OCCASIONAL PAPERS IN ARCHAEOLOGY 73

Outlanders? Resource colonisation, raw material exploitation and Networks in Middle Iron Age Sweden

Andreas Hennius

Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Humanistiska teatern, Engelska parken, Thunbergsvägen 3c, Uppsala, Saturday, 8 May 2021 at 13:00 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Dr James Barrett (Cambridge University).

Abstract Hennius, A. 2021. Outlanders? Resource colonisation, raw material exploitation and networks in Middle Iron Age Sweden. Occasional papers in archaeology 73. 149 pp. Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History. ISBN 978-91-506-2868-5.

The Middle Iron Age, around 300–650 CE, was characterised by extensive transformations across many aspects of society in the area of present-day Sweden. Within the central agricultural regions of the southern parts of the country, these changes are evident in a re-organisation of the settlements, renewed burial practices, the building of large-scale monuments, as well as increased militarisation, social stratification and an increase in imported objects. This thesis addresses an additional aspect of Middle Iron Age societal change, namely an increase in the utilisation of raw materials and resources from forested and coastal landscapes situated beyond the settled farm. These non-agrarian landscapes are commonly referred to as the outlands. In previous research, the increased utilisation of the outlands has in general been understood as part of a Viking Age expansion. The case studies of the thesis suggest that the outlands saw an intensified resource colonisation already during the Middle Iron Age, and that a similar explanatory model can be used to accommodate the parallel developments that appear in the agrarian landscapes as well as the in the outlands. The resource colonisation contributed to a surplus production that seems to have exceeded the needs of ordinary households, along with serially produced items, distributed along far-reaching trade networks in exchange of exotic commodities. The thesis argues that these networks should be interpreted as part of systems connecting distant regions, ranging from the Far East to Arctic Scandinavia. The discussions of the cases studies illustrate interplay between different groups of people – producers and consumers, hunters and farmers – in different parts of the landscape, and how they generated complex, social and economic relations and interdependencies. This in turn resulted in specific cultural patterns in the border area between the boreal forest in the north and the agrarian region in the south. The main contribution of the study is that it highlights how the main elements of outland exploitation, such as mass production and trade in valuable non-agrarian resources, can be dated earlier than has been previously thought. Moreover, the thesis argues that outland resource colonisation was an important driving force for the societal developments that took place during the Middle Iron Age, and is crucial for our understanding of later time periods.

Keywords: outlands, non-agrarian production, resource exploitation, Scandinavia, Iron Age archaeology, pre-viking age, Vendel period, Viking Age, tar production, pitfall hunting, whaling, seasonal production sites

Andreas Hennius, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Archaeology, Box 626, Uppsala University, SE-75126 Uppsala, Sweden.

© Andreas Hennius 2021

ISSN 1100-6358 ISBN 978-91-506-2868-5 urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437158 (http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437158)

”Det som för länge sedan var förött och nedkämpat i skoglösa länder blev hos oss vägen till kultur och civilisation. Skogens paradox blev vår kulturs kärna. Det kaotiska som gav utanförskap erkändes också som nyttighet och skydd. Vi har ett djupt behov av skogen.”

Kerstin Ekman, Herrarna i skogen

List of Papers

This thesis is based on the following papers, which are referred to in the text by their Roman numerals. The papers are included in appendices I–IV.

I Hennius, A. 2020a. Towards a Refined Chronology of Prehis- toric Pitfall Hunting in Sweden. European Journal of Archaeol- ogy. doi:10.1017/eaa.2020.8 Pp. 1–17

II Hennius, A., Gustavsson, R., Ljungkvist, J. & Spindler, L. 2018. Whalebone Gaming Pieces: Aspects of Marine Mammal Exploitation in Vendel and Viking Age Scandinavia. European Journal of Archaeology, 21. https://doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2018.15 Pp. 612–631.

III Hennius, A. 2018. Viking Age Tar Production and Outland Ex- ploitation. Antiquity, 92. https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.22 Pp. 1349–1361.

IV Hennius, A. 2020b. Outland exploitation and the emergence of seasonal settlements. Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift, 79 Stock- holm. Pp. 8–24.

Reprints were made with permission from the respective publishers.

Contents

Introduction ...... 15 Prerequisites of the thesis ...... 16 Thesis outline ...... 23 Middle Iron Age society — a general view of the current state of research ...... 27 Settlement patterns and changing land regulations...... 28 An elite buried in large mounds ...... 30 Socio-political power struggles ...... 37 Far-reaching contacts and trade ...... 39 Socio–economic background ...... 41 Beyond the settled infields – historical analogies ...... 44 Into the great beyond — a research history ...... 53 The discovery of an archaeological outland ...... 57 A growing interest for outland archaeology ...... 64 A neo-empirical turn and new ways to trace the pre-history of the outlands ...... 67 Furs and other outland resources in historical sources ...... 70 Questions, methods and theoretical considerations — alternatives to an agrarian based narrative ...... 75 When, What, Where, Who, Why, and How? ...... 76 Methodological standpoints ...... 80 Theoretical considerations ...... 82 Introducing the case studies ...... 87 Case study I: Towards a refined chronology of prehistoric pitfall hunting ...... 89 Case study II: Whalebone gaming pieces – aspects of marine mammal exploitation in pre-Viking Scandinavia ...... 91 Case study III: Viking Age tar production and outland exploitation ...... 94 Case study IV: Outland exploitation and the emergence of seasonal settlements ...... 96

Outland use in the Middle Iron Age — Resource colonisation, raw material exploitation and networks ...... 99 When? — The Middle Iron Age, a time of changes ...... 99 What? — A broad spectrum of outland resources ...... 102 Where? — A far-reaching outland ...... 105 Who? — The outlands as a middle ground ...... 109 Why? — Supporting the power politics of networks and trade ...... 114 Outlanders? ...... 121 References ...... 125 Internet references ...... 149

Förord

Att genomföra forskarutbildningen på ett svenskt universitet, och att skriva examensarbetet i form av en doktorsavhandling, planeras till fyra års heltids- studier. För min del har det tagit betydligt mycket längre tid. Föreliggande examensarbete kan på många sätt ses som en sammanfattning av närmare 20 års arbete som fältarkeolog, från det att jag började gräva härdar i Östergötland 1997 till undersökningen av en stor vendeltida gravhög utanför Uppsala 2013. Detta arbete skiljer sig väsentligt, både geografiskt och kronologiskt, från vad jag trodde att jag skulle fördjupa mig i när jag tillsammans med Leif Hägg- ström sorterade neolitisk keramik från Falbygden i källaren på arkeologiska institutionen vid Göteborgs universitet i början av 1990-talet. Detta arbete ver- kar ha präglat oss båda på liknande vis eftersom Leif skrev sin avhandling om samhällsutvecklingen under järnåldern i skogsmarkerna på Sydsvenska hög- landet. Först och främst vill jag tacka Berit Wallenbergs Stiftelse för att de har bekostat mina år på forskarutbildningen. Jag vill också tacka mina handledare, Neil Price och Karl-Johan Lindholm som, utifrån sina olika kompetenser och perspektiv, har guidat och stöttat mig genom denna process och hela tiden trott på avhandlingens relevans liksom min förmåga att genomföra forskarutbild- ningen. Det finns ytterligare två personer som är direkt ansvariga till att det blev en ansökan till forskarutbildningen från första början: Joakim Kjellberg, som vän och kollega på såväl Upplandsmuseet som universitetet, tipsade om att Nordic Graduate School ordnade en kurs om utmarksarkeologi, där jag lyckades tjata mig in. På denna kurs spände Eva Svensson sin skarpa blick i mig och uppmanade mig att lämna in en ansökan till Berit Wallenbergs stif- telse. Det var bra gjort. Annars hade det nog inte blivit av. Jag vill också rikta ett stort tack till mina chefer, Bent Syse och Anna Ölund på Upplandsmuseet som givit mig tjänstledigt, samt Lars Karlsson och Susanne Carlsson som un- der min tid på institutionen varit prefekter. Ytterligare ett flertal stiftelser, fonder och projekt har bekostat olika delar av arbetet, analyser och resor. Upplandsmuseets forskningsfond, SAUs forsk- ningsfond, Rydebergsfonden, Svanbergs stipendium på Kalmar Nation, Svea Orden och Stiftelsen Greve Sten Lewenhaupts minnesfond Vetenskapsrådets projekt Utmanad marginalitet/Contesting Marginality (UTMA) och Veten- skapsrådets Rådsprofessorsprogram The Viking Phenomenon. The Viking Phenomenon har även bidragit med såväl open access avgifter som bidrag till tryckkostnaderna. Stort tack.

Att skriva en avhandling brukar beskrivas som ett ensamt arbete, och det stäm- mer när det gäller skrivandet. När det gäller forskningen däremot är det precis tvärt om. Arkeologi blir så mycket lättare och roligare med ett stort kontaktnät och bra kollegor, och jag har turen att ha både och. Många människor runt om i Sverige, alltför många för att kunna nämna, har hjälpt, tyckt till, delat in- formation och kunskaper, tack. Förhoppningsvis kan jag återgälda detta om någon är intresserad att fördjupa sig i något som jag kan bidra till. Jag hade turen att börja på institutionen i en dynamisk tid när två större forskningsprojekt som berörde mitt ämne startades; The Viking Phenomenon under ledning av Neil Price, John Ljungkvist och Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jon- son och Contesting Marginality (UTMA) under ledning av Karl-Johan Lind- holm och Eva Svensson. De forskningsmiljöer som formades inom respektive projekt har varit en stor hjälp i mitt arbete. Arbetet inom universitetet underlättades av såväl doktorandkollegorna som av de som kommit längre i sin forskningskarriär, om inte annat genom trevliga stunder i lunchrummet eller utanför universitetet. Doktoranderna har bytts ut under åren men Anders, Annika, Axel, Chris, Decio, Emelie, Emily, Ezekia, Filmo, Henriette, Jhonny, Joakim, Kailin, Karin, Michael, Natalia, Patrik och Therese har funnits på plats, på olika sätt, under olika delar av tiden. Dessutom ett extra tack till Elisabeth, Carina och Camilla som med oändligt tålamod hållit ordning på allt det praktiska. Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, John Ljungkvist och Anneli Sundkvist kom med värdefulla kommentarer på manuset i slutskedet av arbetet. Tack. John har också varit en viktig samarbetspartner under hela perioden, oavsett om det handlat om storhögar, roliga djur i haven eller stoppandet av korv och vedhuggning. Tack också till Anneli Ekblom och Joakim Wehlin som gjorde den avslutande granskningen av manuset. Ragnar Orten Lie i Norge och Anna Wessman i Finland har inte bara med lika delar entusiasm som tålmodighet svarat på frågor, utan även bjudit in mig till respektive land för studieresor, vilket varit mycket värdefullt. Mina kollegor på Upplandsmuseet har hela tiden varit ett stort stöd och glädje i en för övrigt dåligt fungerande exploateringsarkeologi: Robin och Ma- lin, Per och Hans, Linda och Anna. Museets forskningschef Torun Zachrisson gjorde också ett strålande jobb som skuggopponent. Till museet räknar jag även min ständiga följeslagare, Dan Fagerlund, som inte bara bidragit med sin långa arkeologiska erfarenhet utan även, gös-fiske, snickrande och musik- glädje. Calum McDonald har haft den otacksamma uppgiften att språkgranska mina engelska texter. Även Ben Raffield, Chris Nuttall och Robin Lucas har fått utföra sin beskärda del av språkgranskning. Tack snälla ni. Tack också till Mattias Bäcklin som gav mig tillstånd att använda World trade timber som framsidesbild. Diskussioner och information från ovanstående människor har lyft innehållet i detta examensarbete. Fel och brister är dock mitt eget ansvar. Och för att citera Bo Gräslund ”Skulle något namn olyckligtvis ha fallit bort har jag sparat mitt varmaste tack åt vederbörande.”

På ett personligt och privat plan finns också väldigt många människor att tacka för hjälp och stöd under den här tiden, både genom ett genuint intresse för vad jag har hållit på med, men lika mycket för ett genuint ointresse för sublima aspekter av 1500 år gamla mörka fläckar i marken. Tack alla ni, för många att räkna upp. Det är några människor som inte fick finnas kvar tillräckligt länge för att läsa det färdiga resultatet, min pappa Björn-Eric och mina svärföräldrar Gun- nar och Margareta. När jag nu är klar känns det extra tråkigt, de hade nog gillat att se det färdiga examensarbetet. Mamma Christina har dock fått ställa upp och läst, gå på föredrag, lagat mat och skjutsa barn mer än vad man kan för- vänta sig. Tack! Trots en mängd nya anekdoter och meningslös kunskap att fnissa åt kan det under perioder vara slitsamt och frustrerande att genomföra en forskarutbild- ning, vilket tyvärr påverkar de som står en närmast, Sanna, Hjalmar och Folke. Förlåt! Sanna har hela tiden trott på mig och detta projekt, oftast mer än jag själv har gjort, och Hjalmar och Folke hållit mig kvar i den värld som betyder något. All min kärlek går till er.

Gabba Gabba Hey

Andreas

Introduction

In his book The unending frontier – an environmental history of the early modern world, John F. Richards (2003) describes how human exploitation of natural resources develops across the globe as a continuously moving frontier consisting of four general steps. First, an intensified use of land along the borders of settlements including clearance for cultivation but also the exploitation of non-agrarian products such as timber, tar or mineral ores. The next step consists of biological invasions, including new species of animals and plants transforming the landscape; on a global scale this also include the spread of diseases. The third step denotes increase in in- tensified commercial hunting, for meat, hide or other products leading to a depletion of large animals, birds and marine mammals. This intensification not only leads to further altering the natural environment but also to the reduction of biodiversity. The fourth and final step sees energy and re- source scarcity in the core areas, leading to a further exploitation of re- sources at the continuously moving frontier. According to Richards, these four steps can help in characterising and understanding global social and environmental processes and trajectories for the last five hundred years (Richards 2003: 3–9). Comparable processes can, however, be identified even earlier. James Barrett and collegues (2020) uses a similar idea of eco- logical globalisation for conceptualising the hunt for walrus in the North Atlantic during the Viking Age and early medieval times. The demand for walrus items in Europe resulted in the gradual overexploitation or extinc- tion of walrus populations further and further away across the ocean in the search for new hunting grounds. An intensified extraction of terrestrial and maritime resources created interdependencies between resource extracting communities and distant centres of consumption (Barrett et al. 2020). This thesis suggests that processes of ecological globalisation were ac- tive in the Scandinavian inland region already in the Middle Iron Age (300–650 CE). As will be discussed in the following text, this time-period provides considerable archaeological evidence suggesting intensified ex- traction of boreal forest resources and the establishment of far-reaching networks of exchange. This intensification was based on complex social

15 and economic relations, which in turn interrelated remote parts of the land- scape with distant markets and consumers. The focus of the thesis will however be on a smaller spatial scale of ecological globalisation and on processes, which will be conceptualised as resource colonisation. In this context the term ‘colonisation’ does not primarily refer to a large-scale movement of people or external appropriation of land and resources. Re- source colonisation will be used for conceptualising an increased exploita- tion of a surrounding landscape, aimed at extracting valued components that could be transformed into commodities of crafts and trade. Hence, the concept of resource colonisation – predominantly in areas beyond the agrarian regions – will primarily be used here for referring to the driving forces and agency that shape landscapes of ecological globalisation, con- stituted in intensive exploitation of raw materials and resources.

Prerequisites of the thesis

The Middle Iron Age, around 300–650 CE, was characterised by extensive transformations across many aspects of society in the area of present-day Sweden. These changes included one of the largest reorganisations of set- tlement structure prior to the 19th century, new burial rituals, increased mil- itarisation and the building of hillforts. Moreover, in the time-period social stratification increased, there was a growing amount of imported objects, sometimes with exotic origins, and, especially in middle Sweden, the large- scale construction of monuments (see, for example, Ramqvist 1992, 2012; Petersson 2006; Ljungkvist 2006, 2011; Bratt 2008; Grönwall 2010; Olausson 2010; Seiler 2017; Wikborg 2017). In general, research has fo- cused on the core areas associated with the central agricultural regions of what is now Sweden, and has rarely considered that these changes also affected the areas beyond the settlements from a larger landscape perspec- tive, such as forests and coastal regions. In the Middle Iron Age, it is pos- sible to identify the intensified exploitation of natural resources, as well as a geographical expansion of activities in areas beyond the settled agrarian infields, usually referred to as the outlands (Sw. Utmark).

The objective of this dissertation is to expand our knowledge of Iron Age outland resource exploitation and the acquisition of raw materials and goods for further refinement into trade items. The aim is to achieve a more profound understanding of the societal developments that took place in the

16 agrarian regions, as well as in the outlands, during the Middle Iron Age. The hypothesis is that the exploitation of the outlands is a fundamental, but underrated, factor for explaining the development of the agrarian re- gions in the Middle Iron Age. The fundamental idea is that the changes in land utilisation and societal structure that can be seen in the agrarian farms during the period are associated with an intensified exploitation of the land- scape and new ways of organising production and controlling land use. By controlling the exploitation of raw materials and other resources, as well as controlling trade routes and trade in these products, groups of people were able to create a surplus, which they invested in building of large mon- uments and importing luxury objects with exotic origins. Above all, such a development can be identified in the border region between the boreal forests and the agricultural areas of present-day Central Sweden. These so- cial processes also generated wealth in the outland areas as seen in deposi- tions and funerary gifts, although the wealth was not manifested in the same monumental way if compared to the central agricultural areas. The border area, including agrarian farmland as well as boreal forests, lakes, rivers and the coastal zone will here be characterised as a middle ground (compare White 1991: 50ff). To assess the hypothesis defined above, the initial focus has been on establishing a firm and reliable chronology for outland exploitation. Once this question of When has been examined, the basic questions of What and Where are considered before the discussion elaborates on the more complex questions of Who and Why.

For a long time, iron production or fur acquisition formed the focus of dis- cussions concerned with outland resources (see, for example, Bannbers 1922; S. Ambrosiani 1923, 1933; Nihlén 1939; Hallström 1945; Serning 1966, 1973; Magnusson 1986; Hjärthner-Holdar 1993; Wigh 2001; En- glund 2002; Lindeberg 2009; I. Zachrisson 2010a; Pettersson Jensen 2012; C. Karlsson 2015; Bergman & Ramqvist 2018; Karlsson & Magnusson 2020). There are important differences between these materials. While preservation conditions for iron are good, as is knowledge of how to iden- tify production sites in the field, furs are only preserved under exceptional conditions. Discussions of fur acquisition are in general difficult to anchor in an empirical material (for recent exceptions drawing on proxy data see, for example, Lindholm & Ljungkvist 2016 or T. Zachrisson & Krzewińska 2019) and claims for existence of fur trade are mainly based on written sources. Even if iron production was of major importance, it was comple- mented by a large number of other resources. In the following thesis, the study of outland exploitation will embrace a broader spectrum of resources, highlighting that the outlands are multifaceted, multivariable and flexible.

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Furthermore, the outlands will be considered as integral parts of large-scale cultural landscapes, including both the agrarian infields and the areas be- yond. This broader perspective will be gained by using empirical material both from the agrarian regions and the outland areas, in combination with scientific methods such as ZooMS or statistical KDE-analysis, allowing integration of the disparate datasets. As already explained in the hypothesis presented above, it will be suggested that the exploitation of non-agrarian resources affected the overall societal structure in the outland as well as in the infield settlements. Outland colonisation and utilisation have primarily been studied from an agrarian perspective by researchers in human geog- raphy, ethnology or agrarian history using historical sources supported by archaeological indications or as separated from developments in the agrar- ian areas. From such a perspective, outland expansion and increased out- land exploitation have been regarded as a (late) Viking Age or Early Me- dieval complement to the agrarian economies (see, for example, Erixon 1918, 1938; Boëthius 1939, 1942; Hagberg 1978; Jansson 1978; J. Larsson 2009; Törnqvist 2019). The following thesis instead focuses on a period several hundreds of years earlier, when an increasing amount of archaeo- logical data suggests an initial phase of intensified exploitation of outland resources in an area reaching from the Baltic coast, through the forested regions of Middle Sweden, all the way to the Atlantic coast. The discussion will revolve around the question of what the effects of this intensification were on Iron Age society as a whole. The thesis main argument is that Middle Iron Age outland use is of fundamental importance for compre- hending the larger societal developments that took place in the centuries before the Viking Age. Possibly these developments are also crucial for understanding the features that characterises the latter.

Divisions of prehistory into different periods should primarily be seen as an artificial help in structuring the way of thinking regarding the past. The periods are seldom as clear-cut as wished for and in addition, they differ between regions and countries. The focus of the present study is the long transition phase between what is traditionally called the Early Iron Age (pre-Roman Iron Age and Roman Iron Age c. 400 BCE–400 CE, some- times also including the Migration Period 400–550 CE) and the Late Iron Age (Vendel Period c. 550–750 CE and Viking Age, c. 750–1050 CE, from a European perspective known as the Merovingian Period, Germanic Iron Age and/or early medieval period). In this thesis, this period, for lack of a better word, is called the Middle Iron Age and is set at approximately 300– 650 CE. The Middle Iron Age thus mainly includes the traditional periods of the Migration Period and Vendel Period, when several of the societal

18 structures accentuated in the Late Iron Age develop. Throughout the text, both names for periods as well as dates and years are given as illustrated below (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Time/period division used in the following text, based on traditional pe- riodisation, but with the transition phase between Early and Late Iron Age as a specific time-period, covering parts of both.

In this dissertation, the central concepts of outland, outland production and outland exploitation are used to characterise the landscapes beyond the in- fields of the agrarian settlements and activities aimed at the acquisition of raw materials and goods for further refinement. The terms are used irre- spectively of whether the outlands appear close to and are connected to the agrarian settlements as part of an agrarian work organisation, as outfields, commons or are at a longer distance from the agrarian settlement as är- jemark. The term outlands are also used for discussions on intensified re- source colonisation independent from such an agrarian organisation. Fur- thermore, outlands are also used irrespectively of landscape characterisa- tion, including forests, mountains, mires, bogs, rivers, lakes and coastal zones, as well as other facets of non-cultivated land. The main focus of the following study is subsequently on production that does not primarily aim at crops and stockbreeding, but rather on resource exploitation and raw material utilisation. Raw materials and refined products will be presumed to have been redistributed from the outlands through personal relations or exchange networks connecting the outlands to the agrarian regions. In turn, the actors in the production can have originated in agrarian as well as hunt- ing-based economies. The vocabulary of outland production and outland exploitation is preferred above more common expressions such as non- agrarian production. In the historical agrarian society, all production was

19 part of the annual working cycle, regardless of whether this concerned cul- tivation of the fields or iron production (see, for example, Magnusson 1986: 283), which makes it problematic to separate agrarian production from other types of production. The geographical core area of the study is middle Sweden, a region of significant natural diversity with an environmental setting that ranges be- tween agrarian farmland in the south and boreal forests in the north. At present, arable land in Sweden is estimated to cover eight percent of the total area, and other types of open land cover, in turn, an additional eight percent. Forested land represents almost seventy percent (Statistics Swe- den, SCB 2019). Most of the cultivated farmland is located in the southern part of the country, while the boreal forest dominates the northern two- thirds of the country as a westward continuation of the Russian taiga (Wastensson & Nilsson 1990: 13, 24, 25). This border between the agrarian regions and the forested north was defined by the Swedish botanist, geol- ogist and archaeologist Rutger Sernander as the Limes Norrlandicus (Na- tionalencyklopedin, Sw. Norrlandsgränsen). Limes Norrlandicus is a nat- ural geographical and biological zone separating the region of Norrland (the Northern lands) from the regions of Svealand (the lands of the Svear) and Götaland (the lands of the Götar) in the southern part of the country. The region north of the Limes Norrlandicus is dominated by a boreal cli- mate, higher altitudes and till soils. The region south of this border has a boreonemoral climate, larger arable low-lying areas and a larger proportion of clayey soils, especially in the region around Lake Mälaren. In this thesis, the Norrland border is primarily seen from a natural and biological per- spective, since the provinces of Värmland and Dalarna traditionally belong to Svealand, even if a majority of these regions are situated north of the Limes Norrlandicus (see Figure 2).

20

Figure 2. The geographical area discussed in the following thesis is the region shared by the south Swedish agrarian landscape, and the northern boreal forests in middle Sweden. This region has a significant diversity, not only identified from climatological and natural geographical parameters but also from cultural his- torical ones. This was the northern border of agrarian sedentary settlements in the Iron Age and the border of the shieling tradition, as well as the collective bor- derland between groups with an economy based on hunting and an agrarian econ- omy. Temperature zones from KSLA 2009.

21

In historical times, the Limes Norrlandicus more or less corresponds to the southern limit of the traditional shieling system (Sw. Fäbodgränsen, see J. Larsson, 2009: 20, 116 or Paper IV, Hennius, 2020b,1). Likewise, several important differences between archaeological remains can be identified within the different types of landscapes during the Iron Age2. In the boreal forests of southern and middle Norrland, trapping pits, iron production sites and a special type of burial, so-called hunting ground burials dominate the archaeological remains, while traces of Iron Age settlements are rare. Settlements and burials of the farming society are generally found south of the border zone, as well as along the Bothnian coast or in the riverine en- vironments connecting the coast with the mountainous region of the inte- rior Scandinavia. They are also found at the large lakes, such as Siljan and Storsjön in the provinces of Dalarna and Jämtland, respectively, where mi- croclimates and soil characteristics created better conditions for farming. In the Late Iron Age (c. 550–1050 CE), the area is regarded as a collective middle ground between agriculturalists with sedentary settlements and cul- tural groups with a subsistence focusing on hunting and trapping, some- times referred to as Norrlandic Trapping Culture or Hunting Ground Cul- ture, and occasionally associated with the specific ethnic identity of the Sámi (I. Zachrisson 1997: 128). In the agrarian areas along the Bothnian coast and south of the forested region, a large number of unusually rich burials are present, noted by chambers, boats and large, monumental mounds, suggesting a relationship between the boreal and the agrarian zones. These types of richly furnished burials become more common dur- ing the Middle Iron Age (300–650 CE), although there are regional chron- ological differences as well as a number of later examples of burials.

This thesis builds on a conceptualisation that questions the agricultural norm, as well as the cultural dualism that for a long time has pervaded the historical narrative of the region. In contrast, it will be argued, that a shift in focus is required. The thesis aims to study the agency of outland produc- ers by tracing their activities, products and networks in the landscape and shaping the societal developments of the first millennia. It will be argued that the heterogenic natural conditions of the border region described above, including forests, mountains, mires, bogs, rivers, lakes and coastal zones, were of fundamental importance for the settlements in the agrarian

1 In Paper IV (Hennius, 2020b, Appendix IV), there is also an elaborated discussion on the use of the English word shieling as a translation for the Swedish counterparts Fäbod and Säter. 2 This can be further explored in the Swedish register of ancient monuments, FMIS/KMR, https://app.raa.se/open/fornsok/ 22 regions, as a precondition for a diversified economy, aimed at surplus pro- duction complementing the agrarian production. The boreal forests pro- vided raw materials and resources for crafts and trade, but also building materials, fuel, fodder and grazing. A theoretical prerequisite is that the central agricultural regions and the outlands form complementary resource areas in a large-scale cultural landscape, and form complementary parts of the economic systems that develop during the period. No matter their so- cio-economic focus or ethnicity, the actors in this landscape became part of a “shared cultural milieu” based on the creation of “middle grounds” (compare Gosden 2004) reflecting unique cultural patterns differing from the areas to the north and to the south. These actors also became part of wide-reaching networks linking together Scandinavia with the European continent and further afield, in what could be characterised as interrelated landscapes of a ‘world-system’ (compare Wallerstein 2004). Such a shift in focus have the potential to contribute with an alternative and more pro- found understanding of the societal developments that took place in the region during the time-period.

