the Muslim world. Islamists have been, and continue to be, the best organised and most credible opposition movements in many of these countries. They are also commonly, if not always correctly, assumed to be in the best position to capitalise on any democratic opening of their political systems. At the same time, the commitment of Islamists to democracy is often questioned. Indeed, when it comes to democracy, Islamism’s intellectual heritage and historical record (in terms of the few examples of Islamist-led states, such as Sudan and Iran) have not been reassuring. The apparent strength of Islamist movements, combined with suspicions about Islamism’s democratic compatibility, has been used by authoritarian governments as an argument to defl ect both domestic and international calls for political reform and democratisation. Domestically, secular liberals have preferred to settle for nominally secular dictatorships over potentially religious ones. Internationally, Western governments have preferred friendly autocrats to democratically elected, but potentially hostile, Islamist-led governments. The goal of this paper is to re-examine some of the assumptions about the risks of democratisation in authoritarian countries of the Muslim world (and not just in the Middle East) where strong Islamist movements or parties exist. While the risks of democratisation in these i ZEALOUS DEMOCRATS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY contexts should not be underestimated and the democratic commitment democratisation and political change in the Muslim world. of Islamists should not be taken at face value, the costs and pitfalls of Against this background, Islamism’s relationship with democracy the status quo in many of these countries are also increasing. has received considerable attention from scholars, researchers and The Faustian pact that secular liberals have made with authoritarian commentators. What this paper does, however, is to turn the traditional rulers in many of these states has not prevented the repression these question about Islamism’s relationship with democracy, on it’s head. regimes use against Islamists being used against others as well; nor, Instead of asking ‘What will Islamists do to democracy?’ it asks, ‘What indeed, has it stopped these regimes from adopting the types of social and does democracy do to Islamists?’ religious restrictions favoured by Islamists in an effort to co-opt popular To that end this paper compares three cases of Islamist movements religious sentiment. For the West, partnership with friendly despots in in three progressively more democratic contexts. The paper begins Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan has not prevented nationals from with a discussion of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, a movement these countries carrying out terrorist attacks against Western targets; that avows a commitment to democracy and democratic reform, but in fact, quite the reverse is often true. operates in a non-democratic political context. It then considers the This is not to say that democratisation holds all the solutions to Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (the Prosperous Justice Party or the PKS), that these problems. Democracy will undoubtedly complicate efforts by the has adapted a Muslim Brotherhood model of activism to Indonesia’s countries in question to deal with the often deep social, economic and relatively new, but maturing, democracy. Finally, it examines the case political problems they face, even if it would undoubtedly strengthen the of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (the Justice and Development Party legitimacy of those having to make the diffi cult decisions necessary to or the AKP) a ‘post-Islamist’ party operating in Turkey’s older, if still confront these challenges. Likewise, terrorist movements like al-Qaeda incomplete, democratic political system. and its partisans are unlikely to suddenly abandon bullets and bombs for Each case study provides a self-contained discussion of how one ballot boxes. But democratisation in parts of the Muslim world would particular Islamist movement or party has adapted, or attempted to adapt, suck some of the oxygen out of the extremists’ incendiary rhetoric to democratic participation. But our goal is also to compare the three case — not least the charge that Western governments preach democracy studies in order to identify any consistent shifts in ideas and activism that and human rights but in practice ally themselves with governments seem to occur across these cases and indeed manifest more strongly in committed to neither. Moreover, while Islamist militancy is not solely a the more democratic contexts. In other words, our aim is to understand product of authoritarian states, repression has played an unmistakeable the ways in which political context shapes the Islamist response. The part in the process of radicalisation in many cases. goal in this regard is not so much to establish whether democracy Our goal in this paper, however, is not to advocate or justify muscular ‘moderates’ Islamists as it is to understand the ways and conditions interventions for the sake of ‘exporting democracy’. We recognise that under which participation in democratic politics may normalise them. By democratisation is most likely to succeed when it results from endogenous normalisation we refer to a process whereby Islamists become integrated drivers and processes. Yet it is also true that the international community members of the political system, operating by the rules and norms of shapes and affects these processes in myriad ways, from the human democracy, developing more transparent leadership and party structures rights representations made by individual countries, to the provision or and expanding the bases of their membership. withholding of aid and fi nancial assistance, to the recognition afforded A review of the three case studies suggests six fairly consistent shifts new governments. In short, even if it is not actually promoting it, the in Islamist ideology and activism that appear to become more manifest international community will continue to infl uence and respond to as one moves from non-democratic to democratic contexts: ii iii ZEALOUS DEMOCRATS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY From shari’a state to shari’a values:
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Zealous Democrats: Islamism and Democracy in Egypt, Indonesia and Turkey