Thesis outline

The argument of the thesis is constituted on six main parts:

Firstly, the section Middle Iron Age society ― A general view of the cur- rent state of research, outlines the societal developments that took place during the time-period. The chapter situates the research questions within a larger contextual background and will justify the dissertation’s aim to use an outland perspective for obtaining a better understanding of Middle Iron Age societal change. The discussion is based on a review of archaeological studies and excavations in the agrarian regions, primarily from eastern middle Sweden, around Lake Mälaren. Secondly, Into the Great Beyond ― A research history, focuses on the landscapes situated beyond the settlements and infields. The chapter re- view the history of previous outland research in order to position the thesis within a general context, as well as establishing a background to the current investigations. In the third part, Questions, methods and theoretical considerations ― An alternative to an agrarian based narrative, the results of the previous chapters will be revisited. In recent decades, outland research has resulted

23 in a number of important insights. However, a coherent model of explana- tion concerning the societal development in the Middle Iron Age, including both the agrarian regions and the outlands, is still missing. In the section, a theoretical and methodological approach for studying this relationship will be presented. This is based on a large-scale geographical perspective, where the agrarian regions and the outlands are considered as complemen- tary resource areas in a large-scale cultural landscape. The different parts are seen as parallel components of the economic systems that develop dur- ing the period. By studying both production sites in the outlands and the archaeological material found at the settlements, new light could be shed on a varied and multifaceted exploitation of outland resources in the Mid- dle Iron Age. To create a better understanding of the utilisation of the outlands, four case studies have been published in peer-reviewed journals. The articles are included in their entirety as appendices (I–IV) but are summarised and commented in the fourth part, Introducing the case studies. Paper I and Paper II (Hennius 2020a, Appendix I & Hennius et al. 2018, Appendix II) investigate chronological frameworks regarding the large-scale hunting of terrestrial and marine mammals, respectively. In the first paper, radiocar- bon samples from pitfalls in the boreal forests are analysed using Kernel Density Estimations (KDE) to create a chronological model of pitfall hunt- ing. Paper II (Hennius et al. 2018) is based on a study of raw materials used in the production of gaming pieces. By using a combination of osteological methods and ZooMS the analyses show that a majority of the late Iron Age gaming pieces were made from whalebone, primarily from North Atlantic right whale (Eubalaena glacialis). Furthermore, the study suggests that these mass-produced and standardised gaming pieces were distributed via extensive networks, dating from as early as the Vendel Period. Paper III (Hennius 2018, Appendix III) shows a transformation of tar production from small-scale production at settlements during the early Iron Age to large-scale production located in the woodlands during the late Iron Age. This relocation certainly had major implications for planning the produc- tion and work organisation and was probably implemented and conducted on a seasonal basis with the intention of using the tar as a commodity on supraregional trade networks. In Paper IV (Hennius 2020b, Appendix IV), the emergence of seasonally utilised sites during the Middle Iron Age is discussed aiming to deepen the understanding of societal development and the interdependence between different types of landscapes and resource areas. The article bridges the infield/outland dichotomy by studying the reorganisation of grazing systems in relation to the emergence of seasonal

24 production sites in the outlands in the middle of the Iron Age from a co- herent model of explanation. The development of multi-temporary and multi-functional sites in the outlands is related to increasingly stronger claims for and control of land, which is also visible in the agricultural units in the field during the period. This change affects both the work organisa- tion of the actors involved and social relationships. The chronological co- herence between outland resource acquisition and the development of the agrarian regions shows an interdependence between different types of landscape. In the section Outland use in the Middle Iron Age ― Resource coloni- sation, raw material exploitation and networks, the results of the case stud- ies are situated in a general context and discussed in accordance with the hypothesis, aims and objectives of this thesis. The discussion is based on the five classic questions: When, What, Where, Who and Why, elaborating on the chronology, the nature, the geographical scale, societal organisation and reasons behind the increased outland exploitation. Even if the ques- tions seem simple, it will be apparent that the answers are complex, indi- cating that the societal and economic developments in the Middle Iron Age effected and connected most parts of Scandinavia and tied them together through far-reaching networks. Finally, the most important results of the thesis are summarized under the headline Outlanders?

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Figure 3. All types of archaeological sites in Sweden registered in FMIS/KMR. Red dots are excavated or partly excavated sites and grey dots are unexcavated. https://app.raa.se/open/fornsok/

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Middle Iron Age society — a general view of the current state of research

The prehistoric remains from the different parts of Sweden and different types of biome have a diverse character and reflect disparate forms of de- velopment. In the southern part, permanent settlements with longhouses and an agro-pastoral economy3 had evolved as early as in the Neolithic, with an economy combining the cultivation of crops with extensive stock- raising. The boreal forests of the north were inhabited by groups of people with a subsistence primarily based on hunting and gathering. As a comple- ment a wide variety of plants was manipulated to give better yields and there are plenty of indications crop cultivation already from the Neolithic. From the beginning of the Common Era, indications of increased cultiva- tion are common in the arable lands along the coast of the Gulf of Bothnia, which shortly thereafter spreads inwards along the river valleys and around the larger lakes. The few farmsteads that have been archaeologically inves- tigated are characterised by settlement structure and burial customs com- parable to those of southern Sweden. Although these settlements were sed- entary and present a clear agricultural signal, their function was most prob- ably that of trade hubs, stimulating the hunting and exploitation of re- sources from the interior (Baudou 1995: 115; Ramqvist 2001; Bergman 2018: 16–18; Bergman & Ramqvist 2018; Persson 2018a). The knowledge of societal development in prehistoric times is much more comprehensive concerning the agrarian areas than it is in the forested areas. Despite the proportion of different landscape types, described in the introduction, much of our current archaeological understanding is based on the conditions in the southern agrarian regions. The majority of all excava- tions have been performed in the southern part of the country, focusing on either agrarian settlements or burials. The knowledge base for societal de- velopment is thus considerably greater in these regions compared to the forested areas (see Figure 3). As discussed in the introduction, the objective

3 Agro-pastoral meaning a practise of agriculture including both the growing of crops and the raising of livestock. 27 of this thesis is to achieve a more profound understanding of the societal developments that took place in the agrarian regions, as well as in the out- lands, during the Middle Iron Age (c. 300–650 CE) in a wide perspective. To contextualise the overall aim of the thesis, in the following chapter, the basic features of societal development during the Middle Iron Age will be outlined, with a main focus on eastern central Sweden. The thesis, how- ever, covers a large region and a long time-period, and the chapter makes no claim to account for every possible aspect of the substantial and dy- namic research of the region.

Settlement patterns and changing land regulations

In the central agrarian regions of southern and eastern Sweden, Bronze Age and early Iron Age settlements are usually found in the fertile low-lying lands characterised by clayey soils, historically used as fields and mead- ows. The settlements often comprise a smaller number of buildings, in which traces of maintenance and repair are rare, indicating relatively tem- porary use of the settlements and the possibility of changing location when the houses became uninhabitable. Agricultural expansion has been identi- fied as early as the Pre-Roman Iron Age, with the establishment of settle- ments often located as close as 100–250 metres apart. Around the turn of the Common Era, settlements became more stable, indicated by traces of increased maintenance, as well as new houses being built close to the old ones, creating large settlement areas (see, for example, Welinder et al. 1998: 280; Göthberg 2000: 121–122, 2007: 440–442). It is also during this period that we identify traces of similar sedentary settlements along the Bothnian coast (Baudou 1995: 115; Ramqvist 2001). Despite the dispersed settlement pattern, some cooperation between farms seems to have taken place, possibly concerning different types of crafts (Brorsson 2012: 226). The number and size of houses reflect the size and composition of the an- imal stock and Hans Göthberg interprets the settlement patterns as a reflec- tion of the principles of the agricultural systems. Domestic waste and ma- nure created fertile soils that could be cultivated when the settlement was relocated (Göthberg 2000: 141, 146, 2007: 430; Hennius 2012: 95–97, see also Welinder et al. 1998: 280 with references). The location of the settle- ments in the low-lying areas, with easy access to grazing and the collection of fodder, favoured an agrarian production focusing on stock raising (Frö- lund 2019: 144), and the society could probably be characterised as agro-

28 pastoral. Stock herding is also identifiable in a large number of scattered fire pits spread in the landscape in the vicinity of the farms. These fire pits have been interpreted as the remains of resting places for the herders look- ing after the cattle in a well-organised but widespread herding and grazing system (Petersson 2006: 169–170, 175, 185–186, 293; for a more elabo- rated discussion see Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). In the Middle Iron Age, there was a major reorganisation of the settle- ment pattern identified in large parts of Northern Europe. The majority of the early Iron Age farms were abandoned, and the new settlements relo- cated and concentrated. The new locations were often less suitable for cul- tivation, often on moraine, where they sometimes have remained up until the present day. In a majority of excavations of such settlements, remains from older structures show that the relocation was not a movement to vir- gin soil, but rather a concentration of settlements in connection with an older farm. The older settlement locations could be continuously used, for example for cultivation or other purposes (Baudou 1995: 124; Ramqvist 1998: 131; Welinder et al. 1998: 303, 321; Göthberg 2000: 147–148, 2007:443–444; Petersson 2006: 22; Nyqvist 2007: 218; Hennius 2012; Persson 2018b: 290; Frölund 2019: 16). This relocation also entailed sev- eral other consequences. In the province of Uppland, for example, the fre- quency of features, as well as the number of superimposed features, in- creased and there are also signs of stricter borders between the farms (com- pare, for example, the Roman Iron Age settlements at Säby [Hennius 2012] with Late Iron Age sites such as Slavsta [Fagerlund 2017] or Malma [Eklund & Wikborg 2016]). The societal changes could be characterised as a reorganisation from a dispersed floating and short-term settlement pat- tern during the early Iron Age to clustered, concentrated and stable settle- ments during the late Iron Age (Göthberg 2000: 158–159; Herschend 2009: 393). There was also the introduction of new types of building, such as large hall buildings and smaller sunken-floor huts. Both constructions are discussed in the light of a more socially stratified society, the hall was used as a ritual arena for the feasting of the aristocracy, and the sunken-floor huts are discussed from a craft perspective but it has also been suggested that they were sometimes also used as a dwelling area for the lower classes of society (see, for example, Stjernqvist 1988: 125–128; Björhem & Säfvestad 1993; Söderberg 2000: 74–76; Herschend 1998: 14–20, 167– 179; Ericsson 2005). One reason for this social change was probably the introduction of new land regulations in relation to how land is claimed and managed. The new regulations resulted in land becoming more exclusively managed, while

29 the possibilities for the relocation of settlements decreased. Frands Her- schend has argued that this was due to new ideas of land management and that members of society could henceforth claim ownership of land (Her- schend 2009: 393, see also Hennius 2020b, Paper IV). An explanation based on land regulations is also given by Mats Widgren, who interprets changes in drystone field boundary systems as a way of representing such changed conditions in landscape organisation (Widgren 1998: 281, 292– 293). A similar interpretation is argued by Göthberg (2000: 158–159), sug- gesting that more stringent regulation of land use led to a clearer division between settled, cultivated and outlying land, respectively. As a model of explanation, he sees intensified cultivation leading to an increased need for labour for the clearance of new fields and the maintenance of old ones. This was met by increased cooperation between farms and was facilitated by an aggregation of the settlements (Göthberg 2000: 158–159, compare Frölund 2019: 140). Both Göthberg and Herschend argue that this reorgan- isation and intensified cultivation entailed a decreased focus on stock rais- ing (Göthberg 2000: 164, 2007: 414, 438; Herschend 2009: 288ff). A change in grazing systems can also be identified in the areas outside the settlements, as the above-mentioned scattered fireplaces, connected to herders’ resting places, disappear (Aspeborg 1997; Eriksson 1998; Peters- son 2006: 126; Apel et al. 2007: 312–313; Darmark & Vogel 2008: 60). However, the abandonment of resting places for the herders does not need to imply a down-prioritisation of cattle breeding. This change could also be an indication of a reorganisation of grazing systems during the period. Similarly, this could be interpreted as indicative of changing land claims and more strict regulation of access to grazing land (Paper IV, Hennius 2020b).

An elite buried in large mounds

Not only the settlements and settlement structure changed during the pe- riod. In the Middle Iron Age, there are other indications of more explicit social stratification. Groups of people with greater wealth and with control over trade, handicrafts and religion can be identified as early as the 3rd cen- tury (see, for example, Fabech & Ringtved 1995; Fabech 1999; Hedeager 2002; Ljungkvist 2006: 38-43; Bratt 2008: 149; Høilund Nielsen 2014; Frölund 2019: 34–38, 143 with references). Along the Bothnian coast, we see the development of regional centres, identified by Per H. Ramqvist as

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Alir, Sunded and Norrstigen in Hälsingland, Högom in Medelpad, and Södra and Norra Ångermanland, which are assumed to have profited from the trade in iron, furs, and other non-agrarian products (Ramqvist, 1983, 1987, 1992, 2001: 17–18, 2012: 40–42; Baudou 1995: 125–38). Likewise, in the agrarian regions south of the Limes Norrlandicus, a number of re- gional centres developed, primarily from the end of the Migration Period and onwards, of which Gamla Uppsala is among the most famous (Ljungkvist et al. 2017). Without excavations, settlements of an aristocratic elite can be hard to identify. One of the few indications of higher social elites present at the settlements could be the presence of terrace houses or elevated building foundations. In middle Sweden, the elite groups are often easier to identify by their monumental burials (Ljungkvist 2006: 32). Unusually rich burials, where the deceased individuals were buried without cremation in often richly furnished wooden chambers, already oc- curred in the Early Roman Iron Age. Such inhumations constituted only a small proportion of the total amount of burials and indicate elite groups that sought to be buried in similar ways, although differently from the ma- jority (Ljungkvist 2011: 148–149). In Sweden, about 70 percent of the chamber burials have been identified in the rich agrarian regions just north of Lake Mälaren, with an additional almost 20 percent further north, in the county of Västernorrland. The remaining 10 percent have been identified outside these areas, to the south (Grönwall 2010: 32; Persson 2018b: 321– 322). Burial mounds constructed from soil and earth were customary during the Bronze Age but were reintroduced as burial monuments in the Middle Iron Age (Bennett 1987: 20–21; T.B. Larsson 1993; T. Zachrisson 2017). Besides from being a notable change in burial customs, the Iron Age mounds are often considered a manifestation and articulation of the herit- age rights of the allodium (Sw. odal). The concept of the allodium concerns heritage rights for land and individual land properties of a family but could also include waters and stationary fishing works belonging to the land. The odal is well known in the early medieval period of Scandinavia and is in- cluded in medieval law codices in both Norway and Sweden. The odal is also mentioned on several runic stones and thus has an earlier origin. Torun Zachrisson suggests that the allodium rights developed as early as the Mid- dle Iron Age (T. Zachrisson 2017: 118–121, 128). In light of this process, the reintroduction of burial mounds could also be argued to be an indica- tion of changing property rights. Furthermore, the size of the burial mounds seems to indicate social sta- tus. Traditionally, a mound larger than 20 metres in diameter is defined as a Storhög (large mound) and a mound more than 30 metres in diameter is

31 defined as a Kungshög (royal mound, Hyenstrand 1974: 104). This often- used division of mounds according to size is, however, over-simplified. Studies in the Lake Mälaren region and along the Bothnian coast have shown that burial mounds larger than 13 to 15 metres are extraordinary and indicative of elite burials (Ljungkvist 2006: 40, 160–161; Bratt 2008: 45; Persson 2018b: 311). Another type of rich burial custom developing in the 6th century, chiefly in the Lake Mälaren region, is boat graves. The two burial customs differ on one major point. The burials in the mounds are generally cremations while the boat burials contain inhumations. Apart from this, the burial gifts remain similar, including numerous animals and high-quality artefacts, at the same time as indications of boats, or parts of boats, were also present at the funeral pyres for the mounds (Arwidsson 1980: 52–53; B. Ambrosiani, 1980: 131; Ljungkvist 2006: 38; Bratt 2008: 90; Hennius et al. 2016). The monumental mounds are not evenly distributed across Sweden. The existence of large mounds and the associated elite have mainly been stud- ied from either a northern Swedish or a Mälar region perspective, where the frequency of large mounds has been considered particularly high (about 100 registered large mounds along the Bothnian coast and around 260 in the Lake Mälaren areas [see for example Bratt 2008: 29–37 Persson 2018b: 311]). In a recently published thesis Annelie Nitenberg (2019: 111–112) has scrutinized the databases of ancient monuments (FMIS/KMR) and identified additionally more than two hundred large mounds from western Sweden (mainly from the provinces of Västergötland, Dalsland and Värm- land). Nitenberg’s study thus changes the knowledge of distribution pat- terns considerably. In comparison to the province of Östergötland, also one of the major agrarian areas of Sweden, Martin Rundkvist only accounts for 24 large mounds with diameters of more than 20 metres (Rundkvist 2011: 59). There are examples of large Iron Age mounds also further south, how- ever, few that reach diameters of more than 20 meters. In the boreal re- gions, even in the arable areas, mounds exceeding 20 metres are absent in general. There are large mounds in the province of Dalarna, for example in the central agrarian plains or in Sollerön in Lake Siljan, though none that by definition qualify as storhög (E. Carlsson, 2016; Hyenstrand 1974: 131– 133). Neither does the agrarian area around the lake Storsjön in the prov- ince of Jämtland have any mounds more than 20 metres in diameter. If the results from these separate and regional studies are put together, a com- pletely new supraregional distribution pattern occurs, showing that the large mounds are situated just outside the border region between the north- ern boreal forest and agrarian regions in the south and east (see Figure 4).

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Figure 4. The new distribution of supposed Iron Age mounds more than 20 metres in diameter in Sweden (blue dots), compiled from Müller-Wille 1992, Bratt 2008, Nitenberg 2019 and Persson 2018b. The distribution clusters in the border zone discussed previously, surrounding the boreal forests. Some of the mounds, espe- cially in the western part, could be from the Bronze Age. There is also a possibility that more large mounds could be identified through a thorough investigation of the database of ancient monuments FMIS/KMR.

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There are chronological differences between the different geographical ar- eas. As early as the Roman Iron Age, a large number of unusually rich burials, primarily chamber graves, were being built both in the Lake Mä- laren region and along the Norrlandic coast (Ljungkvist 2011: 130, 138; Persson 2018b: 232, 311). In the northern provinces of Ångermanland, Medelpad and Hälsingland, the large mounds with cremation burials be- came more common soon thereafter, primarily in the Migration Period (Persson 2018b: 231). In the first part of the 6th century, the building of large mounds diminished drastically in the north, but the burial tradition saw a significant increase in the south. Ottarshögen, in the parish of Vendel in the northern parts of the province of Uppland, has on vague grounds been considered one of the first large Iron Age mounds in the Lake Mälaren region. Up until recently, the dating of the burial has not been supported by absolute dates. In a recently conducted study, a number of radiocarbon samples from Ottarshögen were analysed in relation to the find material and in comparison, to continental find typologies. This work dates the mound to the first half of the 6th century, probably around 520–530 CE (Ljungkvist & Hennius 2020). Up to the present day, an additional number of ten large mounds have been excavated in the Uppsala region. One dated to the Bronze Age (period IV, 110–900 BCE), five to the period 550–650 CE, one to 650–750 CE, one to the Viking Age and the last two are un- specified and related more generally to the Iron Age (Ljungkvist 2006: 159; Ljungkvist 2011). A similar chronological distribution seems to be representative of the situation in the rest of the Lake Mälaren region (Bratt 2008: 31). In comparison with the large mounds in western Sweden, there is presumably a larger proportion of Bronze Age mounds in the west. How- ever, based on finds and a few available radiocarbon samples, Nitenberg concludes that nine out of thirteen dated large mounds belong to the Iron Age. If this chronological distribution were applied to the total amount, it would imply that about 170 of the large mounds in western Sweden could have been constructed in the Iron Age (Nitenberg 2019: 118). In Östergöt- land, three of the 24 mounds have been dated, with some reservations, to the Viking Age, and five have been dated to the Bronze Age (Rundkvist 2011: 59). The large mounds in the area south and east of the boreal forest consequently indicate a new or reintroduced custom of building large-scale burial monuments to deceased ancestors, starting in at least the Migration Period in the north and somewhat later and continuing for longer in the south. There are indications that the construction of a large mound could have been a prolonged process, performed in several stages over an extended period of time. A mound excavated in Gnista, on the outskirts of Uppsala,

34 was built in at least three consecutive stages, with several years in between (Hennius et al. 2016: 69‒70). Terje Gansum also suggests an extended pe- riod of construction, concerning the Viking Age mound in Oseberg cover- ing a ship. Gansum argues that, in an initial stage, only half of the ship was covered with soil, and that the stem protruded (Gansum 2004: 174). How- ever, it is unknown for how long such a spectacular sight may have been visible (see, for example, the discussion in Nordeide 2011). Even if it was an extended process, it still involves a considerable amount of labour to build a large mound. Within a 10-kilometre radius of Gamla Uppsala, there are around 50 mounds of elite-indicating magnitudes (Ljungkvist 2006: 31; Ljungkvist & Hennius 2016, 2020). The estimated volume of soil and stone needed for each of the royal mounds in Gamla Uppsala is estimated to at least 10 000 cubic metres (Ljungkvist & Ekblom 2018: 100). The mounds are, however, only one aspect of the large-scale transfor- mation of the landscape during the Middle Iron Age. In Gamla Uppsala, excavations have revealed two rows of at least 270 standing posts, 500 me- tres and 900 metres long respectively, supported by some 300 tonnes of stone in total (Seiler 2017: 284). Similar rows of posts have been discov- ered at other important sites as, for example, Anundshög in Västerås (Sanmark & Semple 2011: 8, see also Björk & Wickberg 2015). Excava- tions at the royal manor in Gamla Uppsala, with the earliest phase in the Migration Period, has shown a hall building placed upon a terrace of up to 7 metres in height, formed of clay and soil deposits, in order to create an elevated position for the building (Ljungkvist et al. 2017: 99). During the Middle Iron Age, it is thus possible to discuss a large-scale monumentali- sation within many parts of the landscape in middle Sweden. Mounds, ter- race houses and other monuments display an impressive work effort in so- ciety but also show the emergence of groups of people with control over the means of production, in the form of labour as well as available building material; soils, stone and wood. Besides from power and control, the burial monuments also indicate wealth and far-reaching contacts. The remains found in the cremation bur- ials in the large mounds are often severely damaged by fire, but corre- sponds to the better-preserved artefacts found in the boat burials, helmets, swords and shields, as well as other exotic imported items (Arwidsson 1980: 52–53; Bratt 2008: 80–81). Examples are glass beakers from north Western Europe or England and gilded items with cloisonné inlays of gar- nets imported from Sri Lanka or India (Hedenstierna-Jonson, personal

35 communication4). Additional examples are items made in silk, onyx and elephant ivory (Ljungkvist 2010; T. Zachrisson 2011). In the rich burials there are also examples of northern imports and raw materials, such as whalebone gaming pieces (Hennius et al. 2018, Paper II) or bear and lynx claws, indicating fur from both of these animals (Lindholm & Ljungkvist 2016, T. Zachrisson & Krzewińska 2019). Furthermore, there are often large amounts of animals in the large mounds, such as the horses, dogs and birds used in the hunt, but also the hunted prey as well as livestock such as sheep, pigs and cows (Bratt 2008: 75–78). In Sunnerby at Kållandsö in Västergötland, one of the most animal-rich burial has been excavated. The two buried individuals had no less than 47 animals in the grave with them: 4 horses, 20 dogs, 4 goshawks, 1 peregrine falcon, 1 eagle owl, 2 cows, 3 pigs, 3 sheep, 2 hens, 2 geese, 1 duck, 1 hazel grouse, 2 different fish and claw phalanges from a bear (Nitenberg 2019: 83). Such an abundance of animals following the dead onto the funeral pyre would probably reflect significant wealth and the ability to remove important livestock from the subsistence economy, as well as valuable hunting companions. Spatial analysis from both the Lake Mälaren region and from the north show that the geographical location of the large mounds often coincides with places where several communication routes converge, for example watercourses, eskers or long-distance roads. The relation and exposure to junctions and communication routes were probably more important than the spatial relation to settlements (Ramqvist 2001; Bratt 2008: 136). The communicative location of the monumental burials could be important from a number of collaborative aspects such as, for example, manifesting a presence and claims to land along the transportation routes, or showing the possibilities of control of products transported along them.

4 Analyses were made within the project Weltweites Zellwerk Projekt, Römisch- Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz with project leader Dieter Quast, Susanne Greiff and Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson. More information on the project can be found at: https://zellwerk.hypotheses.org or https://web.rgzm.de/museen/de- tails-neues-aus-den-museen/article/weltweites-zellwerk/

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Socio-political power struggles

The emergence of this new elite in the Middle Iron Age, with new ap- proaches to claims, ownership and regulation of land, also seems to have entailed turbulence, violence and insecurity. One indication of increased militarisation could be the presence of weapons in the elite burials. Swords, shields and helmets are common in the large mounds, although not as fre- quent in the mounds bigger than 20 metres in diameter (Bratt 2008: 82). This could be interpreted as the individuals buried in the large mounds was part of a warrior retinue or hird in connection to the leaders buried in the royal mounds. This argument is further supported by the fact that many of the large mounds, especially in areas south of Gamla Uppsala, are associ- ated with place names indicating such a connection, as for example Rinken (Rinkeby in Spånga or Rickeby in Vallentuna parishes) or Hersí(r) (Hersby in Vallentuna parish). Such a connection to place names is not as apparent in the Uppsala region which could indicate two different strategies of ex- erting power. Around Uppsala, already existing farm magnates are re- cruited to the royal hird, while, further south, members of the hird are de- ployed to newly founded farms, thus getting names associated with the function of the inhabitants (Ljungkvist & Hennius 2016: 391). A different approach to explaining the rapid emergence of the somewhere around 50- 60 such elite warrior burials in the area around Uppsala in the Vendel Pe- riod, parallel to the development of the Gamla Uppsala kingship, is that the large mounds represent relatively short-term, successive alliances in the hird which were not present simultaneously (Hed Jakobsson et al. 2019: 58–60). Another indication of increased militarisation can be identified in the building of a large number of fortified settlements and hillforts during the period. Over a delimited period of some hundred years, primarily in the 5th and 6th centuries, several hundred fortified settlements were built in Swe- den. These were concentrated in the Lake Mälaren region and the provinces of Bohuslän, Gotland and Östergötland, as well as in the region of Tjust by the Baltic coast and the southern parts of Norrland (Iversen 2020: 280– 284). The fortified settlements from the Migration Period were symbolic and ideological manifestations, including massive investments of labour. They were also the result of increasing tensions and conflicts due to the establishment of a warrior mentality and new ways of exerting power and control, comparable to continental role models, as the fortified settlements could also be compared to continental hilltop sites (Bratt 2008: 157–158; Olausson 2010: 5). However, activities beyond the martial sphere have been identified at these hilltop settlements, such as specified handicrafts,

37 but also activities forming part of and controlling the transportation of goods and communication routes (Olausson 2011: 12). In the province of Jämtland, the hillfort at Mjälleborgen on Frösön, radiocarbon-dated to the Roman Iron Age or Migration Period, has been discussed as forming a part of supraregional trade, chiefly in iron. This hillfort was strategically lo- cated as a reloading station along the trade networks across the Scandina- vian mountain ridge (Hemmendorf 1989: 152; Baudou 1995: 135–137; Welinder 2008: 45). The fortified settlements further south have also been discussed as nodal points of far-reaching trade networks, such as Runsa which was built on an island in Lake Mälaren (Olausson 2011: 12). The social turbulence and violence of the Middle Iron Age, as well as the reorganisation of society as a whole, is sometimes discussed as being due to large-scale crises or a combination of different catastrophes. For the situation on the Baltic island of Öland, this ‘Migration Period crisis’ was first explained as a result of war (Stenberger 1933). Concerning the Baltic island of Gotland, Birger Nerman (1935) saw the changes as a result of overcrowding with subsequent emigration, and a submission of the island residents to the Swedes (Svearna). In 1973, Bo Gräslund claimed that the changes could be attributed to the Justinian Plague. Over the last decade, the identification of several successive volcanic eruptions in 536 and 540 CE has been put forward as an additional factor hastening the social devel- opment. These volcanic eruptions caused a ‘dust veil’, resulting in a cli- mate crisis. It is argued that the combination of failing agrarian production and a severe plague caused a major decrease in population, allowing the survivors to acquire abandoned farms and resources (see, for example, Ax- boe 1999; Gräslund 2008; Gräslund & Price 2012; Löwenborg 2012; Sigl et al. 2015). Other researchers identify fundamental societal changes even before 536 CE and oppose rapid, mono- or duo-causal, explanatory models (see for example, Moreland 2018). It is possible to interpret the changes as expressing a complex and prolonged process of reorganisation, in terms of land use, landed property and the establishment of the field-and-meadow system (see, for example, Näsman & Lund 1988; Näsman 2012; Herschend 2009: 288–292; T. Zachrisson, 2017: 128; Frölund 2019: 16). This thesis proposes that new insights on this process can be reached by including the developments in the areas beyond the settlements and the outland produc- tion.

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Far-reaching contacts and trade

Research on Late Iron Age trade has been overshadowed by the founda- tions of ports of trade or emporia that were established around the Baltic Sea in the 8th century, such as Birka, Hedeby, Ribe and Kaupang (for a discussion see Gustin 2004: 25–26 or Sindbæk 2012). According to a num- ber of scholars, this implied a shift in trading customs from unique objects distributed through ritualised gift exchange to a negotiated trade in serial- produced, identical objects, as well as direct far-distance trade with bulk commodities and raw materials. Prior to the Viking Age, iron production has been regarded as the major large-scale production but, in the Viking Age, the utilisation of a variety of domestic raw materials, such antler or soapstone, is intensified (see, for example, Näsman 1984: 121–123). The above discussed emerging elite, is assumed to have controlled the far dis- tance trade as well as specialised handicrafts during previous periods. At the elite settlements such as Gamla Uppsala or Helgö, within the study area for this thesis, but also other magnate farms such as Lejre, Gudme/Lun- deborg, Sorte Muld and Tissø in Denmark or Uppåkra in Scania, there were probably seasonal central-place markets (Hedeager 2012; Skre 2011). There are, however, a number of indications of an even more complex sit- uation, as will also be shown by this thesis. Already during the Migration Period, south-western Norway was an im- portant part of the contact networks around the North Sea. Along the Both- nian coast, the burial customs in large mounds point towards close contacts with Norway, based on find materials and the practice of using bone con- tainers made from bronze kettles. By using the communication routes through the province of Jämtland, across the Scandinavian mountain ridge, the Bothnian coast became interconnected with these networks. In the 1950s, the chronological differences between northern and southern large mounds were already being discussed as indicating a change in trade-po- litical power structures in eastern Scandinavia, from east-west to north- south, and, accordingly, an expansion of focus from trade around the North Sea alone to trade that also included the Baltic and areas further beyond (Åberg 1953). During the Vendel Period, the Lake Mälaren region, and especially the province of Uppland, emerged into a central area, expanding the trade networks further across the Baltic Sea (Åberg 1953; Ramqvist 2001, compare Gustin 2004: 59–64 or Hedenstierna-Jonson 2020). Ac- cording to Per H. Ramqvist, the east-west relations between Norrland and Norway were probably of a social and political character. On the other hand, Norrland’s southern contacts towards the Lake Mälaren region had more of an economic character (Ramqvist 2001; see also Åberg 1953: 34‒

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36). However, these discussions do not consider the new research from Nitenberg and the large number of large mounds from western Sweden. When these are included, the distribution pattern appears more multifac- eted, needing extra consideration on how this should be fitted into a picture of expanding trade networks. Excavated settlement sites along the Bothnian coast with central func- tions such as specialised handicraft and trade are rare. One example is Gene in Ångermanland where a smithy dated to 100/200–500/600 CE has been excavated, containing large amounts of slags. There are also finds of moulds indicating casting of relief broches (Ramqvist 1983: 106, 116, 174–177, 194). In the Lake Mälaren region, Helgö stands out in discussions of supraregional networks. The site is situated on a small island in the lake and has a chronological focus on the Late Migration Period, Early Vendel Period and the transition to the Viking Age, and is thus reasonably contem- porary with Gamla Uppsala. Helgö, however, had a different and less mon- umental character. Interpretations of this special site have shifted and in- clude cult site, site for special handicraft production and/or international trading site. Excavations have revealed numerous extraordinary finds indi- cating far-reaching contacts, both to the south and to the north, including a Buddha figurine from north-western India and an Irish crozier head. Finds of spade-shaped currency bars of typical Norrlandic form are interpreted as an indication of northern contacts, but also as an indication that Helgö was part of the distribution of iron from the provinces of Gästrikland and Hälsingland. Remains of the production of Migration Period relief brooches and other jewellery, similar to finds in the province of Jämtland and further north in Sweden, as well as in Norway, are also important for the interpretation of the site as a trading hub for the northern trade (see for example Lindeberg 2009: 22; Clarke & Lamm 2017: 10–12, 45–56, 57-59, 66–68, 74; T. Zachrisson 2020). There are additional arguments supporting intensified far-reaching con- tacts during the Middle Iron Age (Callmer 2017). The connections between boat burials in the Lake Mälaren region and England are obvious, due to similarities in the find material, and have been discussed since the 7th cen- tury boat burial in Sutton Hoo was investigated in the late 1930s (Bruce- Mitford 1968: 44; Wilson 1980: 212). A number of places around the Bal- tic Sea show clear links to Scandinavian material culture, especially the trading site at Grobina in Latvia which was founded as early as the Vendel Period, but also, for example, Apoule in Lithuania or Elblag/Truso in Po- land (Nerman 1942: 26ff; Nerman 1958; Jagodzinski 2010; Virse & Ritums 2012). The common occurrence of Finnish-type ceramics in Swe-

40 den during the Vendel Period and indications of contact networks that ex- tended all the way to Finno-Ugric population groups near the Urals are further examples of pre-Viking networks (Gustin 2004: 62–63). Similari- ties in decorative elements in pottery, between the Baltic Islands and east- ern mainland Sweden could also be interpreted as an indication of close contacts (Eriksson 2019). Callmer (1992) argues that these were mainly socially integrated between equal groups but that there are also examples of looting or raiding expeditions and colonialisation. An example of pre- Viking hostile contacts across the Baltic Sea is provided by the finds from Salme in Estonia, where two boats, with crews from the Lake Mälaren re- gion, were found in 2008 and 2010 (Peets et al. 2012; Konsa 2013; T.D. Price et al. 2016). In the mid-8th century, Birka evolved at a strategic position with strong communications in the Lake Mälaren region, with regulated plots, houses constructed along the shoreline and jetties stretching out into the lake. Al- ready in the first phases, there was extensive handicraft production at the site, as well as indications on long-distance trade (B. Ambrosiani 2013: 35–37, 57–59, 71–72; 2016: 32, 40). According to written sources, Birka is described as the main port and central town in the realm of the Svear (Rimbert Ch. 11; Adam of Bremen, book IV, ch. 20; Hedenstierna-Jonson 2006: 14). The location on an island also presupposes a constant inflow of everyday products and a dependence on the nearby hinterlands for the sup- ply of food, firewood and other necessities (Hillerdal 2009: 214, 221, 232, 234, 237, 240). The exported products from Birka are assumed to comprise of valuables from the northern outlands, such as iron, hides and furs, but also raw materials for handicrafts, such as antler and bone. Finds of bones from paws, especially from fox, marten and squirrel, are claimed to demon- strate an export of furs from these animals. Bones from wild game are more frequent in the early phases of Birka (Wigh 2001: 121–123, 130). How- ever, as long as the provenience of the animals is not determined, we can- not be sure whether the animals were exported from or imported to Birka.

Socio–economic background

The people that were buried in the large mounds, as well as in the boat burials in the Middle Iron Age, shared a common lifestyle characterised by feasting and ceremonies related to the hall buildings and exclusive hunting

41 activities using birds of prey. The large mounds are often discussed as be- ing manifestations of politically important persons, a materialisation of power ideologies and socio-political strategies and, especially in the Lake Mälaren region, as being influenced by royal funerals on the European con- tinent (Bratt 2008: 155). However, when it comes to explaining the socio- economical background to the accumulated wealth, the interpretations are vaguer, and the models of explanation differ between the Bothnian coast and the Lake Mälaren region. Concerning central eastern Sweden, the socio-economic foundation is considered to be agrarian production for both the Early and Late Iron Age, predominantly livestock herding in combination with the cultivation of pri- marily barley but also wheat (Welinder et al. 1998: 239–240; Seiler 2001: 21–22). As early as the Roman Iron Age, the short scythe was introduced, an invention that increased production. However, when considering other essential tools, crops, composition of livestock and so on, no fundamental changes can be identified during the Middle Iron Age, in connection to the rapid accumulation of wealth in the area (Welinder et al. 1998: 270, 313, 314, 321, 457). The general long-term development, as seen in the pollen diagrams from the Lake Mälaren region, indicates a continuous expansion of cultivated production during the whole period, even if a reorganisation of the cultivated land can be identified occurring simultaneously to the transformation of the settlements (Ranheden 2007; Karlsson et al. 2008; Risberg 2016: 229–239; J. Bergman et al. 2017; see also Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). Ramqvist has conducted extensive research on what he calls the petty kingdoms that developed along the Bothnian coast in the Roman Iron Age and Migration Period. He claims that these kingdoms were based on a mul- tifaceted economy and, even if agrarian production, based on the cultiva- tion of crops and stock raising, was important for the subsistence economy, it did not result in the economic surplus needed to maintain the extravagant lifestyle of the elite. Instead, this was created by the exploitation of re- sources from the outlands – iron, furs and hides – that were traded south- wards or westwards (Ramqvist 2001). Our general understanding of the large mounds in western Sweden is still limited, especially concerning the socio-economic conditions, but Nitenberg concludes that the excavated mound at Kållandsö should be interpreted as part of a diversified economy with the ability to exploit cultivation, hunting and fishing. Metal crafts, including iron production and bronze smelting, have also been identified in the vicinity, as well as glass bead production (Nitenberg 2019: 77–80). In the province of Västergötland, there are also high numbers of registered bloomery furnaces for iron production (Geijerstam et al. 2011: 32). Large

42 mounds, as a manifestation of wealth, are not as frequent in all the central agricultural areas in southern Sweden, showing that access to good farming and land for grazing did not automatically result in the building of large monuments. The emergence of social and economic elites along the Bothnian coast, manifested in the rich burials and large mounds, coincides with massively increased iron production, primarily in the province of Jämtland (Magnus- son 1986: 173; 1987). The importance of iron production for a suprare- gional economy in the Late Iron Age has been discussed for decades on the basis of production sites as well as distribution patterns for different types of currency bar (see, for example, Hyenstrand 1974; Magnusson 1986: 280; Lindeberg 2009: 42–47 with references; Geijerstam et al. 2011: 32– 33;). The boat graves near the church at Vendel in Uppland, were situated close to forested areas. The presence of forging tools among the funerary goods in Vendel, has been interpreted as signifying actors of the networks that controlled the exploitation of iron, as well as other types of product such as antlers or furs (B. Ambrosiani, 1980: 131–132; Seiler 2001: 89; Hjärthner-Holdar 2009: 140–142). Arguing against this, Anton Seiler notes that the transport routes from Vendel and northwards are hard to travel and that Vendel therefore cannot be interpreted as a transhipment site involved in a north-south trade (Seiler 2001: 145). Furthermore, if comparing the location of the boat burials with the previously discussed Ottarshögen in the same parish, the latter is located in a far more favourable position with regards to the communication routes. Like Åke Hyenstrand before him, Peter Bratt also discusses the large mounds, especially those located in the northern part of the Lake Mälaren region, from an economic perspective. He relates them in connection with iron production in the province of Da- larna, which increases in the 6th century, and communications along the eskers and the river Dalälven (Serning 1973; Hyenstrand 1974: 153; Mag- nusson 1986: 182; Bratt 2008:162). However, iron was also produced in large quantities, for example, in the provinces of Västergötland, Småland, Halland and northern Scania (Hjärthner-Holdar 2009: 137), where large mounds are fewer and hence iron production can not be the only explana- tion. Furthermore, during the same time-period, there was ongoing large- scale iron production using bloomery furnaces in large parts of northern Europe, with massive production in Poland, France, Germany and Den- mark (see, for example, Pleiner 2000: 62–85; Geijerstam et al. 2011: 30). The importance of iron production in the north may have been overrated in these discussions; the economic background to the wealth evident in the large mounds was probably more multifaceted and the mound-building tra- ditions could have other, social motives, since the mounds have an uneven

43 distribution across the region. The increased iron production possibly had a primarily domestic significance, and it is more probable that a wide va- riety of different outland products have been part of these complex eco- nomical networks (as also argued by for example Magnusson 1986: 280 or Ramqvist 2001).

Beyond the settled infields – historical analogies

As has already been shown, the absolute majority of excavations under- taken in Sweden have been conducted in the southern agrarian region and moreover they focused on settlements and nearby burials (see Figure 3). Using the historically known farming unit as an analogy, we know that the settled infields in most regions constituted a minor part of the utilised land (see, for example, Lennartsson & Westin 2019: 66, table 2). Historically, the basic division of land belonging to a farm was the area within the fence (inmark/infields) and the areas outside the fence (utmark/outfields and out- lands). Inside the fence was the farm with its buildings and fenced fields and meadows. The infields were privately owned and managed. Outside the fence was the outfield pasture and extensively used lands that were pri- vately owned, although management was subject to the needs and will of the village collective. Outside the privately-owned outfields were the out- lands. The division of utmarken, could also be more elaborated and com- plex, with gradual diminishing property rights further away from the home farmstead (Øye 2005: 12; Nilsson 2010: 68–69, 82–84). The historical con- cept of utmark could denote a type of landscape but also functions in rela- tion to specific land use (see also Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). There was a large degree of flexibility and dynamics in the historical use of different parts of the landscape. Through studies of historical maps, Pia Nilsson shows how pasture could be part of the infields and how hay could be gath- ered in the outlands. The forest was normally located outside the infields, even if the opposite also occurs. The oldest historical maps (Sw. äldre ge- ometriska kartorna) always differentiate forest from utmark where the for- est implies the resources gained from the trees (Nilsson 2010: 68, 82–84). The historical analogy could also be further extended to scrutinise how the outlands were regulated in the medieval provincial laws. The historical outlands could both be privately as well as commonly owned, connected to the village collective, as is clearly stated in several of the provincial laws (see, for example, Västmannalagen or Upplandslagen for the medieval

44 laws see, for example, Ohlmarks 1976). Hälsingelagen is, however, the most explicit. In the undulating and hilly landscape that Hälsingelagen deals with, the land sloping towards the village, usually situated in the river valleys and up to the nearest ridge of the surrounding highlands, was con- sidered to be the villagers’ forest and land, while the lands on the other side of the ridge were utilised as commons (Sw. allmänning). After three years of occupation of a farm, the owner received a share in the village common in relation to the size of the farm. If a villager wanted, he could also estab- lish a new farm at the common. This farm could further be claimed as pri- vate property after three years of cultivation, at which point the owner of this new farm also gained a share in the common; however, if the farm was abandoned, it reverted to being a part of the common after three years (Hälsingelagen, Vidbobalken 15–16, Ohlmarks 1976: 289). The legislation in Hälsingelagen includes the use of outlying lands, defined by distance as far as the cattle wander, showing that these grounds were an integrated part of the farm and the village. It also stipulates penalties for crimes committed in the outlands. If someone is murdered in the common forest and a perpe- trator cannot be found, the collective having claims in the outland will be held responsible. This indicates that the people with claims in the commons were a well-defined group of people and that the commons were not open access to utilize for anyone (Lindholm et al. 2013). The legislation also stipulates harder penalties the closer to the farm a crime is committed, and even differentiates between different parts of the infields or inside to house (Hälsingelagen, Manhelgdsbalken, 6, Ohlmarks 1976: 279). Lakes and coastal zones could also be seen as part of an inmark/utmark division. Hälsingelagen regulated the construction of fishing huts, and also prohibited fishing in waters owned by another. A reference to salt or brack- ish water fishes shows that this also included the coastal zone of the Gulf of Bothnia (Hälsingelagen, Vidbobalken 14, Ohlmarks 1976: 289). Lind- quist (1994: 59) has shown, using sources from medieval Norway and Ice- land, that the shallow zone of the shoreline, close to the settlement, was regarded as private land. Waters beyond this were managed in common, but there could also be privately owned stations. A similar division into a coastal infield/outland is claimed by Bertelsen (2005: 26). The coasts as part of an outland resource with significant economic importance is also one of the perspectives discussed by Oscar Törnqvist (2019: 86). Shielings could be placed at the commons, on the lands sloping away from the village, and be owned privately or collectively, but could also be a joint effort undertaken with land owners from other villages (Hälsinge- lagen, Vidbobalken 15–16 Ohlmarks 1976: 289 see also Lindholm et al. 2013: 32).

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The farming unit could also have claims in more distant outland areas. In Finland, such land was called ärjemark or erämark or, in Finnish, erämaa and was based on privately owned lands at a distance of up to 250‒300 kilometres from the home farm, utilised for hunting and fishing, for one or a couple of longer stays each year (Svensson 1998: 14 with references). Ulf Erik Hagberg (1978) argues that a similar system might also have ex- isted in Sweden and Norway during the Middle Ages. Hagberg brings for- ward a document from 1273 showing that the farmers of Ström in the prov- ince of Jämtland had hunting rights in areas 200 kilometres to the north, in what is now Åsele Lappmark. In a document from 1552, King Gustav Vasa mentions eriemark located between the province of Ångermanland and Norway (Hagberg 1978: 65–66 with references). Similar private ownership of fishing sites far from ordinary settlements in the northern part of Norr- land has also been identified by Bergman & Ramqvist (2018). As will be argued in Paper IV (Hennius 2020b) there are arguments that the fixed division of the landscape into infields and outlands took place in close connection with changes in society in the Middle Iron Age and this resulted in new ways of structuring land and landscape utilisation (see Fig- ure 5).

Figure 5. Schematic model of land divisions discussed in the following thesis based on the historical situation but probably with earlier origin. The distance from the settlement to the claimed areas in the outlands could be considerable as in the case with the privately owned eriemark/ärjemark several hundred kilometers away from the home yard.

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Emanuelsson (2001) concludes that farmsteads and shielings form part of an interconnected system that was already established in the Middle Iron Age in the boreal zone of middle Sweden, when sedentary farms and shiel- ings were introduced as a package. The traditional view of the historical shieling is that it was used to increase pasture and fodder collection to al- low more cattle to be fed during the winter (see, for example, Frödin 1948; Montelius 1975; Sandnes 1991, J. Larsson 2009). Fodder resources in the vicinity of the farms were, however, probably not a delimiting factor dur- ing the Middle Iron Age (Emanuelsson 2001: 21). Several researchers sug- gest that the main reason for the establishment of temporary sites outside settlements was a matter of claiming a resource area stretching from the home farmstead to the shieling site in the forest (Brink 1983; Emanuelsson 2001: 21; Karlsson et al. 2010: 114–115). Furthermore, Lindholm et al. (2013) have shown that archaeological and historical remains in the forests, indicative of cooperative forms of natural resource management, appear in clusters, which are not randomly distributed. The clusters usually contain sets of different activities, such as for example, large game hunting, live- stock herding, iron smelting, tar production, mills and remains of roads. The clusters can be characterised as claimed multifunctional activity areas constituted on land use carried out over long time-depths. It is possible to argue that the development of multifunctional seasonal sites in the forests should be considered a manifestation of an ordered landscape organisation and stricter land regulations. On a general level concerning the colonisation and claiming of new land in historical periods, the national economist David Ricardo suggested as early as 1817 that the best agrarian soils were colonised first and land with poorer prerequisites for cultivation was claimed when needed for larger production (Ricardo 1817, reprint and translation 2009: 58–59). For Swe- dish conditions, this model could explain the spread of cultivation and agrarian-based settlements northwards in the Late Iron Age. From a crop- cultivation perspective, the forests of the north appear a bad alternative for expansion and thus seen as a crisis phenomenon. Concerning the prehistory of Norrland, the research has focused on the history of cultivation. Cereal cultivation is seen as leading to settled and cultivated regions identifiable by grave mounds along the coast and the rivers inland. The spread is re- garded as slowly permeating along the fertile areas towards the north and inland. This view of an expanding agrarian culture is based on the assump- tion that there is always under-utilised and empty land available for colo- nisation and this is pointed out by Mats Widgren (2016) as one of the many ‘myths’ in agrarian historical research. The agrarian perspective overlooks the economy of foragers, pastoralists or other non-agrarian economies, and

47 has been used globally by political and economic interests to legitimise colonial interests, under the assumption that some groups have weaker rights to land than others (Widgren 2016: 91‒92). A growing amount of research, however, shows geographically wide- spread prehistoric cultivation in the forested area too, above all visible in pollen diagrams, probably as a part of mobile land use with seasonal set- tlements. For northern Norrland, Bergman (2018) claims that this primarily reflects the cultivation of a wide number of plants that were manipulated to give better yields, but there is also the cultivation of crops (Bergman 2018: 16‒18; Persson 2018a). For the southern forested areas, despite the lack of clearly identified settlements, there are several indications of crop cultivation, as well as slash-and-burn and a clearance of land, as early as the Middle Iron Age (Svensson 1998: 125‒126, 158‒159; Emanuelsson et al. 2000; Emanuelsson 2001; Emanuelsson et al. 2001: 13, 24; Emanuels- son et al. 2003: 130‒133; H. Karlsson et al. 2010). During the Late Viking Age and Early Medieval Period, sedentary agrarian settlements continue to be established further into the wilderness (Magnusson & Segerström 2009). As a result of the release of slaves and serfs in medieval times and a developing Landbo väsende, such a progress of expansion escalated (Lindkvist 1979: 137). Another wave of expansion and clearing of land in the forests occurred in the 15th century, when farming units, deserted due to the medieval agrarian crises and the Black Death, were recolonised. At the end of the 16th century, there was a relatively substantial immigration of farmers from the eastern half of Sweden, areas of present-day Finland, who by slash-and-burn cultivation, came to colonise Finnmarkerna in the provinces of Hälsingland, Gästrikland, Dalarna and Värmland (Harrisson & Eriksson 2010: 499, 529‒530). A similar chronology, mainly focusing on the Viking Age, has also been suggested for the colonisation of other types of environments beyond the agrarian infields. Oscar Törnqvist (2020: 75) argues that the outland use was intensified during the Viking Age as a foundation for the Viking age elite. Along the Baltic coast, there were several seasonal settlements or tomtningar associated with fishing and hunting for birds and seals. These had their most intensive periods of utilisation in the late Viking Age, up to around 1200, and an additional period of intensification again after 1400 (Törnqvist 2020: 30‒31). In the coastal seasonal settlements, however, there is also an older phase, especially along the Bothnian coast of Norr- land. In this area, the tomtningar can primarily be dated to the middle of the Iron Age. In addition, in central eastern Sweden, there are several struc- tures dated to the Vendel Period and Early Viking Age (Landin & Rönnby 2003; Broadbent 2009; Bergman & Ramqvist 2018; Törnqvist 2020:32;

48 see also Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). As suggested in Paper IV (Hennius 2020b), the expansion of agrarian activities into a wider landscape, includ- ing the emergence of seasonal settlements in the forests or by the coast was already initiated in the Middle Iron Age, even if it was intensified in the Viking Age. By then, however, the forested outlands were not an empty wilderness, but already inhabited by groups with other economic founda- tions.

In the forested areas, three types of archaeological remains from the Iron Age dominate: pitfalls for hunting elk or reindeer (see Paper I, Hennius 2020a), iron production sites (Hyenstrand 1974: 153; Lindeberg 2009: 51– 54; Magnusson & Segerström 2009; Geijerstam et al. 2011: 32) and hunt- ing ground burials (sometimes also called lake burials, forest burials or mountain burials, Sundström 1997: 21; Ramqvist 2007: 164; Wehlin 2016; Lindgren 2019). The around 700 registered hunting ground burials are found, just as the name suggests, in the hunting grounds beyond the known agricultural settlements in northern Sweden, Norway and Finland (in Fin- land called lapprösen [lapinrauniot]). The hunting ground burials seem to be more common in the areas bordering the southern agricultural regions in all these countries, while the frequency is much lower in the northern- most areas (Hansen & Olsen 2006: 111–113). The geographical distribu- tion of the graves largely corresponds to the highest concentrations of pit- fall systems (see Figure 6), which might be an indication that the two phe- nomena are related. The oldest burials of this type date to the two centuries before the Common Era. During the period 200–550 CE, the burial form becomes more common and do also occur in larger groups. The burial grounds from the Late Iron Age are smaller and there is a tendency for them to be found at higher altitudes, higher up in the terrain (Lindgren 2019: 27–29, 62). Landscape studies shows that the hunting ground burials are situated in communicative locations, on isthmuses along the water- courses, convergence zones of river networks as well as in boundary loca- tions on the mountainsides between lowland and highland (Lindholm et al. in press). Just like the large mounds further south, the hunting ground bur- ials could be interpreted as central sites along the communication routes. These burials, however, are much less conspicuous than the mounds, and mainly appear as small low stone settings built over cremation burials. The buried individuals include men, women and children, which may be taken as an argument for a resident population. In addition, bones from both do- mestic (mainly dog, sheep/goat and horse) and wild animals (mainly elk and reindeer) are found in the graves (Wehlin 2016). Excavations some- times reveal unusually rich grave goods, especially in burials from the late

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Iron Age. The objects could include hunting tools in the form of arrows and spearheads, but also swords and axes, in addition to which there are often working tools in the form of hammers, files and tongs. Occasionally, jewellery such as beads and bronze belt buckles appears in the archaeolog- ical record from the burials (Gollwitzer 1997: 27–31; Lindgren 2019: Ta- ble 10:3). The burials often lack connection to contemporary known settle- ments. In the vicinity, there are frequently undated remains of fire-cracked stones or worked/knapped quartz, which in general have been registered as Stone Age settlements in the National Heritage Board’s register over an- cient monuments. The lack of associated contemporary settlements is problematic from a number of reasons. Especially from the ambition of modelling the society and economy that resulted in the burials. The two common interpretations are, either they were burials for people from farming communities, who died while on hunting expeditions, or they were burials made by groups of hunters, most often described as Sámi, living permanently in the forests (see, for example, Sundström 1997: 21–22; I. Zachrisson, 2012: 35). The Finnish name of these graves lapinrauniot indicates a similar ethnic dis- cussion concerning the hunting ground burials in Finland. No matter if an external or internal explanation for the burial customs is considered, it is clear that they show great similarities with contemporary burials in the ag- ricultural regions. The interpretation of the hunting ground burials as Sámi is neither directly supported by historical and ethnographical descriptions of Sámi burial traditions. Sámi burials are in general inhumation and not cremations, which is a typical trait of the hunting ground burials, and more- over Manker (1961:180–181) differentiates three main types of Sámi bur- ials: earth graves, stone cists or burials in caves. It is clear that the hunting ground burials presents an archaeological enigma, but what is most interesting is that they connect the boreal forests with the agrarian plains due to the burial customs. In addition to the hunting ground burials there are numerous other indications of connections and re- lations between the agrarian south and the northern boreal zone, seen in both archaeological sites and in finds (I. Zachrisson 2012). For example, pitfall systems of the northern type are registered in the northern part of the province of Uppland and in the Vendel area (for example RAÄ Tierp 465, 1018 & 16405). In Vendel, there is also a very interesting burial concerning this discussion (No 39, at the burial ground RAÄ Vendel 32). This crema- tion burial, dated to around 550 CE, contained finds unusual for the region

5 This can further be explored in the Swedish National Heritage Board’s register of ancient monuments, KMR/FMIS, https://app.raa.se/open/fornsok/ 50 and the time-period, such as a seax, a set of bone arrows and a set of tools including a socketed axe, a file and a tong. This find combination show direct similarities to the hunting ground burials (Arne 1932: 9–10; Serning 1966; Gollwitzer 1997; Ljungkvist 2000: 174; Seiler 2001: 79–81). Birgit Arrhenius (1979: 404; 1980: 240) interpreted the grave as a goldsmith’s burial. Despite the location within an agrarian region, the burial could per- haps be interpreted as a southern and agrarian example of a hunting ground burial (Ljungkvist & Hennius 2020). In addition, Ottarshögen in Vendel has several features which are not typical for the region, but common in the north, such as the remains from the funeral pyre being placed in a vessel (Lindqvist 1936 fig 38). However, it is not only the burial custom shows a northern connection. The mound also contained the earliest dated finds yet of gaming pieces made from whalebone, probably from the north Norwe- gian coast (Paper II, Hennius et al. 2018), as well as a spoon, interpreted as being of Sámi origin (I. Zachrisson 2010a: 96–98). Additional examples of northern influences in the agrarian region include tarpaulins, that were made from birch bark, found in the boat burials in Valsgärde, which has also been interpreted as being of Sámi origin (see, for example, N. Price 2002: 237; G. Larsson 2007: 94–95, 124, with references). Interestingly, the archaeological observations reviewed above may pro- vide insights to the Iron Age society portrayed in the source Heimskringla (Heimskringla, Saga of Harald Fairhair, chapter 25). The account states how the Norwegian King Harald Fairhair (born around 850 CE, died around 933 CE) marries the Sámi woman Snøfrid. Despite the tragic out- come of the marriage, this has been interpreted as a political alliance be- tween Sámi and Norwegians, and, as such, part of the national unification process (Steinsland 1991: 208; Mundal 1997). Several researchers have also pointed out the similarities between old Norse and Sámi religion (see for example Rydving 1990; Hultcrantz 2001; N. Price 2002:233–235). There are thus arguments for a number of contacts and relations between people from the agrarian areas and people from the hunting grounds, and presumably, this is also reflected in the archaeological record and of inter- est for this thesis.