    Lowy Institute Paper 25 zealous democrats ISLAMISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, INDONESIA AND TURKEY Anthony Bubalo • Greg Fealy Whit Mason First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2008 Anthony Bubalo is program director for West Asia at the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Prior to joining the Institute he worked as an Australian diplomat for 13 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 1360 Australia years and was a senior Middle East analyst at the Offi ce of www.longmedia.com.au National Assessments. Together with Greg Fealy he is the [email protected] co-author of Lowy Institute Paper 05 Joining the caravan? Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia. Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2008 ABN 40 102 792 174 Dr Greg Fealy is senior lecturer and fellow in Indonesian politics at the College of Asia and the Pacifi c, The All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Australian National University, Canberra. He has been a of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC, and copyright owner. was also an Indonesia analyst at the Offi ce of National Assessments. He has published extensively on Indonesian Islamic issues, including co-editing Expressing Islam: Cover design by Longueville Media Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Religious life and politics in Indonesia (ISEAS, 2008) and Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia (ISEAS, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Martill, University of Oxford
    Centre of Attention: Liberalism and the Politics of Cold War Strategy Benjamin Martill, University of Oxford Abstract Common to existing work on ideology and foreign policy is the use of the left-right model to structure underlying partisan differences. An exclusive reliance on this model is problematic, however, because it precludes the possibility of operationalizing the distinct values of the political centre ground. Understanding the centre is important because on many foreign policy issues the most salient partisan divides are between the centre and competitors on the left and the right, rather than between the left and right themselves. In this article I offer an alternative conceptualisation of ideology based around the ‘horseshoe model’ commonly used in European studies and Comparative Politics. This allows us to distinguish the values of the political centre from those shared by both left and right. The five distinguishing elements of the centre’s approach to foreign policy, I argue, are: (1) interdependence, (2) supranationalism, (3) particularism, (4) deterrence, and (5) free trade. I test the argument by examining the changing Cold War strategies of Euratlantic states vis-à-vis both superpowers. Paper presented at the PSA annual conference, Sheffield, April 2015 Draft version – please do not cite 1 Introduction Existing works on ideology and International Relations (IR) have highlighted a number of linkages between the partisan orientation of governments and their foreign policy behaviour, in issue-areas as diverse as security, human rights, economics and international organization. These works share a common reliance on the standard model of political ideology that posits variation along a single dimension from left to right.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
    ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Center Party and the League of Nations: International Relations in a Moral Dimension
    InSight: RIVIER ACADEMIC JOURNAL, VOLUME 4, NUMBER 2, FALL 2008 THE GERMAN CENTER PARTY AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A MORAL DIMENSION Martin Menke, Ph.D.* Associate Professor, Department of History, Law, and Political Science, Rivier College During the past two decades, scholarly interest in German political Catholicism, specifically in the history of the German Center Party has revived.1 As a spate of recent publication such as Stathis Kalyvas’s The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe and the collection of essays, Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965, 2 show, this renewed interest in German political Catholicism is part of a larger trend. All of these works, however, show how much work remains to be done in this field. While most research on German political Catholicism has focused on the period before 1918, the German Center Party’s history during the Weimar period remains incompletely explored. One of the least understood areas of Center Party history is its influence on the Weimar government’s foreign policy. After all, the Center led nine of the republic’s twenty cabinets. Karsten Ruppert, for example, relies almost exclusively on Peter Krüger’s Die Außenpolitik der Republik von Weimar,3 which emphasizes the role of Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann almost to the exclusion of all other domestic decision-makers. Weimar’s foreign policy largely consisted of a series of responses to crises caused by political and economic demands made by the victors of the First World War. These responses in turn were determined by the imperatives of German domestic politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Victory of PSOE and Interesting Readings in Between Rallies The
    The victory of PSOE and interesting readings in between rallies The success of the Socialist Party (PSOE) in the Spanish general election is without a doubt very good news for European social democrats, who have been in recent times in an almost chronic state of discouragement due to the poor electoral results of the last years. Proof of this is the uncontained joy with which its adherents have welcomed the results of Sunday’s election, starting with their candidate to lead the European Commission, Frans Timmermans. It may be true that a victory in one single country doesn’t necessarily mean a change of trend in the broader European Union, especially if it isn’t met with other countries that back the hypothesis that the winds are changing in various places at the same time. However, the reality is that since last September we have started to observe signs that support the existence of this trend, among which it is worth highlighting the victory – albeit by a small margin – of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, corroborated later by their capacity to converge with part of the centre-right in order to stop the extremists from reaching a government-enabling majority, as well as the first-place (again by a small margin) obtained by the Social Democratic Party of Finland which will lead a coalition government, to which we may add the positive results expected in Denmark and Portugal, who will hold elections over the course of this year. In this particular case, the social democrats have won clearly, by a large margin, and they have done so in one of the ‘big four’ countries of the Eurozone.