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Figure 6. The registered archaeological remains in the boreal forests are domi- nated by pitfall systems and hunting ground burials, based on information from KMR/FMIS and Bergstøl 1997:89.

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Into the great beyond — a research history

At the end of the 16th century, about 80 percent of Swedish farms were located in forested or mixed landscape types (Svensson 1998: 10, with ref- erences), allowing a diversified use of different resources, fundamental for subsistence. Despite the proportion of landscape types and settlement lo- cations, the agrarian perspective has dominated (pre)historic research. The assumption has been that cultivation only slowly spread north into lands less suitable for crop growing, and a large-scale colonisation of the wilder- ness took place first in the Late Viking Age or Early Middle Ages. How- ever, a focus on the introduction of farming might create a perception of agrarian production as being the norm, which in turn affect the understand- ing of sites that appear in non-agrarian milieus. A historical narrative fo- cusing on agrarian production as normative has distracted archaeological research from seeing other economic aspects (Lindeberg 2009: 20). As Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 23, 393) argue, history is always written from a sedentary perspective, in this sense nomads are not allowed a history, only a geography. As previously shown, most excavations are performed in the agrarian regions and the knowledge of the prehistoric situation out- side the agrarian settlements is more limited. An additional problem con- cerning our knowledge of archaeological remains in the forested areas is that they have been only rudimentarily surveyed (Persson 2013). The for- ests were, however, also fundamental for the settlements in the agrarian regions, as a resource for building material, fuel and raw material for dif- ferent types of crafts. This perspective is acknowledged in northern Swe- den but, further south, the interdependence between the different types of landscapes and resource areas is not as apparent. In recent decades, archaeologists have paid more attention to questions concerning the exploitation of natural resources in landscapes beyond the infields of the settlements which have been discussed as part of the dis- course of Utmark – Outlands and Outland research; a discourse to which this thesis is also linked. In comparison to the historical division of the farm in an inmark and an utmark, the archaeological concept is vaguer and has mainly been applied to diverse research areas outside the settled infields from three different directions (Andersson 1998: 6):

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 Outlands as part of economic, social and cultural systems also including the central infields. Infields and outland are interde- pendent parts of a larger resource area but with different func- tions. In this perspective, the outland is part of existing agri- cultural systems, such as in shielings or other seasonally used production sites.

 Outlands is sometimes used as a term to describe settlements in marginal or peripheral areas beyond the central agricultural regions, where special economic systems and cultural identi- ties develop. The outland is a separate production unit located in a peripheral landscape but is affected by conditions in more central agricultural areas.

 Outland from a wide geographical perspective denoting the colonisation of peripheral areas that are in a mutually depend- ent relationship with more central areas, for example through goods production for a market dominated by demand in the central areas.

Ingvild Øye argues that the Scandinavian concept of outland not only de- notes natural-geographical environments such as forests, mountains, bogs, moorlands and coastal areas, but can also be used for the resources, pro- duction, cultural aspects and use of areas beyond the core of agricultural settlement with great economic value (Øye 2005: 9–10). However, this Scandinavian view does not translate well from an international perspec- tive, where denotations such as marginal landscapes, peripheral land- scapes, rangelands, outlying areas and outfields or, depending on the natu- ral environment, upland landscapes are more common. However, these do not reflect the full meaning of the Scandinavian denotation, which is why the word utmark is often used without translation even in English publica- tions (Øye 2005: 9–10; Holm et al. 2009). At a meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists in Cork in 2005, a session was organised on the theme of Liminal Landscapes. The word was chosen as an attempt to bridge conceptual language biases and the application of models around centre and periphery as a dichotomy, which sometimes causes the former to appear as the superior. However, liminal landscapes are often associated with unaffected wilderness beyond the civilised centre and, especially in an Iron Age context, have ritual and religious connotations (Holm et al. 2009: 9‒17).

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Outland research and the exploitation of various forms of ‘marginal or rural landscape’ occur in wide geographical areas and have been studied in large parts of Europe and further afield, on the basis of local and regional condi- tions. An important part of the emergence of a more comprehensive re- search discourse is evident with the emergence of Ruralia6, an international association focusing on rural archaeology from the (European) medieval and post-medieval periods with representatives from large parts of Europe. The need for a research network concerned with outland studies became apparent after the Medieval Europe conference held in York in 1992. This once again shows how research has approached outland studies from a his- torical perspective, just as in Sweden. Since 1995, Ruralia has organised biannual conferences and published follow-up conference proceedings on various themes related to European outland research. Ruralia covers a very large geographical area of rural landscapes from the British Isles (for ex- ample, Bradley 2001 or Dixon 2009), to Russia (Chernov & Erschova 2011; Makarov 2011), or from northern Scandinavia (Spangen 2017) to Spain (Torro 2013) or Croatia (Krznar & Tkalčec 2017) in the south. Much of the European research also focuses on how the historical landscapes have been utilised over a long-term perspective, including bio-cultural her- itage and historical ecology (see, for example, Lindholm & Ekblom 2019). The ideas of large-scale landscape utilisation and long-time perspectives are evident in several archaeological research projects, for example, the Hercules projects7 with case studies spread across much of Europe, or ME- MOLA focusing on the Mediterranean8. A large-scale perspective makes it possible to see underlying common strategies based on local diversified conditions. One such major theme is transhumance, synthesised in a re- cently released anthology based on a session at EAA 2015 (Historical Transhumance in Europe: finding common ground in marginal land- scapes). Transhumance in Europe has been, of course, adapted to local con- ditions but with common similarities regarding landscape utilisation, claims, social mobility and responses to economic fluctuations (Costello & Svensson 2018). Within Scandinavian outland research, Norway has a prominent posi- tion. Its natural topographical conditions, with only a small percentage of arable land, mainly located in the lowlands along the coastline, and a large highland region to the east, has created a more integrated understanding of

6 For more information on the Ruralia network see www.ruralia2.ff.cuni.cz 7 HERCULES, Sustainable futures for Europe´s heritage in cultural landscapes. http://www.hercules-landscapes.eu/ visited 2020/10/23 8 Mediterranean Mountainous Landscapes https://memolaproject.eu/ visited 2020/10/23 55 prehistorical and historical use of the landscape and the acknowledgment that the outlands provided a precondition for farming in the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval periods. Several large-scale archaeological projects, as well as extensive outland research, have been published since the interdis- ciplinary Hardangervidda Project in the 1970s (Johansen 1973). In more recent years, contract archaeological projects such as the Gråfjell project or the building of highway E6 through Gudbrandsdalen in Oppland provide some additional examples (Amundsen 2007; Rundberget 2007; Stene 2014; Gundersen 2016). There have also been a large number of studies or dissertations on hunting for terrestrial animals (see, for example, Bang- Andersen 2015; Bergstøl 2015 or Sommerseth 2015) or birds (Orten Lie 2018), coastal resources (Henriksen 1995; Wickler & Nilsen 2012; Nilsen 2017;), iron production (Rundberget 2013; Loftsgarden 2017) or other types of outland production (see for example Baug et al. 2019) and the importance of such products within economy and trade, some of them syn- thesised in anthologies such as Viking-Age Transformations (Glørstad & Loftsgarden 2017) or Exploitation of outfield resources (Indrelid et al. 2015). There is also an ongoing debate on the cooperation and interdepend- ence between Sámi and non-Sámi (see, for example, Bergstøl 2007; 2009 or Bergstøl & Reitan 2008). However, in Norway too, there is a tendency for Iron Age resource exploitation to focus on the Viking Age. Additional research that can be linked to an outland discourse is being conducted in Finland (see, for example, Kirkinen 2019). Even in Denmark, with one of the highest percentages of arable land in the world, there is a discussion on the importance of non-agrarian production in outlying lands. In the article “Social power and outland use in the Viking Age”, Søren M. Sindbæk (2011) discusses three settlements in borderland locations from a perspec- tive of seasonally used sites and recognises that specialised outland use was fundamental for the Viking Age magnate farms.

As stated in the Introduction, the concepts of outland and outland resources are used in this thesis as collective and collaborative concepts concerning the acquisition of raw materials and other goods in areas beyond the in- fields of the agrarian settled areas. The concept is used whether the out- lands are placed in the vicinity of the agrarian settlements and are utilised as part of the working cycle of a farming unit, or if they are farther away, and whether they comprise forested, maritime or mountainous areas. The primary focus is on production not based on cultivated crops but rather resource exploitation and raw material usage, which, through personal re- lations or trade networks, are connected to the agrarian regions. The actors in this production might have originated in an agrarian or a hunting-based economy.

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Our fragmented knowledge makes it impossible to formulate a similar state of research as above concerning the outlands. Instead, the following chap- ter is an overview of the outland research history from an archaeological viewpoint.

The discovery of an archaeological outland

The 19th and early 20th centuries were a period of extensive change in the traditional farming communities, associated with increased industrialisa- tion and urbanisation. Both of these developments affected our knowledge of, and relationship to outland research, which was initially characterised by two orientations. One of these focused on how the production and re- finement of raw materials from the forests could be made more effective. The direction entailed an increased interest in the development and tech- nological history of various aspects of outland use, primarily iron produc- tion (see, for example, Uhr 1814; Bannbers 1922; S. Ambrosiani 1923, 1933; Nihlén 1939; Bergström Handbok för kolare, several editions 1922– 1947). The second orientation focused on historical/ethnographical research aimed at a better understanding and documentation of the traditional farm- ing society. In the process of documenting changing conditions in a van- ishing rural society, agrarian aspects of the outlands became an important area of study, above all by ethnographers but also by historians. One ex- ample of such a disappearing practice during the period was the use of shielings and summer farms, studied by the ethnologist Sigurd Erixon (Erixon 1918, 1938) and human geographer John Frödin (1925, 1929). One Norwegian counterpart was Bjørn Hougen’s Fra seter till gård, which also included archaeological finds and remains (Hougen 1947). In Sweden, the historian Bertil Boëthius took a broad perspective of outland resources when he not only studied shielings but also hunting and fishing (Boëthius 1939, 1942). Hunting and fishing, “such as these industries are practised nowadays and in the past” (my translation), was also studied by Sven Ek- man (1910). From an archaeological perspective and based on material remains, it is not until the expansion of hydroelectric power plants in the rivers of Norr- land and subsequent archaeological projects in the mid-1900s that interest grows concerning the outlying remains in interior Norrland. In 1962,

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Norrbottens museum organised a “Nordic symposium on life in a tradi- tional hunting and fishing milieu in prehistoric times and up to the present day”. Already at this early point, one can distinguish several of the trends that will characterise research concerning the outlands ‒ a long time per- spective and an interdisciplinary approach. Among the participants in the conference were archaeologists, ethnologists, philologists, lawyers and and scholars from history of religion, as well as engineers and municipal plan- ners (Hvarfner 1965). Northern Sweden, not only as an export area, but also as a recipient of influences and objects, was beginning to be noticed (B. Ambrosiani 1968: 96‒101). Discussions were held on the trade in iron and other types of products and crafts, between the provinces of Dalarna and Jämtland and the agrarian regions of southern Sweden, as well as from the countryside around Storsjön and westwards (Åberg 1953; Biörnstad 1962; Baudou 1963, 1965). In 1967, the material from the surveys under- taken due to the water regulation project resulted in the initiation of the project Norrlands tidiga bebyggelse (Biörnstad & Baudou 1968: 178‒179). This was an interdisciplinary project, not only involving archaeology and osteology, but also ecology and geology. The project resulted in the publi- cation of 12 volumes within the series Early Norrland. At the beginning of the 1970s, commercial archaeology developed and brought with it an increased interest in the outlands (Hagberg 1978). The Swedish archaeological bibliography 1970‒75 includes one section on "Rural settlement and settlement history"; however, this mainly refers to settlements in the agricultural area discussed from the perspective of culti- vation (Jansson 1978: 71–81). The utilisation of the outlands in the histor- ical and modern periods can be studied using historical source material, but its prehistoric origin is more difficult to frame. Archaeology expands the time-depth for outland exploration and, in 1978, Ulf-Erik Hagberg stated that:

“Den Vikingatida expansionen i Norden riktade sig inte bara utåt, mot de ryska floderna och det arabiska väldet i öster eller de atlantiska öarna. Den riktade sig också lika mycket inåt. […] emellertid bör man också se expansionen i relation till de stora vildmarksområdena. Det är under sen järnålder som vi på allvar kan studera ett utnyttjande av denna randbygd.” (Hagberg 1978: 73)

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“The Viking Age expansion in the Nordic countries was not only focused outward on the cultural countries to the west, the Russian rivers and the Arab Empire in the east or the Atlantic islands. It was also aimed just as much in- ternally. […] one should also see the expansion in relation to the large wilderness areas. It is during the Late Iron Age that we can seriously study the exploitation of this border zone." (Hagberg 1978: 73, my translation).

Iron Iron production has long been seen as probably the most important part of Iron Age outland exploitation and a base for increased prosperity. Inga Serning reveals that prehistoric ironmaking in the province of Dalarna, as identified by bloomery furnaces and slag heaps, had a clear centre of grav- ity in the Vendel Period and Viking Age (Serning 1973). Åke Hyenstrand considers the northern parts of the provinces of Västmanland, Dalarna and Gästrikland to have been peripheral areas to the agrarian regions around Lake Mälaren, with their colonisation during the Late Iron Age being based on an overproduction of iron, aimed at meeting the needs of the central areas (Hyenstrand 1974: 153). With Gert Magnusson's 1986 dissertation Lågteknisk järnhantering i Jämtlands län, such a perspective is expanded to include a wider geographical area. Magnusson's dissertation does not only deal with the province of Jämtland but shows major regional varia- tions in the chronology of iron production. According to Magnusson's sta- tistical model, there was a small-scale production in diverse parts of the country during the pre-Roman. This was followed by a marked increase in 200‒500 CE, especially along the watercourses in the province of Jämt- land. A dramatic fall in production before 600 CE is succeeded by a marked increase in the provinces of Hälsingland, Dalarna and Närke around 550‒ 1000 CE, after which a production increase becomes visible in Småland, Halland, Värmland and Västergötland. After a downturn, iron production in the province of Jämtland resumed during the early Middle Ages but then became localised to the woodlands (Magnusson 1986: 173‒174, 226, and updated curves in Magnusson 2020:58–63). Magnusson also tries to relate iron production to various social contexts and settlements and includes iron production as part of agrarian production (Magnusson 1986:283). In his- torical times, Magnusson points to opportunistic forest farmers with diver- gent and multifaceted economies as the producers (Magnusson 1986:285). Changes in iron production are also visible in Norway in the Middle Iron Age. During the 7th and 8th centuries, the technology and character of

59 production changed from shaft furnaces with underlying slag pits to smaller furnaces with slag tapping. Simultaneously, production moved fur- ther away from the settlements to forest and low mountain areas and shows a greater geographical spread (Larsson & Rundberget 2009; Loftsgarden 2017: 113). Iron production has continued to play a prominent role in re- search into non-cultivated production in the Iron Age and Early Medieval and, has become almost a role model to understand all types of outland resource exploitation (see, for example, Hjärthner-Holdar 1993; Ramqvist 2001; Englund 2002; Lindeberg 2009; Petterson Jensen 2012; C. Karlsson 2015; Karlsson & Magnusson 2020). Marta Lindeberg's dissertation Järn i jorden discusses spade-shaped currency bars in the Middle Iron Age, which are primarily found in the interior of southern Norrland but also on the island of Helgö, for example, and form part of the same far-reaching contact network discussed in this dissertation. She also identifies an exag- gerated focus on the archaeology of the central agricultural countryside, as mentioned above (Lindeberg 2009: 20‒21). As already noted in the intro- duction, one of the grounds for the present dissertation is to expand the discussion of the iron trade to include a broader variety of products.

Furs The fur trade has traditionally been regarded as another fundament of the Viking Age economy, as accounted for above and described in several his- torical sources. In 1945, Gustaf Hallström discussed the boreal forests and the agrarian regions as a border region with intensive fur hunting for south- ern markets (Hallström 1945: 110). Ingela Bergman & Per H. Ramqvist (2018) argue that the hunters of the north were connected to a supraregional trade in luxury goods, including furs, as early as the Migration Period. Sim- ilarly, Johan Callmer interprets the tight connections between Sweden and Finland via Åland during the Migration and Vendel Periods and, later on, even further east, in terms of increased hunting and trade in furs (Callmer 1986, 2017; see also Roslund 2017 or Hedenstierna-Jonson 2020). It is, however, difficult to anchor a trade in perishable, organic material in the archaeological record. One indirect indication of an early fur trade may be the almost 90 Roman bronze coins found in Norrland's interior, which have been studied by Inger Zachrisson (2010b). Her article is based on two premises. The first of these is that the coins came to the area through com- modity exchange and constitute currency for transactions. Zachrisson also assumes that the coins, minted during the period BCE 221–641 CE, were

60 deposited in the Norrlandic soil soon after minting. The premise is primar- ily based on the dating of other ancient remains in the region and Zachris- son argues that the chronological similarities in dates between the different source materials reinforce each other (I. Zachrisson 2010b: 190, 198). A similar interpretation, identifying the bronze coins as part of the fur trade, has also been made by Frands Herschend (2019 and personal communica- tion). Herschend, however, argues that bronze coins are often found in dep- ositions with long time depths and it is problematic to assume that the coins came into the ground soon after minting.

Cultural dualism Parallel to the development of outland research, research on the ethnicity of the people in the outlands intensified, based on the historical, well- known situation of Sámi inhabiting the boreal north and Norse or Germanic people inhabiting the agrarian regions. In short, the research on Sámi and Germanic socio-economic relations has proposed two general directions. The first sees the Sámi and Germanic peoples as two distinct groups with varying degrees of socio-economic interaction. In simplified terms, their ethnicity evolved through a long period of separation between these groups of people, who thus developed distinctive cultural habits and languages. The second direction sees Sámi and Germanic ethnicity as constituted in a complex dynamic and puts weight on a mutual development of ethnicities. In this latter view, ethnicity is situational, developing through and per- ceived by the interaction between groups of people. The first direction, with roots in the late 1800s, dominated research up until the 1970s. The fundamental idea was a fixed cultural boundary be- tween Sámi and Germanic groups through the northern part of the province of Jämtland and the province of Ångermanland. In the 1970s, Klas-Göran Selinge suggested the idea of a hunting ground culture that had existed in southern Norrland's forest areas since the Stone Age. The hunting ground culture had been living in symbiosis with the farming community but was gradually reduced through the establishment of agrarian cultures (Selinge 1976, 1979). During the 1980-90s, legal disputes regarding Sámi land rights, as well as indications showing that Sámi populations had been present further south and considerably earlier than previously known, led to the initiation of the so-called Sörsamiska projektet and the project Kulturgränser och kontaktformer, samer och germaner under järnålder – medeltid, coordi-

61 nated by Inger Zachrisson among others (1997: 7, 20; 2005: 197). Zachris- son drew on Selinge’s model but in addition, she argued that the hunting ground culture was an archaeological manifestation of the Sámi culture. The hunting ground burials have been a central archaeological feature in discussing ethnic affiliations among the people of the northern Swedish hunting grounds, and of a presumed dichotomy between Sámi and Ger- manic peoples (Sundström 1997; I. Zachrisson 2012). The interpretation has relied to a large extent on the hypothesis that the buried individuals practised an economy based on hunting, trapping and iron production and, above all, that they played an important role in trade with the agricultural population (Baudou 1978). Zachrisson comes to the conclusion that the hunting ground burials are those of Sámi, since they were specialised in hunting, gathering and antler craft as well as iron smithying and boat build- ing. From this perspective the Sámi are perceived as the main actors behind the exploitation of the outland resources that eventually reached the su- praregional markets. Furthermore, she suggested that during the Iron Age a Sámi population was present all over the northern parts of Scandinavia, from the very north and all the way down to the Lake Mälaren region. In the 6th century, several important changes within both religious rituals and crafts can be identified, and typical Sámi ornamentation on clothes and jewellery is present from the Viking Age. From this period, the interaction between Sámi and the southern agriculturalists was intensified, with close contacts between the different groups (I. Zachrisson 1997: 33‒40, 218‒ 219, 228; 2012). The second direction of ethnicity studies, which in this thesis would be characterised as based on multicultural views, has been put forward more frequently in recent decades (see, for example, Damm 2010). This ap- proach emphasises mutual interaction and the dynamic complexity of past ethnicity, largely drawing on ethnographic studies and social historical re- search. This perspective highlights how many different groups occupy seemingly peripheral landscapes (from an agrarian point of view) and ex- ploit non-agrarian resources. These communities often have connections with agricultural communities, but they have specialised in utilising re- sources and/or producing items that farmers cannot, or refuse to, acquire on their own. So-called “peripatetic” groupings characterise all farming communities from the European Atlantic coast in the west to India in the east (Svanberg 1999: 9 with references). Interestingly, in the written ac- counts from Jordanes and Widsith, no less than 29 different groups of peo- ple or tribes are named as living in what is now Norway and Sweden in the Middle Iron Age (Iversen 2020: 245). In addition, on linguistic grounds it

62 is also possible to claim a diversified population in forested middle Swe- den. Frog (2017) argues that the Proto-Sámi languages originally devel- oped from various Uralic languages during the 3rd to 6th centuries CE as a lingua franca used by multilingual populations across most of Fenno-Scan- dia, to facilitate trade contacts, for example the trade in furs. In this respect the different Sámi language groups in Sweden, South Sámi and North Sámi, reflect two different routes of spread for the Proto-Sámi languages, one above the Gulf of Bothnia and one via Åland (Frog 2017: 40–41, for linguistic discussions see also Taavitsainen et al. 2007: 89–90 with refer- ences). In these discussions, the Norwegian social anthropologist Fredrik Barth has been influential in shaping the multicultural view. Barth claims that ethnicity is a constantly evolving process that develops in relation and co- operation between people, when groups find reasons to differentiate them- selves from each other (Barth 1969). Influenced by Barth, Knut Odner and Stig Welinder argue that there were a number of different cultural group- ings in middle and northern Scandinavia during prehistoric times and that these developed a Sámi ethnicity as part of an extended process. Welinder argues that it is probably not until the Christianisation of the Early Middle Ages that a need to accentuate different ethnicities in the region arises (Od- ner 1983; Welinder 2008: 140). Ethnicity is from this view communicated or accentuated through language, clothing or the material culture. Both Welinder and Zachrisson note a change in material culture as well as reli- gious rituals during the Late Iron Age or the medieval period, which in turn could be interpreted as changing relations between the groups at the hunt- ing grounds. Reasons for an accentuation of ethnicity could be stress, such as for example, economical specialisation, differentiation or external pres- sure (Odner 1983). Moreover, Ingela Bergman argues that a division of the prehistoric population of northern Sweden into two groups ‒ Sámi and non- Sámi ‒ means that the historically known situation is projected backwards in time and thus excludes change, flexibility and development (Bergman 2018: 10–11). Although the study of ethnicity is a highly important field, especially for present-day discussions concerned with Sámi reconciliation and cul- tural appropriation to the oppression of state colonialism in historical times (see, for example, Tunón et al. 2012; Nordin & Ojala 2017; Hillerdal et al. 2019), the main focus of this thesis is on the general patterns of resource exploitation and trade, especially in the Middle Iron Age. My view is that a better understanding of these larger scale processes – within a shared so- cio-economic context – may be an important contribution to future studies concerned with ethnicity. In addition, the main objectives of this thesis are

63 aimed at establishing chronologies and wider interregional scales based on non-cultivated archaeological materials. It can be assumed that some of the materials analysed and discussed expressed the activity of ethnicity, but at the same time it is necessary to acknowledge that the same materials are often mute with regard to what language the bearer was talking or the eco- nomic foundations of the community they were produced within (compare Lindholm 2006: 141).

A growing interest for outland archaeology

In 1998, Eva Svensson defended her thesis in medieval archaeology Män- niskor i utmark (Svensson 1998) with a geographical focus on northern Värmland. Svensson was part of the increased interest in outland studies that followed the large-scale field surveying projects that were underway in the 1980’s and 90’s (Sw. “andra-gångs inventeringen”). Svensson´s thesis is the first that focuses entirely on the outlands and its people from a broader archaeological perspective, based on archaeological remains. Svensson identifies a dynamic history and highlights the long continuity and multi-functionality of the outlands. She identifies a large expansion into the forested areas in northern Värmland during the Viking and early Middle Ages, but by then the exploitation had been developing for a long time. By as early as the Middle Iron Age, the number of dated remains in the outland increased significantly, including the first iron-production sites, charcoal production pits and solitary trapping pits. At the end of the Viking Age and in the Early Middle Ages, the outland use is more focused on grazing and settlements, as well as agricultural and non-agricultural pro- duction. Later on, in the Middle Ages and Early Modern time, a group of fairly prosperous forest farmers with a diversified economy develops (Svensson 1998: 125, 142, 159, 163, 173). Svensson has continued her out- land research from many different perspectives, such as resilience, crisis and the role of archaeology for rural development and community pride, mainly with a focus on western Sweden in the medieval and post-medieval periods. In her research she has also promoted broader national and inter- national perspectives (see for example Svensson 2005; 2015a; 2015b; Svensson et al. 2001, 2017; Hansson et al. 2020).