    [Show full text]
  • Pesantren) in Indonesia
    Examining the Socio-Economic Role of Islamic Boarding Schools (Pesantren) in Indonesia M. Falikul Isbah A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra June 2016 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: lsbah First name: M. Falikul Other name/s: Abbreviation for degree as given In the University calendar: PhD School: School of Humanities and Social Science Faculty: University College Title: Examining the Socio-Economic Role of lslM'lic Boarding School (Pasantren) In Indonesia Abstract 350 words maximum: This thesis examines the role of Indonesian Islamjc boarding schools' <.pesanlrm) engagement in the socio-economic issues of their communities. In undertaking such initiatives, pe.rantrtn are moving beyond their core business of Islamic education and propagation. This thesis shows that these pesantrm have made significant contributions to the prosperity and welfare of their neighbouring communities. By discussing case studies of four pesontren, this thesis will analyse the ways pesantrtn have engaged with their communities. It will also examine local contexts and factors that have shaped the form of their engagement, further impact on their standing as educational and da'wah institutions, and their relationships with government and non-government organisations which offer support and partnership. This thesis also highlights why there are pesantrtn which have undertaken significant engagement activities with their neighbouring communities, while others have not. This study is placed within the growing scholarly interest in analysing Islamic organisations as non-state actors in the provision of welfare services and as development agencies at grass roots level in contemporary Indonesia.
    [Show full text]
  • Sweden: Another Awkward Partner?
    2444Ch16 3/12/02 2:06 pm Page 369 16 Karl Magnus Johansson Sweden: another awkward partner? Introduction: reluctant yet faithful Scholars of the European Union must lift the lid off the ‘black box’ of domestic politics to understand the behaviour of Member States in the integration processes. In this chapter, we will move inside the Swedish polity by analysing domestic constraints and institutional characteristics. The overarching aim is to capture the fundamentals of Sweden as an EU member, thereby identifying the primary actors involved in the policy- cycle. Joining late, Sweden has faced strong pressures of adaptation both at the state and societal levels. As the Union has advanced and become an increasingly complex organisation, countries seeking membership and new Member States are faced with a more difficult and steeper learning curve than the founding members. At the same time, latecomers are in a position to learn from the experiences of others. Sweden joined the Union in January 1995. The decision to seek membership can be seen as a logical consequence of the interdependence between the strongly export-reliant Swedish economy and the West European economies.1 Although officially neutral, Sweden has since long been strongly associated with West Europe, both economically and polit- ically.2 Swedish economic forces actually joined the Common Market before membership was formally and politically approved. Just like in Britain and Denmark, membership has been justified primarily by the political elites on economic grounds, which provided the rationale for requesting membership in the first place and provoked unrealistic expec- tations of economic benefits and thereby continued to haunt the elites, broadly in favour of membership.
    [Show full text]
  • Elizabeth Fuller Collins
    Islam and the Habits of Democracy: Islamic O rganizations in Post-New O rder South Sumatra Elizabeth Fuller Collins "Democratization will not proceed in Indonesia until it is actively supported by the Islamic community and until the values of democracy are explicitly articulated as compatible with Islamic doctrine." 1 This paper looks to the grassroots to see how Islamic organizations in the post- Suharto period are responding to the challenge of democratic reform.2 Islam has played a crucial role in shaping the politics of Indonesia, and since 1998 Indonesia has been viewed as a test case for the compatibility of Islam and democracy.3 However, 1 "Islam in Modern Indonesia," a conference sponsored by the United States-Indonesia Society and Asia Foundation, February 7, 2002. This statement is one of the "key conclusions" in the Executive Summary of the Conference Proceedings. Speakers at the conference included Mark Woodward, Robert Flefner, Ulil Abshar Abdalla, Lies Marcoes Natsir, Greg Fealy, Douglas Ramage, Moeslim Abdurrahman, Rizal Sukma, and Donald Emmerson. 2 Research for this paper was funded by a grant from the Ford Foundation in Jakarta. I thank Ann Tickameyer, Laurel Fleydir, Muhammad Sirozi, and Ann Shoemaker for their comments. I also want to thank the young researchers in Palembang who helped to collect information about the organizations discussed in this paper. 3 See Robert Hefner, Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999); Anders Uhlin, Indonesia and the "Third Wave o f Democratization": The Indonesian Pro- Democracy Movement in a Changing World (New York, NY: St.