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In the same year as Eva Svensson defended her thesis, the project Flexi- bilitet som tradition ― kulturmönster och näringar i norrländsk skogsbygd under 1000 år was initiated (Emanuelsson et al. 2008). The geographical focus of this project was the area around Ängersjö in the borderland be- tween the provinces of Hälsingland, Dalarna and Jämtland. The Ängersjö project(s) had a distinct interdisciplinary perspective with collaboration be- tween archaeology, history of economics, ethnology, human geography, historical archaeology, vegetation ecology and social anthropology from the universities of Stockholm, Lund, Uppsala and Umeå, as well as Sveri- ges lantbruksuniversitet in Uppsala and Umeå, Högskolan i Dalarna and Riksantivarieämbetet. Like the 1962 conference at Norrbotten museum, the Ängersjö project used a long time perspective, stretching from prehis- tory/Middle Ages and pre-industrial times until the 18th century, as well as the expansion of intensified forestry in the 19th century and its stagnation in the 1900s (Emanuelsson et al. 2008: 6‒7). The diversified research within the Ängersjö project resulted in a num- ber of publications in the form of essays, doctoral dissertations and articles focusing on various themes of outland questions (Emanuelsson et al. 2008: 6‒7), such as, land use and vegetation history (Emanuelsson 2001; H. Karlsson 2001; Nordström, 2001), land ownership, land claims and liveli- hoods (Eriksson-Trenter 2002; Lagerqvist 2003; Wennersten 2001, 2002a, 2002b), as well as two dissertations based on archaeological materials and methods: Ylva Stenqvist-Millde’s (2007) Vägar inom räckhåll – Spåren efter resande i det förindustriella bondesamhället and Anna Lagerstedt’s (2004) Det Norrländska rummet – Vardagsliv och socialt samspel i medel- tidens bondesamhälle. However, due to the separation of different thematic aspects in different publications, the overall picture of a more general cul- tural-historical development is somewhat difficult to grasp. In the forest areas, limited access to the workforce created special hori- zontal and integrative relationships between people, and a flexible utilisa- tion of the outlands became a key factor in historical periods (Emanuelsson et al. 2008: 6‒7). However, such usage can be identified even further back in time. One of the results of the Ängersjö project with fundamental im- portance for the continued exploration of the outlands from a prehis- toric/archaeological perspective was Marie Emanuelsson's (2001) studies of vegetation history. Based on pollen analysis, Emanuelsson was able to demonstrate an expansion in the forested outlands in southern Norrland as early as the Middle Iron Age, including extensive grazing, and sometimes even traces of grain cultivation. She argues that this expansion was related to the establishment of permanent agricultural settlements together with a

65 shieling system (Emanuelsson 2001: 21). This conclusion challenged ear- lier perceptions of the agricultural colonisation processes that suggested an introduction of farming in the early medieval period, in addition Emanu- elsson questions the age of the shieling system suggesting that they were much older than previously known (see also Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). The insights of a greater time depth and more versatile landscape utili- sation at the beginning of the 2000s led to an increased focus on the ar- chaeology of the outlands, often undertaken in combination with vegeta- tion historians. During this period, the project Skog och historia9 was run- ning. This was a labour market project in collaboration between the Swe- dish Forest Agency, the National Heritage Board and the Swedish Labour Market Administration with the aim of field surveying, disseminating in- formation and deepening the understanding of historical remains in for- ested land. An increased understanding of the remains of the outlands, in turn, led to increased contract archaeological excavations in such environ- ments. Contract archaeological projects often cover large areas; however, the excavated areas are selected by infrastructure investments and to a lesser extent characterised by ongoing research discourses. During the con- struction of the European highway E4 in the early 2000s outland environ- ments were explored and discussed, both in the northern part of the prov- ince of Skåne/southern parts of the province of Småland and the province of Uppland. Primarily, these were remnants of late historical times, but there were exceptions, such as the Late Iron Age tar production discussed below or studies of low-tech ironmaking. In addition, studies of vegetation history came to shed new light on the long-term utilisation of land (see, for example, Hennius et al. 2005; Lagerås 2006; Ranheden 2007; S. Karlsson et al. 2008). Despite increasing interest, knowledge of the outlands is still limited, and the number of investigations is small because of the lesser number of infrastructural developments in the low-populated forested re- gions of Sweden.

9 For information on the project Skog och Historia see for example https://www.raa.se/kul- turarv/arkeologi-fornlamningar-och-fynd/skogens-kulturarv/skog-och-historia/ 66

A neo-empirical turn and new ways to trace the pre- history of the outlands

In recent years, a new focus on research concerning the utilisation of re- sources from the outlands and its role in supraregional contact and trade networks can be identified. To a large extent, this is based on archaeologi- cal finds, often in combination with GIS or innovative scientific methods such as ZooMS, DNA or strontium analysis as well as statistical processing of radiocarbon dates. The study area around Ängersjö still has a prominent position within Swedish outland research. The Formas research project ‘Commons as Hid- den Resources – Analysing the Shifting Roles of the Commons in Rural Development Processes’, commenced in 2012 was aiming at creating a better understanding of past and present forms of cooperative natural re- source management in the rural regions of northern Sweden (Lindholm et al. 2013; Sandström et al. 2017). In the article "The Archaeology of the Commons", Lindholm et al. (2013), analysed distributions of archaeologi- cal sites and place names using by GIS and spatial analysis in order to un- derstand the patterning of these records. Activities requiring and/or stimu- lating cooperation, such as large game hunting, livestock herding, iron smelting, tar production, mills and the remains of roads, was considered as indicative for cooperative forms of outland use and the spatial analysis sug- gests these activities appear in clusters that are not randomly distributed. The clusters were interpreted as claimed multifunctional activity areas of collective action, and largely, they are associated with areas stipulated as common lands in the medieval law, Hälsingelagen. Since the clusters also contain pre-historic remains which are older than the law, this could indi- cate that the law formalised already existing land use practices and that there is a substantial time depth for the commons (Lindholm et al. 2013: 34). The study suggests that an institutionalised use of outlands by the es- tablishment of commons10 was established sometime in the first half of the first millennium. In addition, the commons are suggested to have been the most fundamental parts of forest agrarian land use systems and not simply a matter of subsistence, since the production linked with external markets and the commons seem to have been essential for innovation and for shap- ing social and economic change.

10 Comons defined as collectively claimed resource areas with defined users and regulated land rights. 67

Several projects, based on in-depth studies of osteological materials found in burials or at settlements in the agrarian regions, can be used to shed new light on outland resource exploitation. As mentioned above, osteologists sometimes identify claws from birds of prey, such as goshawk, peregrine falcon and eagle owl in the large burial mounds from the Vendel Period in central Sweden. These are interpreted as remains of trained hunting birds and as an indication that falconry was part of the elite lifestyle from the mid-6th century (Sten & Vretemark 1988: 150, 153‒154; Vretemark 2013: 384‒385). The peregrine falcon prefers to nest on rock shelves or slopes between 10‒100 metres in height. This type of nature is rare in the Lake Mälaren region and the birds were either captured elsewhere or in the Lake Mälaren region while the birds were migrating. There are, however, also a few identified remains of gyrfalcon in Iron Age burials in the agrarian re- gions of southern Sweden (Gustavsson 2012: 12; Vretemark 2013: 383). Their natural habitat are mountainous areas, in the north, where they nest above the treeline. The finds of falcons in burials in southern Sweden could be an indication that the long-distance trade included live birds already in the Middle Iron Age. Through a similar detailed study of archaeological ecofacts, Tuija Kirkinen’s 2019 dissertation Between Skins deals with spe- cies determinations of fur in burials from the Iron Age and the Middle Ages in Finland. Kirkinen shows an extensive and diversified use of this, some- times elusive material, including fur from marten, squirrel, fox and beaver but also bear and lynx. A similar approach towards identifying ecofacts is used by Lindholm & Ljungkvist (2016) when studying the occurrence of bear claws in burials, interpreted as the remains of bear furs. The authors demonstrate contacts between the inland forests where the bears had their natural habitat and southern agrarian Sweden where the majority of bear claws are found. Bear claws are also found in burials on the Baltic island of Gotland, where wild bears have never been present. Through accurate typological dating, the transportation of bear fur can already be detected in the Roman Iron Age, which reaches its peak during Migration and Vendel periods (Lindholm & Ljungkvist 2016). A similar distribution pattern and chronological development can also be identified in the distribution of claws from lynx (T. Zachrisson & Krzewińska 2019). The use of different scientific and statistical methods has shed further light on the importance of outland resources and far-reaching networks. Through ZooMS, Steve Ashby et al. (2015) determined the species of raw material used in antler crafts in various Danish Viking Age towns. At least from the second half of the eighth century, raw material in the form of reindeer antler is present in a noteworthy quantity. This reindeer antler is seen as an indication of extensive contact networks that linked northern

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Scandinavia with Denmark prior to the Viking Age. Furthermore, the au- thors argue that the presence of combs shows that these networks had de- veloped even earlier (Ashby et al. 2015: 15). By using DNA analyses, Star et al. (2017) have identified the provenance of cod bones found in different parts of northern Europe. Samples from the Viking Age site of Hedeby belonged to a north-eastern Arctic population from northern Norway. The study shows that the trade in cod from this area already existed during the Viking Age (Star et al. 2017: 4). By using DNA analysis, Barrett et al. (2020) have conducted research into the medieval trade in walrus, above all from Greenland but also from Iceland (for discussion on walrus hunting see also Frei et al. 2015). As mentioned in the introduction, the authors discuss an ecological globalisation, where they follow a consecutive search for new hunting grounds for various valuable commodities across the North Atlantic. Pilø et al. (2018) have conducted studies and radiocar- bon dating of hunting equipment obtained from Norwegian glaciers melt- ing during the warmer climate of recent years. KDE analyses create a chro- nology for hunting-related objects in the area around Jotunheimen. This analysis shows an intensive increase in hunting equipment dated to the cen- turies after the beginning of the first millennium, reaching a peak in the transition between the Viking Age and the Early Middle Ages (Pilø et al. 2018). Through geological analyses, the provenance of whetstones found in Ribe has been determined as the area around Lade in Trøndelag. The dates show that Scandinavian trade in these whetstones began as early as the first half of the eighth century (Baug et al. 2019: 43, 64). Concerning a large-scale production of millstones Torun Zachrisson claims that this could be dated to the Vendel/Merovingian period or at the latest c. 800 CE also in Sweden at, for example, the area around Malung (T. Zachrisson 2014; see also Elfwendahl 2001). From lake sediment analysis in the area around Garpenberg, there are also indications of an intensified mining and exploitation of copper ore in the Middle Iron Age, however, further re- search is still needed to validate the results (Bindler et al. 2017). The latest in a series of ongoing large-scale interdisciplinary projects around the (pre)history of the outlands is Contesting Marginality (UTMA- Utmanad marginalitet) ‒ the forest areas in Scandinavia's inland and the outside world, 0‒1500 CE11, financed by the Swedish Research Council. The main objective of the project is to integrate information, from archae- ology, history, paleoecology, DNA and vegetation ecology, for under- standing the role of Scandinavia's forested inland in the larger historical

11 UTMA https://www.arkeologi.uu.se/Forskning/Projekt/utmanad-marginalitet/ visited 2020/10/22 69 developments that took place in northern Europe over the Iron Age and the Middle Ages (CE–1500 CE; see, for example, O. Eriksson 2018; 2020; Svensson 2018; Lindgren 2019; Lindholm & Ekblom 2019; Nygren-Wåh- lin 2020; Lindholm, et al. in prep.). Associated with the UTMA project, Ängersjö, continues to be a research area in the field of outland studies, living on as an essential part of UTMAs communication project Explora- tive Imaginaries12

Furs and other outland resources in historical sources

In historical times, non-agrarian outland production has been of fundamen- tal importance for the Swedish economy. In the 17th century, Sweden be- came dominant in European markets with regard to the production of iron, copper and tar, as well as other products such as potash or potassium ni- trate. Fundamental to all this was the supply of wood (Villstrand 2011: 406). The Swedish iron and forest industries are still of major importance to the economy today. In the 16th century, a wide variety of outland re- sources was visible in the royal administrative tax rolls. Colonisation and claims on woodlands were encouraged by the crown, which simultane- ously started to show interest in lands used in common among farmers and villagers. The royal crown also demanded some of the forested resources, such as specific animal species or the oak trees, used within ship building (Harrison & Eriksson 2010: 530). In the historical accounts, furs also have a prominent position. The Swe- dish National Archives contain meticulous records of pelts and furs deliv- ered as gifts to the king or collected as tax during the period 1540‒1619. The Archives, though they do not include hides of neither elk nor reindeer, can give an indication of other animals hunted for their pelts in the early modern period. The diagram in Figure 7 shows a compilation of furs from Sweden and Finland for the years 1552‒1611 in the Royal Fur Inventory (Pälskammaren, compiled from Steckzén 1964: 359). Small game domi- nates, squirrel in particular but also ermine, pine marten and fox. Wolf, bear, lynx and wolverine represent large game in the inventories. The fact that the amount of beaver fur is small could probably be due to relative scarcity of this animal after many centuries of intensive hunting. This is

12 Explorative imaginaries https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCMe5uj7I1k6xmchko0s35Mg visited 2020/10/22 70 also a period with an increased European import of beaver pelts from North America. The place of origin of most of the animals accounted for is the northern part of Sweden, but a majority of the animals could, theoretically, be found over much wider geographical areas, especially in prehistoric times, for which we have little knowledge of range and sizes of population. A Nordic fur trade is well established in the Middle Ages within the so- called Birkarl system (Bergman & Edlund 2016; Steckzen 1964). Based on the written material, Birkarlarna, are described at the end of the 13th century and up into the 16th century, when they had the Swedish govern- mental monopoly on trade and tax collection among the Sámi, particular in Torne, Pite and Lule lappmarker. The Birkarlarna formed an integrated part of the peasant community, where many were involved in trade, but they distinguished themselves through their relations with the Sámi popu- lation. They acted as intermediaries, delivering agricultural products to the Sámi and bringing Sámi products back to the agricultural areas (Bergman 2018: 59‒61).

Royal Fur Inventory 1552–1611 (435 736 squirrel furs excluded) 30000 23909 25000 20000

15000 10082 10770 10000 2774 5000 986 771 896 807 1823 0

Figure 7. Furs in the Royal Fur Inventory (Pälskammaren) 1552‒1611, (numbers compiled from Steckzén 1964). In the diagram, almost half a million pelts from squirrel are excluded because of representational issues in the diagram. This large amount makes it hard to discern less frequent animals. A calculated average of the number of specimens for each species every year shows Wolf 17/yr, Bear 13/yr, Lynx 16/yr, Wolverine 14/yr, Beaver 47/yr, Fox sp. 171/yr, Ermine 405/yr, Pine Marten 183/yr and Otter 31/yr.

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Written sources describing trade and value in outland resources also exist for prehistoric times. An account of the Scandinavian fur trade is provided in written sources as early as the 6th century, when Jordanes describes the Suehans (often interpreted as Svear) who, through indirect trade networks, provided the Mediterranean area with dark blue furs from the north (Jor- danes §21). Another account from Scandinavia comes from Ót- tarr/Ohthere, a 9th century trader from northern Norway. When visiting the court of King Ӕlfred, he tells the king that he collected tax from the Sámi including skins from marten, bear and otter. A great deal of his wealth was also based on marine resources (Bately 2007: 46). The trade in furs along the Russian rivers is well accounted for in writ- ten sources from the 10th and 11th centuries and involved, for example, the Rus, Bulghars and Khazars. Ahmad Ibn Fadlan’s travels in 921‒922 CE are probably the most famous among Swedish archaeologists. Ibn Fadlan not only describes what appears to be the funeral of a Viking but also the trade in sable and other furs. There are several other Arabic historical ac- counts describing the fur trade, such as, for example, Ibn Khurradadhbih and Ibn Rusta Muqaddasi (in translation from Lunde & Stone 2012). The origin of the furs involved in this trade is hard to pinpoint, whether the hunting grounds included Scandinavia and the furs exported from Birka or whether the origin was in the Russian outlands or both. The primary hunt- ing grounds mentioned in written accounts point out Finno-Ugrian speak- ing people, like the Ves and Yura, living in the Russian forests and hunting as far north as the Barents and White Sea region (Lunde & Stone 2012: 209–210). Muqaddasi (985–990 CE) provides a list of exported products from the Bulghars. The terrestrial animals and animal products came mainly from small game and included furs from sable, squirrel, ermine, mink, fox, marten, beaver and spotted hare, tall fur caps, fish teeth (proba- bly walrus and narwhal), castoreum oil (exudate from the castor sacs of beaver) and falcons. According to Abu Hamid, the power of the Bulghars was extensive and they collected taxes from people living far away. He refers to the Aru people who lived where the best beaver, ermine and grey squirrel were hunted, in an area where the days were 22 hours long in the summer (Lunde & Stone 2012: 69, 169). Regardless of whether the way of measuring time and the number of hours differed from ours, this would probably represent a high northern area close to the Arctic Circle. Sable, with one of the most valuable pelts, probably never had a permanent habi- tation area west of the Ural Mountains and, even if hybridisation between sable and pine marten occurs, sable was surely a domestic Russian product (see, for example, Davison et al. 2001).

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The historic situation shows complex networks connecting the forested north with the southern agrarian region. The origin of the Birkarl system is, unknown and it is not impossible that it has roots stretching back into prehistoric times, in which case it could have been based on a similar ex- change of agricultural products for fur, antler and other products demanded by a continental market. You cannot, however, rule out that a large part of the Viking fur trade along the Russian rivers constituted of locally hunted animals and not furs with an origin in northern Scandinavia. The situation in pre-Viking periods is, however, even harder to discern. The items and represented species in Pälskammaren can be compared with the archaeo- logical situation in order to evaluate similarities or differences in which animals were valued. Bones from wild animals are rare from excavations of sites from the Middle Iron Age. At the agrarian settlements in southern Sweden, occasional beaver bones can be found. In northern Sweden, a larger variation can be identified. As far as burials are concerned, occa- sional bones from game are primarily found in the rich elite burials such as the previous discussed presence of bear and lynx claws. To be able to con- firm Jordanes’ 6th-century account of a Scandinavian fur trade, this has to be supported by archaeological excavations and the identification of an elusive and often perishable, empirical material.

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Questions, methods and theoretical considerations — alternatives to an agrarian based narrative

In the previous chapters, the general societal changes occurring in the Mid- dle Iron Age (c. 300–650 CE) have been outlined. During this period, the fundamental structures of Late Iron Age society were established and one of the largest rearrangements of settlements and settlement patterns prior to the 19th century occurred in the agrarian region. One of the reasons for this could be new organisational forms of land management involving firmer land regulations, as seen in the burial mounds, claimed to be mani- festing landed property of the allodium (odal). The general development included increased social differentiation and the accumulation of wealth and, furthermore, in the region bordering the northern boreal forests, the construction of exceptionally large burial mounds. There was also turbu- lence and increased militarisation, as seen in the building of fortifications and, in the later part of the period, weapons deposited in burials. In comparison, our knowledge of developments in the outlands is much more limited. Previous outland research, primarily originating from ethno- logical or historical disciplines, has focused on (Late) Viking Age or early medieval exploitation of the forested lands, followed by intensification af- ter the medieval agrarian crises. Exploitation of the outlands during these periods tended to be studied from an agrarian point of view, as a comple- ment to crop growing and interpreted on the basis of, and as a passive re- flection of, the development of the agrarian regions. A parallel research discourse concerns ethnic aspects of the inhabitants of the forested areas. In Sweden, the image of outland exploitation is still often viewed from a cultural dualistic perspective in which the actors of the outland are divided according to ethnicity, with the Sámi being the main actors in the non- cultivated production. In recent decades, outland research has made significant progress, showing indications of an earlier phase and large-scale and diversified re- source exploitation in the outlying areas as early as the Middle Iron Age, including iron production, hunting, increased grazing and initiation of crop

75 growing. Similarly, excavation projects within contract archaeology have provided new insights and new archaeological empirical materials. There is also a deepened understanding of ethnical development and transfor- mations suggesting a more complex picture of ethnical groups. These stud- ies also suppose a different and more active agency from the outland in- habitants in comparison to the agrarian regions than has previously been acknowledged. In addition, there are indications of the development of long-distance contact networks and increased trade in raw materials also taking place in the Middle Iron Age. Taken together, these studies show the potential of detailed studies of empirical material to deepen our under- standing of the resource utilisation of the outlands, regardless found in the agrarian region or elsewhere. Notable changes in the Middle Iron Age can be broken down into two different themes: intensified control of people and land, social stratification and increased militarisation on one hand, and changes in production and increased landscape utilisation on the other. It could be argued that a divi- sion of the landscape into outlands and agrarian regions obscures the inter- action between different environments and complicates the possibilities for understanding the socio-economic system. An outland perspective affects the understanding of societal development visible in both the infield settle- ments and the outlands during the period, the subsequent emergence of su- praregional contact networks as well as the understanding of human driv- ing forces, resource exploitation and social stratification. However, a syn- thesised model of explanation, incorporating the overall landscape exploi- tation during the Middle Iron Age, is still missing.

When, What, Where, Who, Why, and How?

In order to formulate a synthesis incorporating societal development in both the agrarian regions and the outlands, the most fundamental questions have to be answered: When? Where? Who? What? and Why? Each of the questions also comprises an interlocking set of queries.

When? ‒ The most critical factor in discussing Middle Iron Age outland exploitation is the question of chronology. At which point in time does it become possible to identify increased outland exploitation? Furthermore, we need to know whether the dating of such intensified outland usage is

76 also reflected in the agrarian regions and whether there is a coherence be- tween changes there and in the outlands, showing an interrelated develop- ment. What? ‒ What was the nature of outland production? Previously, iron production has been the dominant subject of discussion. In this disserta- tion, a more varied spectrum of outland resources will be studied, leading to the question of which of them can be identified in the archaeological material. This will be done from a dual perspective, exploring respectively production features and finds in the outland production areas, and also finds and raw materials in the agrarian regions. Where? ‒ Drawing on inspiration from the analogies in historical land division, a wide geographical view of the outlands could be applied to pre- historic conditions, including both forests and maritime environments, leading to a broader perspective. What was the geographical scale of the outland exploitation? Which areas and types of landscapes where utilised and how did these connect to the agrarian regions and further out to the continent? An additional set of questions concerns the character and geo- graphical organisation of the resource areas in the outlands. Who? ‒ The study area covers a wide geographical area with different socio-economic conditions, inhabited by people with economic bases in both agricultural and non-agrarian activities. Burial customs reflect the de- velopment of specific cultural patterns in the region, as indicated by the large mounds and the hunting ground burials. The increased utilisation and land regulation of the outlands probably affected relations between actors involved in production, either within the same or from different socio-eco- nomic backgrounds. This raises the question of how resource exploitation was organised, as well as whether it is possible to determine the actors involved. Why? ‒ The large mounds also indicate a relationship between wealth and communication with the forested outland areas. What indications are there that the same transformations appearing in the central agricultural regions also took place or affected societal development in the outlands? Can the explanatory models for the agrarian regions also be applied to the in the outlands? Is it possible to study the agrarian regions and the outlands from the perspective of a large-scale interdependent cultural landscape? Which networks tied the different regions together?

In the next chapter, these questions will be discussed from a broader per- spective. Rather than attempting to come up with universal answers, the questions aim instead to bring the topics for discussion into focus. Never- theless, first there is a need to explain How to approach these questions,

77 theoretically and methodologically, and how the case studies can add ad- ditional information to the discussion. To evaluate these questions and un- derstand societal development in Middle Iron Age Sweden, including the rapid accumulation of wealth, militarisation and social stratification, as well as new ways of production and landscape exploitation, some theoret- ical considerations are needed.

First, to understand the overall changes of the period and build a synthe- sised model of explanation that covers a large landscape, the agrarian areas and the outlands need to be studied together as different interacting parts of a large-scale cultural landscape and as a mutual set of resource areas. In this thesis, the agrarian land and the outlands are considered complemen- tary resource areas, as well as complementary parts of the economic sys- tems that develop in the border area including the boreal forests of the north and the agricultural regions of the south. Implicitly, the concept of the out- lands is always defined in relation to the infields of the agrarian unit, as known from historical times. The dichotomy inmark/utmark is only appli- cable to the settlements of the farming community, respectively inside and outside the ‘fence’. As pointed out by Jostein Bergstøl (2005), such a divi- sion is only logical in relation to the farming community and becomes problematic outside it. For economies not primarily based on cultivation that have their main occupancy in what, from a farming perspective, are characterised as outlands, the vocabulary is misleading. Søren Diinhoff claims that the outlands are primarily a cultural/ideological contrast to the infields of the farm. The two parts of the landscapes cannot be separated or defined but are the result of the complex use of a larger landscape (Di- inhoff 2005: 109–110). A historical situation of land use cannot be easily or unreflectedly projected back in time. Over many years of research, the dichotomy between the different landscape types has created an imbalance in which the outlands have been subordinate to the infields and have made an agrarian-based economy the norm. In this study, neither agrarian production nor the agrarian landscape are seen as normative, as earlier historical research has often assumed (com- pare Deleuze & Guattari 1987 and discussion in previous chapter). The landscape is also not limited by historical regional divisions but is based on climatic and natural geographical conditions. It is not productive to con- sider agrarian farmyards and outlands as dichotomies, but rather these should be considered different landscape types constituting complemen- tary parts of a larger economic system in which the outland is a resource and an actively contributing factor to development during the Iron Age.

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The study approaches middle Sweden from a large geographical perspec- tive, with the possibility for different cultures to influence and prompt a collective development, including the diverse and multifaceted exploita- tion of resources in the outlands as an important factor. Such a large-scale spatial perspective might provide one way of explaining accumulated wealth and the distribution of the large, elite-indicating mounds, in the area south of the boreal region, but also the hunting ground burials on the other side of the border. From this perspective, the outlands become an important missing factor in the understanding of societal development in the Middle Iron Age for which our knowledge needs to be deepened.

Second, this thesis deals primarily with time, place, networks and econ- omy, in which the production and acquisition of goods is performed by cooperating actors, perhaps originating in one or more different socio-eco- nomical systems, based on agrarian or non-agrarian outland production. The area concerned in the present thesis (Northern Svealand and southern Norrland) has already been presented as a border area based on both cli- matological/natural geographical considerations and a border zone be- tween different forms of subsistence economy. Concerning the aims and objectives and the research questions of this thesis, the ethnicity of these actors is of minor importance. As discussed above, the outland resource exploitation in the boreal forest has often been ascribed to the Sámi, how- ever, a division between the outland people in the Middle Iron Age as either Sámi or non-Sámi might be an overly simplistic view. The population structure in the outland areas during the period might have been more com- plex. It is likely that there were significantly more cultural groupings and identities in the forested areas of central Sweden during the Iron Age than has previously been discussed or is possible to distinguish in the archaeo- logical material. The dichotomous view of a population of either Sámi or non-Sámi needs to be broken down and widened so it can instead be studied and understood from the perspective of different actors and different economies linked to different resource areas and livelihood patterns. Furthermore, there are also several indications of close contact between people from different areas or cultural backgrounds. In terms of the objectives set out for the present study, and also pointed out above, the ethnic attribution of archaeological materials is of minor importance; rather the main focus is on material cul- ture in relation to chronology and supraregional networks. Accordingly, an ethnic division of actors involved in the outland exploitation might obscure the possibilities of formulating a synthesis incorporating the societal de- velopment of both the agrarian regions and the outlands as an interrelated

79 cultural landscape. Ultimately, if a better understanding of the contextual framework is acquired, a better opportunity to address questions of identity may be a possible outcome.

Methodological standpoints

A productive discussion of the questions posed above presupposes some specific methodological positions. The archaeological source material available for analysis is always a fraction of the original, especially con- sidering the remains from the outlands. The complex nature of archaeology means that one source material, or one method, is rarely sufficient to create a deeper understanding of a question. Even if new excavations have created a larger empirical material, it is still limited and must be collected from large geographical areas. Parallels and analogies drawn between seemingly disparate remnants are necessary to create a logical explanation for prom- inent patterns. It can be suggested that an integrated study of outlands and agrarian regions requires a source-pluralistic approach combining different sources of information and methods. By showing how different, independ- ent phenomena support a similar interpretation, information about an un- derlying cause can be inferred, even if the individual materials are scarce or fragmented (Myrdal 2007). Furthermore, the constant development of both scientific methods and statistical modelling support and reinforce the archaeological interpretation of an archaeological material. In this thesis, such new developments are used in combination with more traditional methods, making the research interdisciplinary, with the aim of under- standing societal development during the Middle Iron Age. The separate methods used in the different case studies are discussed in detail in the specific papers. However, in the following, the questions will be elaborated and their association to the separate case studies, as well as methods applied, will be explained and argued. In Paper I (Hennius 2020a) and Paper II (Hennius et al. 2018) questions of When? and the chronology of outland exploitation are approached in two different ways. In Paper I, trends and fluctuations in the hunt for terrestrial animals, indicated by pit- falls used for hunting elk and reindeer, are scrutinised. In Paper II, the hunt for marine mammals is studied based on the presence of gaming pieces made from whalebone in archaeological contexts. Pitfalls are generally hard to date, due to difficulties in securing sample contexts for radiocarbon analysis and since other types of datable contexts related to the pitfalls are

80 often non-existent. In Paper I, a compiled dataset of almost 370 radiocar- bon samples is analysed using Kernel Density Estimation (KDE) model- ling. The large number of samples combined with the statistical model in the KDE-analysis creates a stable foundation for further discussion, even if some of the samples are unreliable. In Paper II, the chronological se- quence is instead based on typological dating of the burials in which they were found. In Paper IV (Hennius 2020b) the reorganisation of the settle- ments in the Middle Iron Age is compared to the synchronous development of seasonal production sites in the outlands. Papers III and I (Hennius 2018, 2020a), as well as Paper II (Hennius et al. 2018), represent different perspectives on the question of What? and concern different materials and products including whalebone and tar, while also anchoring previous assumptions on hunting in an archaeological material. The conclusion of tar production in the funnel-shaped features draws on previous work, using GC-MS (Gas chromatography–mass spec- trometry) analysis (Hjulström et al. 2006) as well as analogies to known types of tar production features. The ocular osteological analysis of whale- bone as raw material used for gaming pieces is supported by species deter- mination using ZooMS (Zooarchaeology by mass spectrometry). Together with other recently published research, the case studies show a diverse uti- lisation of the outlands. Paper IV (Hennius 2020b) also suggests that out- land exploitation could be performed in combination with other activities. The question of Where? is methodologically based on results from ex- cavations in different areas and types of landscapes, as well as the distri- bution of different types of find in combination with landscape analysis using GIS. The pitfalls discussed in Paper I (Hennius 2020a), as well as the tar production discussed in Paper II (Hennius 2018), can be found in the forested areas. However, the pitfalls are spread over large areas far from registered settlements, while the tar production features are much closer to the agrarian settlements. The same areas also reveal indications of the emergence of the seasonal settlements discussed in Paper IV (Hennius 2020b), including the Baltic and Bothnian coastlines. The whalebone gam- ing pieces are mainly found in southern Sweden, but the whales were prob- ably procured along the Norwegian coast and their products distributed over far-reaching networks. These networks most likely followed the route from Trondheim across the Scandinavian mountain ridge through the prov- ince of Jämtland to the Bothnian and Baltic coast, well known from the historic era. Trade networks could also be identified in the distribution of the processed tar, since handling of the product can be found all around the Baltic, in areas lacking a local production. These networks suggest sites for reloading and redistribution at the river mouths along the Baltic.

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The matter of Who? and Why? will be discussed by using the results from the four different case studies jointly. These questions are discussed on a more general theoretical level concerning societal development and social relations to further expand our understanding of the Middle Iron Age trans- formation.

Theoretical considerations

According to classical historical materialistic models of explanation, social inequalities develop through controlling means of production and scarce resources, including the control of transportation, communication and trade, as well as means of destruction such as military forces. Carrol A. Smith (1976) argues that a system of inequality within agrarian societies can be sustained by the institutionalisation of systems of exchange, where the elite controls the critical nodes in the system or the means of exchange. The level of stratification and control is also dependent on both the spatial distribution of people within the system as well as the degree of commer- cialisation (Smith 1976: 311–313). Models based on Smith and other his- torical materialistic scholars have influenced discussions concerning both the large mounds along the Bothnian coast as well as the wealth expressed by the boat burials in Vendel and Valsgärde, associated to a surplus in non- agrarian production (Ramqvist 2001; Hjärthner-Holdar 2009; I. Zachrisson 2012). However, such an approach does not encompass the full complexity of societal development in middle Sweden during the Middle Iron Age from a large-scale perspective, since this also involves groups with other economical focuses than the agrarian. In the study area, there could be dif- ferent forms of dependencies and control. The people in the outlands could be in control of the acquisition and distribution of the scarce commodities, while others could control the means of transportation or trade over long- distance networks. As mentioned in the beginning of this thesis, Barrett et al. (2020) situ- ates similar distribution systems as an ecological globalisation involving the walrus hunt in the North Atlantic and the associated trade in walrus ivory. An intensive exploitation of valuable resources creates interdepend- encies between resource-extracting communities and distant centres of consumption. The impact on flora and fauna might lead to a search for new hunting grounds and expanding colonisation (Barrett et al. 2020). As al- ready pointed out, this could at the local level, instead be described as a

82 resource colonisation, based on an increased exploitation of a surrounding landscape, aimed at extracting valued components that could be trans- formed to commodities of crafts and trade. Resource colonisation gener- ated cultural landscapes valued for containing resources for crafts and trade. Relations between the production areas and consumption areas were shaped by complex social and economic interactions reflecting interrelated complex systems of mutual interdependencies (compare Lindholm et al. in press). The mosaic of different groups of people, in different environments and with different economical focuses, interacting over long-distance networks covering large areas and exchanging commodities with different origins, linking arctic Scandinavia to the Far East, draws in many ways on the con- ceptual framework of a World System. World-Systems Analysis was a the- oretical school of thought, formulated primarily by Immanuel Wallerstein in the 1970s as a macro-scale model to explain economic and societal de- velopment, but has since been developed and expanded. Wallerstein rec- ognised that the nation state was not always a suitable unit for analysis and instead recognised three different types of world systems: mini-systems, world economies, and world empires. These could be compared to Po- lanyi´s three economic organisational forms; mini-systems were recipro- cal, world economies were redistributive, and world-empires were based on market exchange (Polanyi 2001: 49ff, 74f, Wallerstein 2004: 37). A world system does not have to include the entire planet but rather the inter- societal interactions of politico-economic units and could thus be described as a spatial/temporal zone which cuts across many political and cultural units, one that represents an integrated zone of activity and institutions which obey certain systemic rules (Wallerstein 2004: 27–36). From this wide geographical perspective, World-Systems Analysis acknowledges that no past culture existed in isolation, but in relation to other groups, with direct or indirect contacts, forming large networks. From the perspective of a world system, Middle Iron Age Scandinavia might be viewed as being located on the northern outskirts of an Iron Age world system with connections stretching across Europe and to the Far East. A world system is built up by hierarchical relationships between cen- tral and peripheral areas. The core area is characterised by powerful au- thorities, a high level of knowledge, specialised production, wealth and pluralism, while the periphery is characterised by general exploitation, mass production of raw materials and goods and forced labour (Hall et al. 2011). However, as Carol L. Crumley points out, heterarchical principles could occur, especially in the outer stretches of the network (Crumley

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1995). Wallerstein’s model was originally developed to explain the capi- talistic world from the 1500s and onwards but is used more and more fre- quently as a general model for the distribution of power and resources within interacting units (Wallerstein 2004:48). World-Systems Analysis has also been used by a number of archaeologists and historians to analyse and understand overlapping interactions of different groups of people in other time-periods (for an overview, see, for example, Hall et al. 2011). One example is Friedman and Rowlands (1978), who use World-Systems Analysis to explore social hierarchisation in the Hallstadt culture in the seventh and sixth centuries BCE. Kristian Kristiansen’s use of the concept to explain long-distance contact networks in Europe during the Bronze Age (Kristiansen 1998: 359, 399–402, 415–419), provides another example. The focus of World-Systems Analysis on large-scale structures of socioec- onomic systems and long-term development, with an interest in such as- pects as acculturation, societal change and economic development, has made it an attractive model of explanation. From an archaeological point of view, World-Systems Analysis has been criticised, above all because of problems in grounding the model in an archaeological empirical material. As originally formulated, it presup- posed a relationship in which the centre exploited the peripheral areas for raw materials, making the indigenous inhabitants passive, being exploited through the hands of their suppressors (Silberman 2012). To get around such unequal relationships, Helle Vandkilde prefers using “globalisation”, or during the Bronze Age and not encompassing the whole world, the word “bronzization” (Vandkilde 2016). Nick Kardulias (2007) has instead de- veloped the concept of “negotiated peripherality” and elaborates on the changing nature of the relationships between groups, illustrating the active roles also played by groups outside the core areas. Kardulias tries to un- derstand “the willingness and ability of individuals in the peripheries to determine the conditions under which they will engage in trade, ceremonial exchange, intermarriage, adoption of outside religions and political ideo- logies” and shows that cultural changes occur at an accelerated rate in the border zone between different cultural groups (Kardulias 2007). Chris Gosden (2004) has also proposed a further development of World-Systems Analysis. He is critical of the term, as it fails to acknowledge the relation- ship between humans and material culture. Furthermore, Gosden opposes to the use of modern concepts to describe (pre)historic economic systems, and instead argues for a colonial theory. In border zones where close con- tacts between different population groups can be demonstrated, special cul- tural patterns are often developed, what Gosden calls "colonialism within a shared cultural milieu" (Gosden 2004: 41ff). The word colonialism could

84 give rise to associations of a situations where an indigenous population loses its rights to a long-utilised land area, in favour of immigrating or in- vading groups. However, Gosden argues that a more common form of co- lonialism emerges as a result of long-standing contact between different groups of people within a shared cultural milieu, which could very well be the case in the area and time-periods on which this study focuses. Through personal networks and contacts, this allows new power structures to emerge, especially within local elites, which would then gain access to new resources. In the long run, this may lead to the emergence of a ‘middle ground’ where new cultural patterns are created that differ from the origi- nal, but that are also favourable for all the groups involved. The term mid- dle ground was used by Richard White in his studies of the North American fur trade during the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. During this period, mutual relations and needs were created between the indigenous population and the Europeans, which in turn changed both cultures. Gosden identifies a fluid relationship between these two types of colonisation (2004: 26, 30– 33; based on White 1991). Instead of looking at central Sweden against a backdrop of dichotomies between farmers or non-farmers or woodland and agricultural land, it is more vital to study the area as a common middle ground, with different groups of actors, creating specific cultural imprints and patterns. The close contacts between the various groups in the area spur a common social development that differs from what we see in other regions. Personal relationships, contacts and administration of the acquisi- tion of outland resources create local elites. By looking at the area sur- rounding the boreal forests from a middle ground perspective, a different understanding can be achieved of the development of society during the Middle Iron Age. The specific cultural patterns developing in the area could be seen as such a middle ground development. The historian Nils Blomkvist (2005: 40–45; 2008) has used World-Sys- tems Analysis to explain early medieval societal changes in the Scandina- vian countries at the ‘Baltic Rim’. Blomkvist regards the medieval period as period of ‘Europeanisation’: a change of world systems developing from Viking Age ‘network kingdoms’ to a society more resembling the Euro- pean, including a quantitative growth in social variables such as demogra- phy, land use knowledge and per capita economy. From a similar perspec- tive, Dagfinn Skre sees Scandinavia as being in the intersection between two economic zones: a southern, including Southern Scandinavia, with far- reaching contacts into Germanic areas, and a northern economic zone in- cluding northern Scandinavia and parts of the Baltic, a division that could also resemble the south Swedish agrarian regions and the northern boreal forests. Both zones supplied commodities and raw materials that were

85 needed by the other (Skre 2020: 228). Blomkvist suggests that the origin of the Scandinavian countries is to be sought in realms established along the communication routes in defence of trading systems (Blomkvist 2005: 39 see also T. Zachrisson 2020). This becomes most obvious in the name Norway, taking its name from the north-south communication route along the north Atlantic coast. These Viking Age network kingdoms cannot be compared to states where the centre dominates a periphery and an area of land. The network kingdoms required a much higher degree of consensus between the people involved. Even if centred in a number of core areas, the elite could not control trade routes and communication networks, or protect the traders, as inferred by the classical historical materialism per- spective above. Instead, they tried to reach agreement with the people who lived between nodal points by linking them to the core as being a skattland (land for taxation). Being a skattland meant protection and privileges in exchange for tributes and could perhaps be compared to the accounts by Ohthere who collected taxes from the Sámi in the 9th century consisting of furs from marten, bear and otter, as well as whalebone and ropes made of skins from whales or walrus. Blomkvist is vague on the origin of the net- work kingdoms in Scandinavia but claims these were already present at the beginning of the Viking Age (Blomkvist 2008: 164, 175). Even if Blomkvist is concerned with the early medieval period, and thus the rise of later aristocratic elites including state formation and urbanism, the genesis of the network kingdoms could probably be sought for in the Middle Iron Age, the period in focus in this thesis. This view is supported by Skre, who argues that the networks of the elite nodal sites already existed along the northern routes of the Norwegian coast in the Middle Iron Age (Skre 2020: 193, 194, 222). The societal changes occurring in the Middle Iron Age probably indicate the origin of such network kingdoms. The elite burials, clustered outside the boreal forests, but also the hunting ground burials along the waterways in the forested interior could thus be seen as the nodal point of the network kingdoms but also as forming links between different networks, the northern producers and the distant consumers.

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Introducing the case studies

As already accounted for, the case studies represent diverse topics from different geographical areas (see Figure 8) and might, initially, give a dis- parate impression; however, outland exploitation has always been charac- terised by a dynamic, flexible and multifaceted utilisation of available re- sources. From such a perspective, the source pluralism used for the case studies show the complexity of outland use. The theoretical and methodo- logical considerations, in combination with the chosen case studies, jointly shed light on different aspects of actor perspective, networks, wealth accu- mulation and societal development. By studying middle Sweden from a large geographical perspective, as a middle ground, the outlands become an important factor in overall societal development. The case studies most probably reflect different economies: increased interests, changing atti- tudes and intensified exploitation of the outlands by the farming society, as seen in in the development of seasonal settlements, but also the in- creased exploitation performed by the hunting ground cultures. Moreover, the studies show that the demand for outland resources from the farming societies also involves increased exploitation of outland re- sources in areas further away from the infield settlements, comparable to a resource colonisation as a regional level of the process of ecological glob- alisation. The combined results of these parallel developments entail large- scale changes of society. The different actors had the possibility to influ- ence and spur a collective development, including a diverse and multifac- eted exploitation of resources. From such a perspective, this knowledge appears fundamental for a deeper understanding of societal development in the Middle Iron Age and further, for the development of the Viking Age. The articles can be found in their entirety and are fully referenced in ap- pendices I–IV but below they are summarised and discussed from the larger framework of the thesis.

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Figure 8. Geographical distribution of the four case studies. The pitfall systems (red dots) used to study the chronology of hunting for terrestrial mammals in Pa- per I have their highest concentrations in the southern and middle parts of the boreal forests. The whalebone used for the production of gaming pieces was prob- ably obtained along the Norwegian coast, but the refined items are found in the agrarian regions in southern Scandinavia (Paper II). Tar production in the forests has, so far, been identified as being concentrated in the northern part of the prov- ince of Uppland (Paper III). The seasonal settlements are seen as part of a pre- historic system of seasonal production sites, with similarities to the historically known shielings and following the traditional shieling border, but seasonal fishing stations along the Baltic coast also form part of the discussion in the article (Paper IV). (Blue dots showing large mounds).

Case study I: Towards a refined chronology of prehistoric pitfall hunting

Paper I "Towards a refined chronology of prehistoric pitfall hunting" (Hennius 2020a, Appendix I), discusses the dating of pitfalls and pitfall systems. Pitfalls are the most frequent ancient remains in northern Swe- den's boreal forested areas. Although the pits were preferably used for hunting elk and reindeer, they are sometimes seen as a reflection of all forms of large-scale hunting and the distribution pattern is viewed as a re- flection of the extent of the hunting grounds for more or less all types of large-scale hunting. Pitfall hunting was banned in Sweden in 1864 but, be- sides this, the general chronology of the feature has been diffuse. The fea- tures are often seen as part of the Viking Age and medieval trade in fur and other animal products. The article is based on an analysis of 370 dated 14C-samples from pit- falls. These have been calibrated and statistically processed using two dif- ferent forms of Kernel Density Estimation (KDE) in Oxcal 4.3.2 in order to create a chronology for the pitfalls and to contextualise this within large- scale social development. The new distribution curve looks similar to a model presented by Ramqvist (2007). However, Ramqvist uses uncali- brated results from the radiocarbon analyses, which make the interpretation of the results uncertain. The KDE modelling in the present analysis creates a more reliable foundation for discussion (see Figure 9).

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Figure 9. KDE_model compiled from radiocarbon samples from pitfalls in Swe- den. Middle Iron Age (350–600 CE marked with red. KDE analysis using Oxcal v4.3.2

The analysis shows that pitfalls were probably already in use in the Meso- lithic, especially in the northernmost parts of Sweden. At the beginning of the Bronze Age, there was an initial significant increase in the construction of pitfalls. The dates decrease over the centuries around the beginning of the Common Era, before a renewed increase begins at the end of the Roman Iron Age, with a marked peak in the diagram during the Vendel Period. During the Viking Age, the construction of hunting pits decreases, before a further increase occurs during the early Middle Ages. After the 12-1300s, the pitfalls are continuously reduced until they are banned during the 19th century. It is important for the discussion in this thesis to consider that large- scale hunting for elk and reindeer started during the Roman Iron Age/Mi- gration Period and that the number of dated pitfalls was significant during the Vendel Period after which there was a reduction in the Viking Age. This result contradicts previous interpretations, and the results advance the large-scale exploitation of animal resources by several hundred years. The result also partly contradicts the significance of hunting during the Viking 90

Age as the new study show a decreased hunting during this period. As is discussed in the article, pitfalls are very difficult to date, even with scien- tific analysis, due to problems with sample contexts. However, the new chronology is supported by comparisons with other activities and occupa- tions, and the results are in good agreement with studies of bear hunting by Lindholm & Ljungkvist (2016), as well as studies of hunting equipment in Norway by Pilø et al. (2018). The new pitfall chronology also gives an indication of reduced hunting in the boreal forests of northern Sweden at the same time as the Vikings' initial expeditions across the seas take place. The paper shows a relationship between the agrarian regions and the boreal forest, since there is a chronological correspondence in the societal development of the different areas. Such a relationship is further strength- ened by similar patterns seen in for example lynx and bear claws found in burials in the agrarian regions. In the discussion, the results are mainly used to raise questions regarding the chronology of the landscape development in different geographical areas, as well as to understand social changes in the boreal forest areas from a long-term perspective. From a heritage man- agement perspective, the article raises questions about the representative- ness of registered remains as well as the presence of unknown remains in areas exposed to increasingly intensive, modern forestry.

Case study II: Whalebone gaming pieces – aspects of marine mammal exploitation in pre-Viking Scandinavia

Increased exploitation of terrestrial mammals during the Middle Iron Age has a counterpart in the exploitation of marine mammals. In Paper II “Whalebone Gaming Pieces: Aspects of Marine Mammal Exploitation in Vendel and Viking Age Scandinavia” (Hennius et al. 2018, Appendix II), the raw material of a large number of gaming pieces found in graves from the Late Iron Age is analysed. Osteological analyses are rarely performed on refined objects and the gaming pieces were previously most often reg- istered as bone/antler. The analysis shows that, from the middle of the 6th century, the majority of the gaming pieces were made from whalebone (see Figure 10). Through ZooMS analysis, a number of gaming pieces could be determined by species and all analysis results indicated North Atlantic right whale (Eubalaena glacialis). These results have since been further vali-

91 dated by additional samples showing a consistent use of this specific spe- cies (Hennius & Ljungkvist et al. forthcoming). The right whale got its name because it was long considered the right choice of whale species to hunt. It swam slowly, close to land, and, due to a very high proportion of blubber, it floated even when killed. Due to a long period of very high hunting pressure, particularly in modern times, this species is almost ex- tinct in the Atlantic today. Because of the large number of gaming pieces, a standardised and uni- form design and the selective choice of whale species that can be demon- strated, it is argued that the producers did not rely on randomly stranded whales and that the gaming pieces reflect active procurement of whales. The hunt probably took place along the northern coast of Norway, where an increased interest in marine resources is evident during the same period, as identified in the construction of boathouses and pits for blubber produc- tion. During the period, important improvements were also made in boat- building technology. The primary reason for hunting whales was certainly not an urge to play board games but for meat and blubber and probably because the skin was a good raw material for ropes. Furthermore, the ba- leen could be used within shipbuilding, as seen in the Oseberg ship (Shetelig 1917: 294), or within other types of carpentry work, as seen in a wooden bucket in the Högom burial tied together with baleen (Ramqvist 1992: 130–131). However, the gaming pieces in bone have been preserved in the archaeological material. With few exceptions, whaling in the Nordic countries was previously assumed to have been initiated during the Viking era, when it is also men- tioned in historical sources. The traveling trader Óttarr/Ohthere, who vis- ited King Ælfred in England during the 8th century, tells the king that much of his wealth came from exploitation of the resources of the sea, for exam- ple by hunting whales and walrus. He also collected tax from the Sámi, which included whalebone and ropes made of skins from whales or walrus. The production of blubber has also traditionally been attributed to the Sámi (Henriksen 1995: 41, 75; I. Zachrisson 2012). The mention of whalebone as part of the tax collected may be an indication that several actors were involved in handling this commodity and in the production of gaming pieces. The gaming pieces in the analysis have been found across large parts of southern Sweden, with a concentration in eastern southern Sweden but also further afield in Åland and Denmark. It is likely that there are several thou- sand of them deposited in graves in Sweden. They are also found in burials in the more northerly provinces of Hälsingland, Medelpad and Jämtland. The trade route over the Scandinavian mountain ridge via Jämtland and the

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Figure 10. Raw materials used in Iron Age gaming pieces in Sweden.

Storsjö area is well known during the Viking Age and historical times. However, the distribution of whalebone gaming pieces indicates trading networks with standardised and mass-produced goods, probably following the same route, as early as in the Vendel Period. The paper shows the relationship between the central agrarian regions and distant coastal outlands since they are part of far-reaching networks, demonstrating similar chronologies. In the discussion, the results of the study are used to raise questions on the chronology of outland exploitation and show how hunting for terrestrial mammals has a chronological parallel in hunting for marine mammals. The results are also used to widen the concept of different types of landscape as part of the outlands. The article can also be used to discuss the interaction between hunters and producers and the emergence of Vendel Period trade networks and their actors. From a larger perspective, the article can be used as a basis for studies in histor- ical ecology and shows how humans have affected marine ecosystems from a long-term perspective.

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Case study III: Viking Age tar production and outland exploitation

In Paper III "Viking Age tar production and outland exploitation” (Hennius 2018, Appendix III), the Iron Age production of tar is discussed. Prehis- toric tar use has been known for a long time, but the mode of production has been mostly unknown. In archaeological investigations for a road con- struction project through the province of Uppland, funnel-shaped features could be linked to tar production by using a combination of historical anal- ogies and chemical analysis. During the Roman Iron Age, an initial small- scale production took place in connection to the settlements. Probably al- ready during the Vendel Period, production was moved out into the forest, closer to the raw material, and the size of the features multiplied (see Figure 11). Several hundred litres of tar could be produced in each production cycle. It is possible to produce large amounts of tar through repeated burn- ing in smaller pits, but there is an important difference in how the work for large-scale outland production is planned. Large quantities of wood must be chopped and stacked, the burning supervised and the product transferred to pre-made containers. Afterwards, many hundreds of litres of tar must be transported from the forest to a place for use.

Figure 11. Summarised radiocarbon curves from small tar pits at the settlements and large tar pits in the forests, respectively. Analysed using Oxcal 3.10.

An interesting site, not discussed in the article, is Berget, just outside Gamla Uppsala. At this Early Iron Age site, no less than 60 small funnel- shaped tar production features have been excavated (Göthberg et al. 2014: 41f, 230 ff), showing a considerable production, probably exceeding the needs of one household. Usually, there are just one or a few tar pits found at each settlement (Svensson-Hennius, in press). Berget could indicate a

94 transition between household production and a surplus production that is still situated at the settlement. Svensson-Hennius also notice that the great majority of prehistoric tar production features have been found in the prov- ince of Uppland, and only a few outside the Lake Mälaren region, whether located at settlements or in the outlands (Svensson-Hennius, in press). The region seems to have played a profound role in Middle Iron Age tar pro- duction. In the article, the increased production of tar is related to the increased demand within shipping, which was intensified during the same period. In addition to boat hulls, sails made from wool needed to be impregnated. The use of sails was probably introduced to southern Scandinavia during the same period, with the 8th-century Scandinavian vessels found in Salme as an early example. Reconstructions of Viking ships in Denmark show that about 500 litres of tar were needed for one ship and, during the Viking Age, fleets of several hundred ships are mentioned in written sources. Further- more, the tar coating had to be continuously maintained. There are indications that tar quickly became a trade commodity around the Baltic. Tar brushes, as well as barrels and troughs for tar transport, have been found at Birka, Hedeby, Ribe and Schleswig. The article outlines how tar was transported on the waterways in the northern part of the province of Uppland to the Baltic coast for further transportation via extensive trade networks. This probably took place at some kind of beach markets. No other contemporary activity areas or remains have been identified in connection with the large-scale tar production sites studied in the northern parts of the province of Uppland. Instead, registered settlements and burial fields are found in fertile river valleys, at a distance of up to 8 km from the tar production sites. The absence of graves and traces of settlement is in- terpreted as indicating that production was administered on the basis of periodic residence in the woodlands. Many of the tar production facilities are found in low-lying terrain with good access to pasture. In several of the places, there were shielings or summer farms in historical times. The article therefore suggests that the tar production can be interpreted from the per- spective of a seasonal activity, where tar production could have been com- bined with, for example, cattle grazing as a predecessor to the historical shieling-system. The paper shows the connection between the forested outlands and the central agrarian regions by identifying contemporary transformations and developments. Furthermore, the article shows a previously unknown, large-scale production of tar, as well as the potential for knowledge exist- ing in archaeological remains in the forests. In the discussion, the results are discussed in the context of the organisation of production and the social

95 changes this entails. In addition, the paper highlights a previously unknown commodity and provides information about the emergence of seasonally utilised locations in the landscape.

Case study IV: Outland exploitation and the emergence of seasonal settlements

In Paper IV “Outland exploitation and the emergence of seasonal settle- ments” (Hennius 2020b, Appendix IV), Middle Iron Age outland landscape exploitation and the development of seasonally used production sites are discussed from the perspective of changing land regulations and claims of land. Some of the most frequently found archaeological features from the Early Roman Iron Age is fire pits, scattered around the landscape and in- terpreted as resting places for herders in a well-organised but dispersed grazing system. In the Middle Iron Age, these fires disappear. At the same time, increased utilisation of outlying landscapes can be identified. In the article it is suggested that this is due to a change in stock raising and the relocation of pastures. These changes are concurrent with the reorganisa- tion and relocation of infield settlements. In the article, arguments are pre- sented, that the reasons for these changes arise from similar models of ex- planation (see Figure 12). Changes at the settlements are often explained as stronger land claims and ownership. Similar suggestions have been also presented concerning the expansion into the forests; however, these developments have not been viewed as coherent. In the article, the changes at the settlements, the chang- ing grazing systems and the indications of seasonal settlements in the forest and in the coastal zone are all seen as reflections of new ways of regulating and managing land, in association with new ways of land ownership. Just as the infields are regulated, so too are the outlying lands, as grazing be- comes regulated and concentrated upon specific parts of the landscape, claimed by a continuously repeated but temporary presence in the areas from the home farm to the outland sites. The outland sites could be used in a multitude of ways at different times of the year. In the article, a model to understand these changes, including both the settlement re-organisation as well as the changing utilisation of the outlands, is presented.

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The sites in the outlands are hard to identify, however, as shown by Lind- holm et al. 2013, historical and archaeological remains are not randomly distributed in the outland but clustered. These hotspots contain sets of dif- ferent activities, such as, features for large game hunting, iron smelting, tar production, mills, remains of roads and livestock herding. The clusters can be interpreted as claimed multifunctional activity areas representing an or- dered landscape organisation, which seems to have already been estab- lished in the forested region in the Early or Middle Iron Age, and related to a larger trend of societal change affecting Scandinavia at the time. Such a development, with the emergence of temporarily used sites at a longer distance from the home farm, affects the whole society. Cultivation and crop growing must be effective enough, providing also for people in- volved in other types of production and crafts. Just as was discussed con- cerning tar production, there are major differences in planning and organi- sation between daily expeditions and long-term stays, far from the home farm. The outland production at the temporary sites, for example of tar or iron, would be of fundamental importance for providing trading commod- ities, and thus the development influences the structure of society and so- cial inequalities. The paper indicates that the agrarian regions and the outlands are inter- connected by land regulations and claims and that similar models of expla- nation can be used to explain the societal development in the different types of landscapes. In the discussion, the article adds information concerning questions of organisation of production and land management, but also helps to bridge over the dichotomy between infield settlements and the out- lands.