    [Show full text]
  • Religious Studies (BJRS) Volume 3 Number 1 June 2014
    AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS) Volume 3 Number 1 June 2014 THE PHENOMENON OF (ISLAMIC) RELIGIOUS FUN- DAMENTALISM IN A NON-‘RELIGIOUS’ CAMPUS: A CASE STUDY AT HASANUDDIN UNIVERSITY MAKASSAR Taufani University of Eastern Indonesia, Makassar Abstract This research aims to describe and examine the phenomenon of Islamic funda- mentalism on the campus of Hasanuddin University (UNHAS). Islamic funda- mentalism is a phenomenon that emerged after the reform and it is common- ly encountered in the campus world. The trend shows that the phenomenon of Islamic fundamentalism is growing in the campus that has no particular reli- gious affiliation and is often driven by the propagation of the Campus Dakwah Organization (LDK). This research would like to test the thesis that whether it is relevant to the context of the Hasanuddin University that in fact is not a religiously-affiliated campus or the contrary. The method of collecting data was done through observation of the activities of the LDK activist at the Hasanuddin University (UNHAS) Campus Dakwah Organization’s Musholla Lovers (LDK- MPM), in-depth interviews, documentation/review of previous research and papers. This research shows that Islamic fundamentalism led by LDK-MPM is growing at the Hasanuddin University. This phenomenon emerged as the im- plications of the post-reform freedom, so that these opportunities are exploit- ed by activists to channel their euphoria, because at the time of the new order, their propagation had a fairly limited space. Another factor that led to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and growing at Hasanuddin University is because the students did not have comprehensive Islamic references, so that they had no checklist for critiquing and examining the ideology of Islamic fundamentalism.
    [Show full text]
  • MANUFACTURING the “ONTOLOGICAL ENEMY” Socio-Political Construction of Anti-Democracy Discourses Among HTI Activists in Post
    Socio-political Construction of anti-Democracy Discourse MANUFACTURING THE “ONTOLOGICAL ENEMY” Socio-Political Construction of anti-Democracy Discourses among HTI Activists in Post-New Order Indonesia1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia Abstract: The Indonesian Islamists’ rejection of demo- cracy, as this paper will demonstrate, is not monolithic; it is complex and multifaceted that is accompanied by a long process of argument building. This paper focuses its scope of analysis on Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), a Middle Eastern-derived “transnational” Islamist movement that seeks to unite all Muslim nations all over the world under a Caliphate system. This paper argues that, in developing counter-discourses on democracy, the HTI activists employ both theological approach and modern socio-political narratives. It is also argued that the concept of enemy constructed by the HTI activists serves only as an ontological venture, and not existential one, for the purpose of self-fulfilling prophecy. The process of construction of the enemy follows the mode of binary opposition between the “authentic self” and the “corrupted other.” This paper borrows much of its theoretical framework from Saphiro, Foucault, Berger and Luckmann, and still many others. Key words: Democracy, Islamists, HTI, Khilafah> Islami> yah> . Introduction The fact that the majority of Indonesian Islamists reject the idea of democracy is nothing new. The bulk of research projects conducted 1 This paper is a part of my dissertation entitled “Islam, Islamism and Democracy: Islamist Discourses and Counter-Discourses on Democracy in Post-New Order Indonesia,” submitted to the University of Melbourne, March 2007, and also my forthcoming book published by ISEAS Singapore.
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong Form of Judicial Review: the Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court
    Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong Form of Judicial Review: The Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court Andy Omara A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Beth E. Rivin, Chair Hugh D. Spitzer, Co-Chair Walter J. Walsh Mark E. Cammack Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law ©Copyright 2017 Andy Omara University of Washington Abstract Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong form of Judicial Review: The Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court Andy Omara Chair and Co-Chair of the Supervisory Committee Professor Beth E. Rivin and Professor Hugh D. Spitzer School of Law The 1999-2002 constitutional amendments to Indonesia’s Constitution inserted some important features of a modern constitution. These include the introduction of a comprehensive human rights provision and a new constitutional court. This dissertation focuses on these two features and aims to understand the roles of this new court in protecting economic and social rights (ES rights). It primarily analyzes (1) factors that explain the introduction of a constitutional court in Indonesia, (2) the Court’s approaches in conducting judicial review of ES rights cases, (3) Factors that were taken into account by the Court when it decided cases on ES rights, and (4) the lawmakers’ response toward the Court’s rulings on ES rights. This dissertation reveals that, first, the introduction of a constitutional court in Indonesia can be best explained by multiple contributing factors –not a single factor.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion's Name: Abuses Against Religious Minorities in Indonesia
    H U M A N R I G H T S IN RELIGION’S NAME Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia WATCH In Religion’s Name Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-992-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2013 1-56432-992-5 In Religion’s Name Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia Map .................................................................................................................................... i Glossary ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]