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Figure 12. The reorganisation of large-scale land utilisation in the Middle Iron Age involves a transition from dispersed and short-term settlements with wide- spread grazing and scattered herders’ resting sites during the Early Iron Age (above) to concentrated and stable settlements with claimed and regulated sea- sonal sites in forested and maritime outlands during the Late Iron Age (below). Similar models of explanation can be used to understand the changes in both the outlands as well as at the agrarian settlements.

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Outland use in the Middle Iron Age — Resource colonisation, raw material exploitation and networks

In the following chapter, the source pluralistic methodologies in the case studies will be used to discuss a synthesised understanding of the societal developments that took place during the Middle Iron Age. The discussion is structured around the five questions: When? What? Where? Who? and Why? as described above.

When? — The Middle Iron Age, a time of changes

On a general level, based on the four case studies and in com- bination with other research discussed above, an increased ex- ploitation of a variety of outland resources and an intensified use of a large-scale landscape can be identified in the Middle Iron Age. A Middle Iron Age phase of outland exploitation pre- ceded the previously discussed Late Viking Age/early medieval phase and the additional intensification after the medieval Agrarian Crises. This Middle Iron Age phase appears syn- chronous with the developments seen at the infield settlements, such as the reorganisation of settlements, increased social stratification and the building of large mounds in agricultural areas bordering the forested outlands. Logical considerations suggest that the changes in the different types of landscape are interdependent (see Figure 13). The appearance of different outland products in areas far from their origin suggests a sim- ultaneous development of far-reaching networks and changing world systems.

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On a detailed level, it is possible to identify geographical dif- ferences as well as different activities showing a more varied pattern. The hunt for terrestrial animals has a long prehistory but intensifies in the beginning of the Middle Iron Age, con- temporaneous with the large-scale production of iron. Soon thereafter, follow the hunting of marine mammals, the devel- opment of seasonal settlements and changing grazing systems, and the transformation of tar production. While hunting seems to decline in the Viking Age, other features, such as scaled-up tar production and overseas travel, seem to be intensified. It is possible to identify the presence of systems usually associated with the Viking Age, such as long-distance trade with serial produced items or bulk commodities, several hundred years earlier.

Increased hunting of terrestrial animals using pitfalls can be identified as starting in the Late Roman Iron Age/Migration Period (c. 400–500 CE) and peaking in the Vendel Period (around 600–650 CE). Possibly due to a pe- riod of excessive hunting preasure, the Early Viking Age appearing as a slowdown before an additional peak is reached in the Late Viking Age/early medieval period (Paper I, Hennius 2020a). This large-scale de- velopment of the Middle Iron Age is paralleled by the hunt for marine mammals, initiated in the 6th century. Paper II (Hennius et al. 2018) iden- tify the raw material used in the manufacture of gaming pieces. Starting in the first half of the 6th century, there is a significant influx of items made from whalebone to central eastern Sweden and beyond. The whalebone items are interpreted as being one of the products derived from an active whaling commenced during the period. In the Late Viking Age, walrus items replace the whalebone, probably as a result of the colonisation Ice- land, and later on Greenland. Paper III (Hennius 2018) deals with the pro- duction of tar. Small-scale tar production exists from at least the Roman Iron Age in the areas north of Lake Mälaren, indicating a new use of sec- ondary products from the forests. However, beginning probably in the Ven- del Period, production transforms from small-scale household production to large-scale production in the forests in the northern parts of the province of Uppland. One reason might be the contemporaneous intensified focus on shipping and maritime transportation during the period and the intro- duction of sails. Paper IV (Hennius 2020b) deals with seasonal/temporarily occupied sites from a larger perspective. During the Middle Iron Age, a 100 change in grazing systems can be suggested, as indicated by the disappear- ance of fireplaces scattered around the landscape. At the settlements, there are indications of more regulated land use. Simultaneously, there is an in- tensified utilisation of the forested outlands, as identified in pollen dia- grams but also in the archaeological remains at sites interpreted as season- ally used. Concurrently, there is a development of temporary sites along the Baltic coast utilised for fishing and hunting seals and birds (Paper IV, Hennius 2020b). This is probably due to new forms of regulation and land claim, including both the infield settlements as well as the outlands. In the outland, this is reflected by repeatedly claimed sites in the forested or mar- itime landscape.

Figure 13. Chronological developments based on present knowledge and the ap- pearance in archaeological empirical material of different phenomena discussed or referred to in the previous discussions. White – no or as yet very scarce indica- tions, light grey – indications of small-scale activities or initial production, dark grey – extensive indications or large-scale production. The upper part of the table shows changes in the infields, lower part the outland changes. Related phenomena marked with colour coding in the second column.

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What? — A broad spectrum of outland resources

The case studies give examples of how in-depth research could give firm results anchored in archaeological materia, espe- cially when combined with modern scientific methods. The re- sults from these analyses tell a story that resists interpretation through the lens of an agrarian norm. By using an inclusive perspective in which the agrarian regions and the outlands are seen as interconnected parts of a large-scale cultural land- scape, the empirical material found at the settlements as well as production sites in the outlands sheds new light on a varied and multifaceted exploitation of outland resources. By studying the features used in the hunt, trade with animal products is approached albeit indirectly. The results from this study are also chronologically consistent with other research on Iron Age hunting. Similarly, the determination of raw ma- terials used in the manufacturing of gaming pieces found in burials in southern Sweden suggests a northern Norwegian origin for whale procurement. The tar production features in the northern parts of the province of Uppland can be associ- ated with a far-reaching trade in pine tar, as indicated by buckets, brushes and troughs at the emporia around the Baltic Sea. For Denmark and northern Germany, where there was a local lack of suitable production wood, the conclusions are that the tar was imported. From such a perspective, outland production in its different forms could also be an aspect of uti- lising the environmental preconditions, a resource colonisa- tion as well as indicating far-reaching networks in the Middle Iron Age.

The wealth visible in the mounds along the Bothnian coast has previously been ascribed to the exploitation of outland resources such as furs, antlers, hides, meat or smoked salmon (Ramqvist 2001; Bergman & Ramqvist 2018). In the same way, the presence of high status finds, originating in the south but found in the hunting ground Burials, is explained as traces of trade (I. Zachrisson 2012). The south Swedish models of explaining the socio-economical background have, however, primarily been based on agrarian production. The production of iron has also been seen as funda- mental and is regarded as an important exchange product for the imported 102 luxuries found in the Middle Iron Age elite burials. One question that has not been thoroughly discussed in previous research concerns the demand for Scandinavian iron on the continent, since there was also a European iron production. People on the continent, of course, also had every oppor- tunity to grow their own barley, and these products might not have been viable as exchange commodities from Scandinavia. In this thesis, this focus on iron is supplemented by highlighting a wider range of resources, applied on a larger geographical scale. The origin of the whalebone items that spread over large parts of Scan- dinavia in the 6th century was probably northern Norway. In the same areas are also identified pits for blubber production, which might indicate that whale oil could be one additional export product. From the 7th century, there are historical accounts of large-scale trading in whale oil on the con- tinent, when the Basques delivered 40 casks (probably around 10 000 li- tres) to the abbey in Jumièges (Paper II, Hennius et al. 2018, with refer- ences). The use of oil for lighting purposes could be assumed to have been extensive during the period and, as such, maybe whale oil could have been an important commodity. One resource that would not have been possible to aquire locally on the European continent was northern furs, a trade described in several written sources. The trade in furs and hides between Scandinavia and the Roman Empire in the Early Iron Age has long been discussed, but was further elab- orated by Ulf-Erik Hagberg, concerning the Baltic island of Öland and in- cluding finds of a special type of knife with a ‘crescentic’ blade as an indi- cation of hide preparation (Hagberg 1967: 115). Hagberg´s interpretation that the Roman imports on Öland were the result of trade in hides, has, however, not remained unchallenged. Lil Gustafson shows that there is a chronological difference between the knives and the Roman objects and that the explanatory models are thus more complicated (Gustafson 1981; Räf 2001: 24). Lately the numismatist Renate Ciołek concludes that there is no evidence of such trade in the written sources, and furthermore that a presumed connection between the Roman solidi found on Öland and a flourishing fur/hide trade is speculative due to the huge trading volumes needed to cover for the quantity of solidi (Ciołek 2009: 224–226). The trade in furs, slaves and wax along the Russian rivers is well accounted for in historical sources during the Viking Age, as is Birka’s role as a trading centre. However, anchoring such a trade, above all with organic materials, in the archaeological remains is problematic. Problems also arise when the Viking Age situation is pushed back several centuries. One way of explaining the trade commodities between Scandinavia and the continent in the Middle Iron Age, would be by making an analogy with

103 the medieval Birkarl system (Bergman & Edlund 2016; Steckzén 1964). As already accounted for, this system was based on a northward trade of agrarian products in exchange for outland products such as furs or handi- crafts. The historical Birkarl system cannot be pushed back into pre-his- tory, but one suggestion for the Middle Iron Age would be a similar trade of agrarian products to the north in exchange for furs and other outland products, which, in the next step, could be traded south in exchange for exotic luxuries that were ultimately deposited in the burial mounds or, to a lesser extent, distributed further to the north (see Figure 14).

Figure 14. A suggested model to explain the exchange systems of outland products for imported luxuries and the accumulation of imports in the border zone between the agrarian region and the boreal forest in the Middle Iron Age or, to a lesser extent, in burials or deposits further north.

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Where? — A far-reaching outland

The outlands discussed in this thesis are far more extensive in comparison to the division of land at the historical villages with infields/outfields and outlands/commons. It is possible to show connections between resource acquisition in the Arctic north, the boreal forests and the southern agrarian regions. The networks of the Middle Iron Age world systems not only connected the Far East with the European continent and south Swedish agrarian regions, but there were also links between these and Arctic Scandinavia or the north Norwegian coast (see Figure 15). As discussed above, the historical division of infields and outlands cannot be unreflectively projected back in time. Re- gardless of its biome and character, there is only one land- scape to exploit. A large-scale cultural landscape is the result of complex and dynamic land use during the Middle Iron Age, which changes and expands as exploitation is intensified. Dur- ing the period more stringent regulation of land use concern- ing the settlements led to a clearer division between respec- tively settled, cultivated and outlying land. Intensified cultiva- tion led to an increased need for labour, which was met by increased cooperation between farms and was facilitated by an aggregation of the settlements. An analogous development due to similar land regulations could be argued to effect land outside agrarian areas, where temporary production areas de- veloped. However, as has been pointed out, the activity areas are not random but are clustered in certain locations. At the local level, the intensified outland exploitation could be described as a resource colonisation with increased exploi- tation of a surrounding landscape, aimed at extracting valued components that could be transformed into commodities of crafts and trade. On a larger scale and using the idea of eco- logical globalisation, it would be possible to argue that one of the reasons for Viking Age overseas exploration was an exter- nal resource colonisation, or an ecological globalisation along a continuously expanding frontier in search of new hunt- ing grounds, further away from the original outland areas.

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In this study, a region including both agrarian areas in the south and the boreal forests in the north is in focus. This corresponds to both sides of the natural geographical border of the Limes Norrlandicus, as well as the tra- ditional shieling border. It also coincides with the north-eastern border for sedentary settlements with agrarian economies during the Iron Age and thus also a border zone between different subsistence economies. Further- more, this is an area where, according to Skre (2020), the intersection be- tween a southern and a northern economic zone overlap. The first including the imports of metals and luxuries from the continent and the latter supply- ing raw materials and regional products such as wool, iron, antler and furs (Sporrong 1997: 29; J. Larsson 2009: 20, 116; Skre 2020: 222, 228). In the boreal forest, archaeological remains such as pitfalls, iron production sites and hunting ground burials are common, while settlements are scarce. As a result of Nitenberg’s (2019) work, the area south and east of this zone can also be characterised by an unusually high frequency of large mounds, suggesting a relationship between wealth, power and the forest. The accu- mulated wealth as well as the burial customs associated with the large mounds in the study area could be assumed to be due to two, probably cooperative factors. A surplus could be accumulated in the border zone, where the possibilities for a diversified economy, based on both agrarian production as well as exploitation of the outland resources, were good. An- other possibility could be the emergence of cultural differences compared to further south or further north with specific cultural patterns creating a middle ground. Contacts between the hunting culture and agrarian cultures resulted in an urge to manifest a surplus through extravagant burials and conspicuous grave constructions. By applying a geographically large and diverse perspective, this thesis show that outland resource colonisation can be seen from different scale- levels, just as pointed out by Hans Andersson (1998: 6); either as part of an agricultural system or a separate unit, located in a ‘peripheral’ land- scape, in comparison to the agrarian regions. But also, in relation to the large forests where traces of settlements are rare. There might however also be a chronological difference between these different types of outland uti- lisation, seen in the concept of ecological globalisation and expanding frontier towards more distant resource areas. The tar production and seasonal settlements in the forested areas are prob- ably associated with the agrarian settlements and based primarily on graz- ing. Such a connection is harder to establish concerning the hunt for either terrestrial or marine mammals situated at a further distance from known

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Figure 15. The outlying lands, the agrarian settlements and trading sites connect- ing Scandinavia with the continent were part of a largescale cultural landscape already from the Middle Iron Age. On the map important sites discussed in the text is marked.

107 settlements. Concerning the seasonal fishing stations (tomtningar), these have been discussed from different perspectives, along the Bothnian coast as part of Sámi seasonal movements (Broadbent 2009) or along the coast of eastern central Sweden primarily as part of Viking Age or medieval agrarian society (Norman 1993: 177; Törnqvist 2020: 30–32). As shown above, the developments in different types of landscape are compatible, interrelated and interdependent. The outland resources in these different landscape rooms influence the material culture in the agrarian regions and vice versa through far-reaching networks. In comparison to the aspects of outlands identified by Andersson (1998: 6), the large-scale perspective in this study suggests a more dynamic, multifaceted and interdependent use of the landscape and its actors, tied together by far-reaching networks. The intensified exploitation of the large-scale outlands in the Middle Iron Age has a chronological parallel with the developments and reorgan- isations seen in the agrarian infield farmyards. It could be argued that changes in one part of the landscape affect other sectors of it, and that a complementary economic system between the infields and the outlands be- comes accentuated during the Middle Iron Age. As claimed in Paper IV (Hennius 2020b), it is also possible to discuss similar models of explana- tion concerning changes in the agrarian infields and the emergence of tem- porarily used sites in the outlands. The concentration of settlements is in- terpreted as a change from a dispersed, migratory and short-term settlement pattern in the Early Iron Age to clustered, concentrated and stable settle- ments in the Late Iron Age due to more strict regulations and private claim- ing of land. These new property rights of the odal are also manifested by the burial mounds. In a similar way, the use of the outland landscapes trans- forms from a floating and dispersed land use, to a clustered and concen- trated ditto. During the Late Iron Age, increased grazing and clearing of land have been identified in pollen diagrams in the forested areas. Several excavations of shieling sites have identified Middle Iron Age remains. Lindholm et al. (2013) suggest that archaeological sites in the forests are not randomly distributed but appear in clusters interpreted as claimed mul- tifunctional activity areas. The emergence of a more regulated outland landscape is not limited to the forested areas but also affects the maritime landscape. It is probable that these developments are consequences of stricter claims on land on a general level, affecting both infield settlements and the resource areas beyond. When the outlands become valuable as pro- duction areas, the regulation of and claims on land become more important in a similar way as in the agrarian areas, including the temporarily used sites. To get a deeper understanding of societal development during the

108 period, it is important to see the changes in a large cultural landscape in- cluding different natural geographical and economic conditions. The increased utilisation of the landscape, including large-scale produc- tion, also raises administrative problems. As in the example of tar produc- tion, the question is raised of how several hundreds of litres of tar can be transported from the forested outlands. Such a production requires means of transportation to a place where it could either be used or distributed along trade networks. Similar questions could be directed to large-scale hunting, regardless of whether discussing the transportation of furs and antlers or whalebone items across the Scandinavian mountain ridge. The transport of goods had to be carried out either with sleighs on snow or fro- zen rivers, or on boats, in calm waters. In addition, shipment over larger bodies of water would preferably have been undertaken in seasons with good weather conditions.

Who? — The outlands as a middle ground

Resource colonisation and exploitation of valuable resources creates complex social and economic relations, and interde- pendencies between resource-extracting communities and dis- tant centres of consumption. However, it is important to stress that the social relations and control of production as well as consumption were probably symbiotic. People could also have shifted between different economies, using a generalist strat- egy to cope with unpredicted events such as climate change or pandemics. Outland production may have been controlled by people other than those in charge of trade. The seasonal sites created an arena of interaction between hunters and farmers that could simplify personal contacts, trade and exchange. The transition to claimed areas in the boreal forest, and the stronger presence of the farming community in such areas, could facilitate cooperation between groups of people with dif- ferent subsistence economies in the border zone between the agrarian regions and the northern woodlands. Colonial theory suggests that a middle ground or shared cultural milieu tends to favour new power structures, espe- cially within local elites. The manifestation of wealth, visible in the tradition of large mounds containing imported exotic

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objects and an abundance of animals on the funeral pyres is more accentuated in the border zone between the agrarian re- gions and the forested areas than in other agrarian regions in the country. Furthermore, the hunting ground burials are typ- ical for the southern part of the forested region, differing in location from burials in the agrarian region, and in composi- tion from traditional Sámi burials. One way of explaining this is through the interaction of different communities, and differ- ent economies, via the formation of a middle ground between the two groups.

Jordanes describes the trade in furs from northern Scandinavia in which the Suehans acted as middlemen as early as the 6th century (Jordanes §21). Even if the Suehans could control the trade, they could not control the ac- quisition of the furs. The previous discussion of chronology suggests that the initial exploitation of outland resources primarily concerns hunting in the boreal forests, including for elk, reindeer and large predators. In a somewhat later phase, a more varied outland colonisation, including sea- sonal production sites closer to the agrarian areas, is identified. This might be an indication that the driving forces for an initial exploitation of the outland resources lay with the people in the hunting grounds, rather than with the agrarian communities. However, the question still remains of whether this was due to internal agency among the farming or hunting so- cieties and to what degree this affected, or was affected by, the emerging aristocracy. The World System according to Immanuel Wallerstein presupposes a hierarchical relationship between the core and the periphery (Wallerstein 2004: 37). Referring to this, Carrol A. Smith discusses the social stratifica- tion that develops between ethnic groups within the ‘Dendritic Market Sys- tem’ that evolved in the colonial era in Western Europe and its colonies (Smith 1976: 345). In a similar way, Nils Blomkvist argues that the subor- dination of the peoples in the periphery would sooner or later lead to a reaction, such as the formation of ethnical, national or other types of sur- vival strategies (Blomkvist 2005: 60). There are indications that hunting diminished in the Viking Age after centuries of intense activities. This might be one such stressed situation leading to an urge of accentuating dis- tinctive ethnic characters. A reaction of the hunting ground cultures, after a long period of resource exploitation, high hunting pressure and signs of overexploitation, might be an accentuation of their cultural differences to

110 the farming communities. According to Inger Zachrisson, a more specific Sámi material culture develops in the Middle Iron Age or Early Viking Age (1997: 218) while, according to Welinder, this happens primarily in the early medieval period (Welinder 2008: 140). For the Scandinavian conditions, the hunting ground cultures, or the Sámi, have been the presumed hunters and suppliers of furs for a southern market. However, if some additional analogies is made, a more complex picture may emerge. In Greenland, the Scandinavian colonisers, despite the presence of an indigenous Inuit population primarily conducted hunting for walrus (Schledermann & McCullogh 2003). By the time of the exploration of North America in the 16th century, supplies of furs in Europe were scarce, with, for example, the European beaver having become extinct in many areas. The fur trade from North America thus quickly became fun- damental for the European economy. In the initial period, trade with the Europeans was completely in the control of the indigenous Native Ameri- cans. However, the extent of hunting made prey scarce in certain areas, which led to conflicts between different native groups when searching for new hunting grounds. This, in combination with more intensified coloni- sation by Europeans, resulted in a stricter governance of both hunting and trading by the colonisers, which fundamentally changed the situation for the Native Americans (Sleeper-Smith 2009) As seen in Paper IV (Hennius 2020b), it is possible to argue for a reor- ganisation of herding systems in the Middle Iron Age, from a relatively unregulated use of the landscape to the development of specific sites fur- ther away from the home farm. Herding cattle at temporary multifunctional sites in the outland landscape could be combined with the increased ex- ploitation of non-cultivated products. The production of tar during the pe- riod was performed at sites suitable for grazing and stock herding, with there being indications of shielings or summer farms in the Middle Ages and later. In the archipelago, the primary occupation was fishing and hunt- ing for seals and birds, but there are also indications of iron handicraft and forging (D. Andersson 2007). In the clusters identified by Lindholm et al. (2013), remains and place names from collaborative activities such as large game hunting, livestock herding, iron smelting, tar production, mills and remains of roads are gathered. In Norway, there was a relationship between shielings and iron production in the Viking Age. The increased presence in the outlands or at seasonal sites of people from the agricultural settlements would simplify the increasing exploitation of non-agrarian products. Ad- ditionally, Bergman (2018: 16–18) identifies a considerable cultivation of

111 different crops conducted in most parts of the northern landscapes. Fur- thermore, it would also simplify the possibilities of contact with people involved in a hunting and trapping economy based in the forested areas. It could be assumed that the development of seasonal transitions would imply new ways of organising production as well as prolonged effects on agrarian society and population structure. The intensified utilisation of a larger landscape would also imply changes in organisation, planning of production and efficient transport networks. For the farming community to be able to expand activities and exploit the outlands, cultivation had to cre- ate a surplus, making it possible to maintain labour occupied in other ac- tivities, or alternatively combine the exploitation of outland resources with a more effective agrarian production, supplying food outside the growing season such as, for example, increased stock raising. The further away from the home farm, the greater the need to spend longer periods away and thus the construction of buildings at the temporary sites, no matter which part of the year or part of the landscape. Such periods of time away from the home farm for groups of people drew on changes in the relationships be- tween people involved in production and affected the composition of soci- ety and labour fundamentally. Furthermore, the outland production and ex- ploitation would often have involved long-time planning and labour-in- tense work. There is a difference in the planning of production and organ- isation of work to send people out into the forest or the archipelago on a seasonal basis, as opposed to shorter, daily expeditions. In addition, at the home farm, such a development implies a different composition of inhab- itants and labour. Historical and ethnographical accounts indicate it was mainly boys that looked after grazing cattle (Reinton 1955: 383ff). How- ever, the historical shielings, in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, by defini- tion (J. Larsson 2009: 102), were inhabited by female workers (primarily because the men had been sent to war). Based on a number of different everyday working assignments and the location in the landscape to which they were conducted, a gender division between infield and outland is hard to establish, at least in early modern times. Men, women and children seem to have taken part in the work, no matter which part of the landscape, even if divided between different working assignments. For example, hunting and charcoal and tar production were mostly male tasks, while berry-pick- ing, herding and working at the shieling were female tasks (Welinder 1992; Löndahl et al. 2002; Svensson 2005). However, when comparing which parts of the year the different tasks were conducted, a seasonal gender di- vision may be implied, as different tasks were carried out in different sea- sons (compare Magnusson 1986: 283). It is difficult to discern whether the same organisation of labour could be projected back into the Iron Age.

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One precondition for the development of the Middle Iron Age aristocratic settlements supporting people occupied in crafts and other activities was probably tributes collected from nearby agrarian settlements (Lundqvist et al. 1996: 99; Näsman 1998; Frölund 2019: 139). Unfortunately, it is often hard to identify the land available for cultivation and grazing connected to a settlement, but there are other ways to study agrarian production. Based on the paleo-botanical and osteological material at settlements in the area around Gamla Uppsala, Frölund argues for different subsistence strategies, as well as for sites with specialised agrarian production, developing as part of such a tributary system evolving parallel to or just before the nearby elite settlement at the end of the Roman Iron Age or Early Migration Period (Frölund 2019:143–146). Locally, a surplus of cultivated resources could be obtained, supplying a larger number of people, identified by Frölund as a specialised, agrarian surplus production, supplying tributes to the elite settlement around Gamla Uppsala (Frölund 2019). An increased social stratification with evolving cliques of richer indi- viduals would possibly also lead to a larger presence of poor or subordi- nated groups of people. Slavery and serfdom were parts of the agrarian economy during the entire first millennium and slaves were present not only in elite settlements (see, for example, Brink 2012: 248–252). We know from medieval law texts that slaves could be involved in the heavy work in the forests as well as in herding cattle (Neveus 1974: 68, 87, 113, 139). It cannot be assumed that the outland production was entirely built on slave labour; however, there is a floating scale of dependencies ranging from the elite to the unfree. The Iron Age elite is assumed to have based its power on the control of people and personal relationships, unlike feudal society where control and ownership of land was the foundation of power (Frölund 2019: 38 with references). Feudalism could be defined as a sys- tem where the direct producers – mainly the peasants – are forced to share parts of their produce to provide for a group of people performing other tasks in society (Lindkvist & Ågren 1985: 1). However, the question of force in tributes from agrarian surplus production in the Middle Iron Age is difficult to identify. Tributes, in the form of agrarian or outland products, might be voluntary gift exchanges, where the aristocracy could offer, for example, protection and military support in return. If this scenario is, in- stead, compared to the concept of network kingdoms (Blomkvist 2008) and the large-scale perspective used in this thesis, the need for consensus be- tween the people involved becomes emphasised. Even if the network king- doms were centred on a number of core areas, the elite could not suffi- ciently control trade routes and communication networks or protect the traders. Nor is it obvious that the elite could control the acquisition of

113 scarce outland resources. Instead, they had to reach interdependent agree- ments with the people who lived between the nodal points. Most actors in these systems could probably produce some form of surplus. However, a local conversion of such products in the local community, where other members, too, could have generated a similar surplus, would probably have been hard. Selling a product on a distant market demands storage facilities, means of transportation and infrastructure to maintain far-reaching trade networks (Herschend 2009: 323). The large landowners could supply these functions and the local elite, who would thus act as middlemen in the long- distance trade and would also take a commission on these transactions. Not only the previous discussed elite settlements but also the elite burials clus- tered along the boreal forest could, from such a perspective, be seen as the nodal point in the network kingdoms but also as links between different networks, the northern producers, and the far-away consumers.

Why? — Supporting the power politics of networks and trade

The case studies presented in this thesis, supported by its the- oretical and methodological apparatus, show a coherent de- velopment between outland resource exploitation and the agrarian regions. In what follows, it is argued that the reasons for intensified outland exploitation in the Middle Iron Age would be to acquire goods for supraregional trade, as well as to support the power politics of the developing network king- doms and world systems. Swedish discussions of Iron Age trade have primarily fo- cused on the emporia/ports of trade around the Baltic in the 8th century and onwards. The case studies in this thesis give support to a complex development at an even earlier stage. The people buried in the large mounds and boat burials shared a common lifestyle with a demand for certain paraphernalia. The exotic luxuries found in the Middle Iron Age elite burials testify to long-distance contacts, direct or indirect, with the Merovingian Kingdoms, the North Sea area, Byzantium and, from there, all the way to the Far East, as well as long-distance contacts to the north, connecting different political and cul- tural units.

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The large scale of the production that is glimpsed in the new studies indicates that the networks of the Middle Iron Age were considerably more geographically far-reaching and the pro- duction more intensive than has previously been assumed. Per- haps as early as the Migration Period, local communities in the hunting grounds played an active part in supraregional trade networks, turning over a surplus of a wide variety of products, possibly using parts of even older networks devel- oped when Scandinavia traded with the Roman Empire. These networks were formalised and became more stable as specific routes evolved, identifiable primarily in the large mounds at the heart of political catchments acting as central nodes, in the agrarian region when the elite started to administer this trade as links between the networks but also in the hunting ground burials. The elite, buried in these monumental graves, are of major importance as nodal actors along the trade networks, but their activities were probably complemented by the opera- tions of smaller seasonal markets along rivers and the Baltic coast. The establishment of Birka and other ports of trade might thus be interpreted as an attempt by an aspiring royal power to control and impose toll fees on the long-distance trade, previously controlled by leaders of the network king- doms along the communication routes.

Traditionally, discussion of Scandinavian trade in the Iron Age has been overshadowed by the foundation of trading sites such as Birka, Hedeby, Ribe and Kaupang in the 8th century, and their role in supraregional com- mercial networks, comparable to Richard Hodges’ Type B emporia (1982: 50–52). As already described, the Viking Period is claimed to involve a transition from a production of unique objects, distributed via ritualised gift exchange between chieftains at central-site markets, to the negotiated trade in serial produced, identical objects at ports-of trade/emporia. Prior to the Viking Age, iron production is argued as the dominant type of large- scale production but, in the Viking Age, the utilisation of a variety of do- mestic raw materials such as antler or soapstone becomes intensified. In the Viking Age, trade transforms from indirect to direct long-distance trade through Europe. This also implies an extensive use of silver, initially as hacksilver or fixed value indicators, into a more monetised economy that

115 becomes fully completed by the end of the Viking Age (see, for example, Näsman 1984: 121–123; Sawyer 2003; Skre 2013: 75; 2017a; 2017b). The case studies in this thesis suggest that both large-scale production and long-distance trade were significant features of society even before the foundation of Birka in the 8th century. If the exotic, high-prestige goods seen in the grave material during the Middle Iron Age came to the Nordic countries through gift networks, these must have been very extensive, con- sidering the large amount of elite-indicating large burial mounds. If items found in more common burials, such as combs, often manufactured in rein- deer antler, glass beads or serial produced whalebone gaming pieces, are included the picture becomes even more complicated (D. Carlsson 2002:1; Ashby et al. 2015; B. Ambrosiani 2016:32, 36; Hennius et al. 2018; Luik et al. 2020). The large-scale outland exploitation suggested in the case studies adds additional indications of the more complex development of Iron Age trade. There may be other ways to view the development seen during the Middle Iron Age than redistribution between chieftains. The agency of collective or individual common farmers and hunters might have been underestimated (compare Loveluck & Thys 2006; Skre 2017b:16, with references). Middle Iron Age trade, beyond central-site markets at the magnate farms is, however, evasive. Market sites from this period are rarely identi- fied in the area in focus for this thesis. Hodges elaborates on a type of ex- change conducted before the above-mentioned Type B emporia. Hodges Type A emporia are categorised as small-scale fairs in boundary zones, mostly on the coast, visited by foreign traders for shorter periods annually or perhaps seasonally (Hodges 1982: 50–52). Loveluck & Thys (2006) has identified a number of such sites in marginal landscapes on both sides on the English Channel, in existence between the seventh and the ninth cen- turies and thus complementing the picture of trade conducted at the ports- of-trade/emporia. There are also a number of “productive sites” a term es- pecially used for British conditions but there are examples also in Scandi- navia were specialised handicraft as well as trade were performed (Jørgen- sen 2003; Ulmschneider & Pestell 2003). Beach markets with Vendel Pe- riod dates have been excavated also in Scandinavia, for example on Got- land, but also in the southern part of the Baltic (Skre 2011; D. Carlsson 2012; perhaps also a site at Binga Hossmo in the strait of Kalmar, Gus- tafsson et al. 2000). An account has already been given of the role of Helgö in far-reaching networks, including the northern trade in spade-shaped cur- rency bars and relief brooches (see above chapter “Far reaching contacts and trade”, or Lindeberg 2009: 22; Clarke & Lamm 2017: 10–12, 45–56, 57-59, 66–68, 74).

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An additional way of identifying these network systems is to approach other types of source material, such as production sites or detailed analyses of finds and raw materials in combination with large-scale spatial analysis. Based on the case studies, it would be possible to argue for more formalised trade before the Viking Period, with trading taking place either at central places or at small beach markets. In Paper III (Hennius 2018) it is sug- gested that tar was transported from the forests to the nearby rivers and out to the Baltic coast, where it was reloaded for further transportation out onto interregional trade networks. Where the rivers discharge, trade is indicated by parts of balance scales, and for the area, unusually high-quality finds. At one of the river mouths, an important seasonal market is known in the Medieval Period. Even if no indications of trade predate the Viking Age at these sites, this does not exclude the possibilities of an earlier origin, since few excavations have been carried out. Trade could also have been con- ducted at the nodal points along the networks, in the vicinity of the mounds or hunting ground burials that were placed by the communication routes. A more active search for and research into pre-Viking trade systems would be beneficial for our understanding of Middle Iron Age societal develop- ment. Even if the Middle Iron Age was a period before widespread monetisa- tion, the existence of coins was certainly well understood as a heritage from the Roman period. As regards the previously discussed bronze coins found in northern Sweden, Herschend is doubtful of whether the coins form part of a monetary economy where each coin corresponds to a set value. It seems more reasonable that they functioned as symbolic promissory notes and signs of agreements regarding the fur trade or other exchanges of goods. Herschend points out, however, that bronze coins can be seen as an embryonic part of an initial monetary economy (Herschend 2019 and per- sonal communication). In Lindholm & Ljungkvist (2016), a chronological coherence between the coins and the increased hunting activities in the area is also noted. It is further suggested that this represents a supraregional trading system between the coasts and the interior based on a nominal and/or symbolic coinage. In a monetised economy, the coin has a value in relation to all other commodities in the economic system, and the use of coins is a social practice, implying a concept of value goods and exchange rates for tokens and bullions (Baudrillard 1993: 6). For money to be useful, there must be a common opinion of value, as well as an idea of how to compare different kinds of goods in relation to the presumed value. Kilger elaborates on different ways of using silver as a method of payment before the widespread use of domestic or foreign-minted coins, such as silver rings or ingots with fixed weight and value, as well as hacksilver, where

117 the value is dependent on the weight of the silver in pieces of objects or Arabic coins (Kilger 2008: 253–255). A few finds of weight sets from the Early Iron Age in Norway indicate the use of hacksilver in this early period, with a scale from Bråten in Ringerike being the best preserved (Skre 2017a: 284; Kilger 2008: 284). There are, however, other ways of measuring value and performing trade than through the use of silver and coins. The historical sources pro- vide examples of the valuing of commodities that are not based on precious metals, with fixed ratings between different commodities, a system some- times referred to as commodity money. It is very reasonable to assume that such practices were far more prevalent than has been previously noted. Ac- cording to Icelandic legal accounts, Grágás and Jónsbók, there were fixed rates of exchange based on vaðmál (Eng. wadmal) – a woollen textile – and silver. One lögeyrir was a piece of wadmal 6 ells long and 2 ells wide, equivalent to one öre silver and worth the value of 6 Arctic fox furs (Kilger 2008: 296–297). In the 13th century, the value of one cow was equal to 120 standardised iron ingots (c. 12.3 kilograms), 16.5 metres of woollen cloth or 280 kilograms of grain (Skre 2013: 78–79). However, textiles are rarely preserved in the archaeological material and finds of iron or cattle bones are not obviously recognisable as a means of payment. The Middle Iron Age trading systems in Scandinavia involved people from both the agrarian region and the hunting ground cultures. By neces- sity, such an integrated zone of activity with diverse societal organisations must follow certain systemic rules; however, the character of these contacts is difficult to define based on the empirical archaeological material. A world system consists of a spatial/temporal zone, which cuts across many political and cultural units and is constructed by hierarchical relationships between central and peripheral areas. The case studies in this thesis suggest that the large mounds as well as the increased wealth in the hunting ground burials reflect the formation of network kingdoms, which thus have an origin in the societal changes seen in the Middle Iron Age. The social elite could probably not control outland exploitation/production, but rather ad- ministrated the trade and distribution of such products. To be able to ac- quire more distant outland commodities and convert these into other prod- ucts, a mutual relationship would be necessary, at least initially. If the ac- quisition of tradeable outland resources was based on raiding, violence or taxation, the hunters in the forest would probably find other paths. Further- more, strategies for stable deliveries at specific times and places would have been necessary. Personal networks and contacts allowed the develop- ment of power structures within local elites with access to new resources. However, to be able to control communication and trade, they had to make

118 deals and agreements with people in between the central nodes. The Scan- dinavian network kingdoms thus developed a high degree of consensus with the people living in between the central nodes. Thomas Lindkvist outlines the early medieval system as being based on internal acquisition through taxes by royal powers unlike the Late Iron Age (Viking Age) economic systems that was based on the external acquisition of goods and wealth. He also considers the exchange of products at places such as Birka to be important to this external acquisition (Lindkvist 1988; 1999: 65–70). Even if Lindkvist does not discuss internal Viking Age pro- duction in his model, such aspects are discussed by Axel Christophersen, who considers the emporia to be regional staple and transit ports and part of a united and organised exchange system with the increased exploitation of iron, soapstone and whetstones (Christophersen 1991: 166). However, these models focus on trade conducted at the emporia or at the ports of trade around Scandinavia and fail to see the period preceding the Viking Age, when an increased exploitation of such non-cultivated products is in- itiated, as important for societal and economic development. Based on the presented case studies it is possible to argue for a domestic resource colonisation and an internal acquisition of goods in the Middle Iron Age, as a prelude to a large-scale ecological globalisation, initiated in the Viking Age, which then have been escalating along an unending fron- tier ever since. Furthermore, it is possible to argue that the resource colo- nisation in the Middle Iron Age is part of the formation of the Late Iron Age network kingdoms along the trading routes in the central Sweden.

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Outlanders?

As stated in the beginning, the aim of this thesis has been to expand the knowledge of societal developments in the Middle Iron Age, and coher- ently interpret them, by taking an outland perspective. The integration of this approach with the study of agrarian regions has hitherto been generally lacking. Instead of an agrarian focus or using frameworks based on ethnic- ity, this thesis proposes an integrated general understanding of Middle Iron Age transformations by including different elements, as well as the differ- ent actors, within a larger, shared landscape. The case studies of the thesis are all based on archaeological materials which anchor the discussion em- pirically in a substantial way.

I would argue that the following aspects are the most important results of this work:

 In contrast to previous assumptions rooted in a model of Viking Age expansion, an intensified outland resource colonisation can be iden- tified already during the Middle Iron Age.

 The case studies suggest that similar explanatory models can be used to understand the parallel developments seen in different parts of the landscape – the agrarian regions as well as forested or coastal out- lands.

 Already during the Middle Iron Age, it is possible to identify a large- scale landscape utilisation and a surplus production that exceed the needs of ordinary households, as exemplified by hunting using pit- falls, whaling and, towards the end of the period, tar production.

 Furthermore, the case studies show the presence of a mass produc- tion of serial produced items as well as other types of exotic com- modities, distributed along far-reaching trade networks. The most illustrative example would be the trade in whalebone gaming pieces, but this is supported by other studies and other outland resources, such as furs from lynx and bear, or reindeer antler for crafts.

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 The networks can be interpreted as part of a world system connect- ing distant regions from the Far East to Arctic Scandinavia, but on a local, domestic, scale also as the origin of Late Iron Age network kingdoms.

 The interplay between different groups of people – producers and consumers, farmers and hunters – in different parts of the landscape, generated complex, social and economic relations and interdepend- encies, and furthermore created specific cultural patterns that could be compared to a middle ground in the border region between the agrarian areas in the south and the boreal forests in the north.

 The case studies indicate that the outlands were an important driving force in societal development during the Middle Iron Age.

This thesis has enabled a broader understanding of resource and raw mate- rial exploitation as well as landscape use during the Middle Iron Age, with significance for how to understand societal development from a large-scale perspective. Not only the time-depth, but also the geographical scale, of such outland exploitation was much more extensive than has previously been assumed and included a wide range of resources. Outland exploitation affects the overall social structure, including labour division, organisation of production and social hierarchies, but also power politics, networks and the development of pre-Viking Age trade. The present study raises the ne- cessity of re-examining models of societal development during the Late Iron Age. I would like to suggest that many of the characteristics of Late Iron Age society are established at least as early as the 5th to 6th centuries, if not even earlier. The Middle Iron Age resource colonisation could be viewed from the perspective of an internal/regional process preceding the large-scale, trans-European expeditions of the Viking Age with settlement across the Baltic and the Atlantic. Domestic hunting diminished somewhat at the beginning of the Viking Age. From an ecological perspective, this process can be understood as a reflection of hunted animals becoming scarce through an extended period of high hunting pressure. In such a case, the Viking expansion could in part be the result of a search for new hunting grounds (compare Lindholm & Ljungkvist 2016) and, furthermore, a tran- sition from internal patterns of exploitation and resource colonisation to a large-scale external ecological globalisation. It is clear that the archaeology of the forested outlands has in many ways been overlooked in the management of cultural heritage. The outland areas have in general not been properly surveyed, if compared with other regions of Sweden, and the means to protect outland sites are not always equally 122 rigid if compared with heritage management in the agricultural sector. Hopefully, this thesis demonstrates the potential of outland archaeology and will help the heritage authorities and current industries based on forest resources to administrate and manage a prominent cultural landscape, even when overgrown with trees. The remains of outland resource colonisation are not randomly dispersed, but rather they appear in clusters as claimed multifunctional areas. One way to start would be to identify these localities.

And finally – were there any outlanders in the Middle Iron Age? As stated, the main argument of this thesis is that an outland perspective on the time- period will affect the understanding of the societal developments that took place. The Middle Iron Age outlands are clearly visible, and they played a fundamental part in the development of the contemporary agrarian regions. The outlands, in turn, present archaeologies and palaeoecology that suggest they went through a Middle Iron Age transformation, which only makes sense when we integrate the outlands with the agrarian regions. Conse- quently, the conclusion of this thesis is that outland resource colonisation is not a product of one or more specific group(s) of people; rather this was a collective event, in which the outlands were not as different from the infields as sometimes assumed. The outlands were just another aspect of the larger scale cultural landscape, although with other possibilities.

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1 The Bjurselet settlement III. Vol.1–2. Hans Christiansson and Kjel Knutsson (eds.). Uppsala 1989. 274 pp. 155 pp. 2 U. Alström. Hus och gård i Olavs vård: Trondheim ca 990–1300 (Houses and farmsteads in Olav’s care. Trondheim c. 990–1300). Uppsala 1991. 72 pp., 43 figs. 3 F. Herschend. The recasting of a symbolic value: three case studies on rune- stones. Uppsala 1994. 123 pp., 48 figs. 4 A. Kaliff. Brandgravskick och föreställningsvärld: en religionsarkeologisk diskussion (Cremation burial practice and religious beliefs). Uppsala 1992. 148 pp., 12 figs. (Out of print). 5 S. Welinder. Människor och artefaktmönster. (Humans and artifact patterns). Uppsala 1992. 76 pp., 56 figs. 6 K. Andersson. Romartida guldsmide i Norden II: fingerringar (Roman Period gold jewellery in the Nordic countries. II: finger rings). Uppsala 1993. 158 pp., 103 figs. (out of print) 7 Arkeologi och miljögeologi i Gamla Uppsala: studier och rapporter I (Ar- chaeology and environmental geology in Gamla Uppsala: studies and re- ports I). W. Duczko (ed.). Uppsala 1993. 127 pp., 37 figs. 8 L. Wilson. Runstenar och kyrkor: en studie med utgångspunkt från runstenar som påträffats i kyrkomiljö i Uppland och Södermanland (Rune-stones and churches). Uppsala 1994. 143 pp., 42 figs. 9 J. Coles. Rock carvings of Uppland: a guide. Uppsala 1994. 98 pp., 82 figs., 11 maps. 10 B. Johnsen & S. Welinder. Arkeologi om barn. Uppsala 1995. 83 pp. 11 Arkeologi och miljögeologi i Gamla Uppsala: studier och rapporter II (Ar- chaeology and environmental geology in Gamla Uppsala: studies and re- ports II). W. Duczko (ed.). Uppsala 1996. 230 pp., 50 figs. 12 J. Hegardt. Relativ betydelse: individualitet och totalitet i arkeologisk kul- turteori (Relative meaning: individuality and totality in archaeological cul- tural theory). Uppsala 1997. 277 pp., 2 figs. 13 K. Andersson & F. Herschend. Germanerna och Rom, (The Germans and Rome). Uppsala 1997. 140 pp., 36 figs. 14 F. Herschend. Livet i hallen: tre fallstudier i den yngre järnålderns aristokrati (Life in the hall: three case-studies, on aristocracy). Uppsala 1997. 94 pp., 12 figs. 15 F. Herschend. The idea of the good in Late Iron Age society. Uppsala 1998. 210 pp., 41 figs. 16 Proceedings from the Third Flint Alternatives Conference at Uppsala, Swe- den, October 18- 20, 1996. Holm, L. & Knutsson, K. (eds.). Uppsala 1998. 206 pp. 17 S. Norr. To rede and to rown: expressions of early Scandinavian kingship in written sources. Uppsala 1998. 253 pp., 4 figs. 18 F. Herschend. I förhållande till arkeologi (In relation to archaeology). Upp- sala 1998. 176 pp., 16 figs. 150

19 “Suionum hinc civitates”: nya undersökningar kring norra Mälardalens äldre järnålder (“Suionum hinc civitates”: new investigations concerning the Early Iron Age in the northernpart of the Lake Mälaren Valley). K. An- dersson (red.). Uppsala 1998. 275 pp., 93 figs. 20 A. Kaliff. Arkeologi i Östergötland: scener ur ett landskaps förhistoria (Östergöt- land: scenes from the Prehistory of a Swedish province). Uppsala 1999. 163 pp., 59 figs. 21 R. Meurman. Silverberg i Järnbärarland: bergshanteringens begynnelse i lju- set av Schmidt Testhammar-datering (Silver mountains in iron ore country: the beginning of mining as reflected in Schmidt’s Test-hammer datings. Upp- sala 2000. 184 pp., 74 figs. 22 M. Notelid. Det andra påseendet: en studie av övergångar i den arkeologiska disciplinens historia (The second glance: a study of transitions in the history of the archaeological discipline). Uppsala 2000. 217 pp., 2 figs. 23 M. Notelid. Det andra påseendet, del II. Den omvända diskursen (The Second Glance, part II: The reversed discourse). Uppsala 2001. 43 pp. 24 F. Herschend. Journey of civilisation: the late Iron Age view of the human world. Uppsala 2000. 200 pp. 19 figs. 25 H. Göthberg. Bebyggelse i förändring: Uppland från slutet av yngre bronsålder till tidig medeltid (Changing settlements: Uppland from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the Early Middle Ages). Uppsala 2001. 262 pp., 87 figs. 26 A. Kaliff. Gothic connections: contacts between eastern Scandinavia and the southern Baltic coast 1000 BC–500 AD. Uppsala 2001. 27 (= SAR 39) Mellan sten och brons: uppdragsarkeologi och forskning kring senneolitikum och bronsålder (Between stone and bronze: rescue archaeol- ogy and research concerning the Late Neolithic Period and the Bronze Age). H. Bolin, A. Kaliff, T. Zachrisson (red.). Uppsala & Stockholm 2001. 152 pp., 31 figs., 4 tables. 28 A. Sundkvist. Hästarnas land: aristokratisk hästhållning och ridkonst i Svealands yngre järnålder (The land of the horses: aristocratic horsemanship and riding in the Late Iron Age). Uppsala 2001. 260 pp., 90 figs., 4 tables. 29 A-S. Gräslund. Ideologi och mentalitet: om religionsskiftet i Skandinavien från en arkeologisk horisont (Ideology and mentality: the conversion of Scan- dinavia from an archaeological perspective). Uppsala 2001. Revised 2002. 172 pp. 40 figs. 30 J. Ros. Sigtuna. Staden, kyrkorna och den kyrkliga organisationen (Sigtuna: the town, churches and the ecclesiastical organisation). Uppsala 2001. 310 pp. 48 figs. 31 L. Lager. Den synliga tron: runstenskors som spegling av kristnandet i Sve- rige (The visible faith: runestone crosses as reflections of the christianisation of Sweden). Uppsala 2002. 274 pp. 83 figs. 32 (= Riksantikvarieämbetet arkeologiska undersökningar skrifter no 44) L. Karlenby. Bronsyxan som ting och tanke i skandinavisk senneolitikum och äldre bronsålder (Object and symbol: the bronze axe in Late Neolitithic and Early Bronze Age in Scandinavia). Uppsala 2002. 128 pp., 21 figs.

33 Uniting Sea: Stone Age Societies in the Baltic Region. Proceedings from the First Uniting Sea Workshop at Uppsala University, Sweden, January 26-27, 2002. C. Samuelsson & N. Ytterberg (red.). Uppsala 2003. 256 pp., 95 figs. 34 A. Sanmark. Power and Conversion – a Comparative Study of Christianiza- tion in Scandinavia. Uppsala 2004. 322 pp., 5 maps, 13 figs, 4 diagrams, 1 table. 35 A Kaliff & O. Sundqvist. Oden och Mithraskulten. Religiös ackulturation un- der romersk järnålder och folkvandringstid (Óðinn and the Cult of Mithras. Religious Ackulturation in the Roman and Migration Periods). Uppsala 2004. 126 pp., 28 figs. 36 F. Markus. Living on Another Shore: Early Scandinavian Settlement on the North-Western Estonian Coast. Uppsala 2004. 226 pp., 53 figs, 6 tables. 37 F. Andersson. Med historien i ryggen: om den arkeologiska uppgiften. (With History at our Backs. On the Archaeological Mission. Uppsala 2005. 186 pp., 3 figs. 38 F. Herschend. Ackulturation och kulturkonflikt. Fyra essäer om järnålders- mentalitet (Acculturation and cultural conflict. Four essays on iron-age men- tality). Uppsala 2005. 116 pp., 22 figs and tables. 39 A. Larsson. Klädd Krigare: Skandinaviskt dräktskifte omkring år 1000. Upp- sala 2007. 370 pp., 54 figs and 7 tables. 40 J. Hegardt. Fyrtio minuter. En essä om arkeologins berättelser. Uppsala 2007. 213 pp., 29 figs. 41 Olof Sundqvist. Kultledare i fornskandinavisk religion.(Cult Leaders in An- cient Scandinavian Religion – A Collection of Articles). Uppsala 2007. 272 pp., 39 figs. 42 Valsgärde Studies: The Place and its People, Past and Present. S. Norr (ed.). Uppsala 2008. 210 pp., 94 figs, 20 tables, 6 apps. 43 Roger Edenmo. Prestigeekonomi under yngre stenåldern. Gåvoutbyten och regionala identiteter i den svenska båtyxekulturen. (Prestige Economy in the Younger Stone Age. Gift Exchange and Regional Identities in the Swedish Boat Axe Culture.) Uppsala 2008. 298 pp., 78 figs and 11 tables. 44 Lotta Mejsholm. Gränsland. Konstruktion av tidig barndom och begravnings- ritual vid tiden för kristnandet i Skandinavien. (Borderland. Constructions of Early Childhood and Burial Rituals during the Christianisation in Scandina- via). Uppsala 2009. 298 pp., 21 figs and 18 tables. 45 Jonas Ros. Stad och gård. Sigtuna under sen vikingatid och tidig medeltid. (Town and house. Sigtuna during late Viking Age and Early Medieval pe- riod). Uppsala 2009. 288 pp., 85 figs. 46 Frands Herschend. The Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia. Social order in settlement and landscape. Uppsala 2009. 410 pp., 124 figs. 47 Carl Gösta Ojala. Sámi Prehistories. The Politics of Archaeology and Iden- tity in Northernmost Europe. Uppsala 2009. 353 pp., 33 figs and 2 tables. 48 Frands Herschend. Mellan tal och skrift. Essäer om runinskrifter. (Between speech and writing. Essays on runic inscriptions). Uppsala 2009. 110 pp., 33 figs. 49 Magnus Alkarp. Det Gamla Uppsala – berättelser och metamorfoser. (The Old Uppsala – Stories and Matamorphoses). Uppsala 2009. 460 pp., 21 figs. 152

50 Charlotta Hillerdal. People in Betweencity and Material Identity, a New Ap- proach to Deconstructed Concepts. Uppsala 2009. 318 pp., 11 figs. 51 Pierre Vogel. Vardagslivets aktiva oförändring. En studie av kultur genom arkeologi och stenåldersboplatser. Uppsala 2010. 311 pp., 72 figs. 52 Sara Hagström Yamamoto. I gränslandet mellan svenskt och samiskt. Identi- tets-diskurser och förhistorien i Norrland från 1870-tal till 2000-tal. Uppsala 2010. 221 pp., 21 figs. 53 [51] Uniting sea II. Stone Age Societies in the Baltic Sea Region. Ed:s Asa M. Larsson & Ludvig Papmehl-Dufay. Uppsala 2010. 283 pp., 67 figs. 54 Ola Kyhlberg. Den långa järnåldern. Sociala strategier, normer, traditioner. Uppsala 2011. 344 pp., 68 figs. 55 Leif Karlenby. Stenbärarna. Kult och rituell praktik i skandinavisk bronsål- der. 308 pp., 48 figs. 56 Lars Landström. Med Uppsala i centrum. Uppsala 2012 56a Anders Kaliff & Terje Østigård. Kremation och kosmologi – en komparativ arkeologisk introduktion. (Cremation and Cosmology – A Comparative Ar- chaeological Introduction) Uppsala 2013. 150 pp., 49 figs. 57 Wulfila 311–2011. International Symposium. Anders Kaliff & Lars Munk- hammar (eds.). Uppsala 2013. 229 pp. 58 Gustaf Svedjemo. Landscape Dynamics. Spatial analyses of villages and farms on Gotland AD 200–1700. Uppsala 2014. 255 pp. 59 Ancient Death Ways. Proceedings of the workshop on archaeology and mor- tuary practices Uppsala, May 2013. Kim von Hackwitz & Rita Peyroteo- Stjerna (eds). Uppsala 2015. 199 pp. 60 Rita Peyroteo Stjerna. On Death in the Mesolithic or the Mortuary Practices of the Last Hunter-Gatherers of the South-Western Iberian Peninsula, 7th– 6th Millennium BCE. Uppsala 2016. 511 pp. 61 Karin Ojala. I bronsålderns gränsland. Uppland och frågan om östliga kon- takter. Uppsala 2016. 286 pp. 62 Rasbobygden i ett långtidsperspektiv. Kontinuitet och förändring. Magnus Artursson, Anders Kaliff & Fredrik Larsson (red.). 288 pp. 63 Hanna Menander. Den goda döden. Arkeologiska studier av gravar och be- gravningspraxis i S:t Olofkonventet i Skänninge. Uppsala 2017. 284 pp. 64 Bo Gräslund. Beowulfkvädet : Den nordiska bakgrunden. Uppsala 2018. 290 pp. Även Acta Academiae regiae Gustavi Adolphi 149. 65 Frands Herschend. Pafnutius and Skírnir´s Journey. A discussion of two me- dieval plays. Uppsala 2018. 211 pp. 66 Anders Kaliff & Terje Oestigaard. Bronze age Håga and the Viking king Björn. A History of Interpretation and Documentation from 818 to 2018. Uppsala 2018. 206 pp. 67 Terje Østigård. Nilens livgivende vann. Ritualer og religioner fra kildene til den egyptiske sivilisasjonen. Uppsala 2018. 199 pp. 68. Karin Rosberg. Husbyggande i Östra Mellansverige 750-1100 e. Kr.: För- ändringsprocesser i byggtraditionen. Uppsala 2019. 351 pp. 69. Terje Oestigård & Anders Kaliff. Likbrud og dödsbryllup. Sjelen, syk- dommer og oldnordiske gravskikker. Uppsala 2020. 315 pp.

70. Frands Herschend. Från ord till poetisk handling: Skandinavisk skrivkunnig- het före 536. Uppsala 2020. 150 pp. 71. Mathilda Kjällquist. Kulturkontakter i Sydskandinavien under mesolitikum: Hantverkstraditioner, råmaterialval och mobilitet för 9000 år sedan, med ut- gångspunkt från Norje Sunnansund i Blekinge. Uppsala 2020. 113 pp. 72. Anders Kaliff & Terje Oestigaard. The Great Indo-European Horse Sacri9fice. 4000 Years of Cosmological Continuity from Sintashta and the Steppe to Scandinavian Skeid. Uppsala 2020. 400 pp. 73. Andreas Hennius. Outlanders? Resource colonisation, raw material exploita- tion and Networks in Middle Iron Age Sweden. Uppsala 2021. 147 pp.

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