A Dissertation

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University



The Ohio State University


Approved by


I & d greatly Indebted to Professor Bernhard

Blume* Chairman* Department of German, The Ohio State

University, for hie assistance in the ^reparation and writing of this dissertation. 1 i i


Chanter I INTRODUCTION ...... 1


Part I, Rejection of ...... 17

Part II, Flight to Italy ...... 25

Part III, The Problem of the Artist 40

Part IV, Transition ...... 51 III AT HOIS IN FRANCE ...... 60

Part I, The T\rrn to France ...... 60

Part II, French Ideal* ...... 6 8

Part HI, French Ideals Exemplified in Literature and Politics...... 9®

Part Ivt French History in Two Plays ... 118 IV THE EMPIRE AND THE DEATH OF REASON ...... 13**



VII DER A T E M ...... 222





Heinrich Mann la a Gernan whose Inspiration appears to have come largely from outsiuti his native land. Characters and settings in early works of this author are preponderantly

Italian, Moreover, the thought and manner have marked resemblance to those of the Italian aesthete and Renaissance— worshipper, Gabriele d'Annunzio, Even in the first books, however, influences from Prance can be traced, and by the time

Mann had reached thirty—five years of age, his interest had shifted completely to that other Latin country. Prom then until the time of his death, be consistently upheld French history and French as models for life and literature.

For a German writer to be attracted to Italy ic nothing new in German letters. So was Mann's illustrious predecessor, Goethe, to mention only one name, Neither is It surprising to find a

German making a close study of , for the history of is also partly the history of French literature. Furthermore, many among Mann's generation of writers in Germany were at odds with their own nation and commented, in one way or another, on the corruptness of the society to which they belonged. Biit the striking tni.ig about is the coicple teness with which he rejected his own country end the vehemence of his admiration for another. It Beene logitimate to ask why so many characters in his books are French* why so many essays are devoted to praising French life and literature at the expense of iJenaany; and why he wished to introduce into

Germany the social novel In the French . The nature of

Mann'o French interert and its origins form the subject of this ntudy.

Jiiven tne earliest criticism of Heinrich Mann1!! work asks whether ne can ho considered a "iJerman11 writer. Throughout tne years, as his work took on more and more the character of e reproach to the German people, criticism could not leave out of account hi« anti-national viewpoint.

-Sgfore 1915* criticism was largely confined to scattered book reviews. A few longer articles described the stories and novels that had appeared before that time and attempted some evaluation of them. Between the beginning of the first World

■;ar and the advent of the Hitler regime, Mann assumed more general importance, both as a writer and as e personal figure.

Consequently, every new book that appeared occasioned a fairly

1 surge number of reviews* and from time to time more penetrating discussions of his work appeared In the newspapers end literary magazines. A number of the latter were written on the occasion cf Mann's sixtieth birtnday in 1931* '-Inhere also appeared at this time a book on Heinrich Harm by Walter SchrBder.^ A 2 monograph by Hermann Sinsneimer had previously appeared in 1921,

The monograph published by Karl Lemke in 19^6 ie of almost no r> value, since it is no more than an eulogy,"’ The recent book by

Herbert Jhering (19^1) is a more comprehensive account of MennU L, life and work, but it also is largely eulogistic. There are.

In addition, chapters on Mann in most of the histories of modern

German literature.

Some of the early articles already made the charge that

Mann's v;ork lacked "soul" and feeling . and that the lack of 6 depth and warmth in his writing was "un—German". His Latin 7 affinities were observed from the beginning. Even his virtues, those of plasticity and the ability to impart color and voluptousness to the , were said to be unusual 8 9 in a German writer. Mann was early admired as an aesthete , whose recurring theme Is the variously expressed contrast between 10 11 life and art, between the beautiful and the commonplace, 12 or between the ideal and the real. At the seme time, the critics deplored his divorcement from reality, which was 13 manifested by mannerism and csrlcature.

The classic indictment of Mann's “un-Germanism" was made in 1919 by his brother Thomas, in Die Betracht-ungen eineb Un— polltlschep. ^ This was written as a reply to Heinrich Mann's anti-German and pro-drench pronouncenents, In some ways, despite its time-induced 'bitterness, this book Btili gives more insight into ileinrich Mann's problematical nature than anything that has been written. In defining what is "German", identifies himself with the mermans and their undemocratic, cultural, musical, romantic, "soulful” character, as opposed to the French and their belief in politics, democracy, civilization, literery rhetoric, sociology, and aestheticism* The charge that Mann's espousal of foreign ways arises out of a longing for voluptuousness, a lack of discipline, and the need for producing an effect is a serious one.

If Thomas Mann's statements twelve years later, on the occasion of his brother Heinrich*3 birthday celebration, correct and soften the earlier ones, they nevertheless emphasize Heinrich's

"Latin" point of view and use of language. The difference is that now Thomas Mann has himself become "European" in his outlook and that he sees no reason why the "French" aspects of his brother's work should not also one day be considered "German", Thomas Mann now calls the very violence of his older brother's rejection of

Germany an example of the German tendency to contain within onevelf 1*5 opposite extremes and to carry self-examination to the ultimate, ~

Gy 1925, Thomas Mann was approaching his brother's point of view; but other writers, like the author of a review of Per Kppf in that year, continued to wiBh that Heinrich Mann would become

"unpolitical". This critic, Erich Dfirr, also raised the question of the importance to Mann of "success" and the failure of the 16 intellectual to achieve it, I>dlrr observes that, although

Mann is ostensibly depicting society and reality, he is

actually depicting only himself and the failure to make his

"reason11 count. Twenty-five years later, Friedrich Sieburg,

writing for the magazine Gegenwart. at the tine of Mann's death,

takes the view that Mann's eternal chastisement of his country­

men, while perhaps justified, has in reality been only a

hindrance to the Germans, since no one can live adequately when

continually doubting himself. Sieburg too makes the point that

the center of Mann's problem is the Buffering of the intellectual

and that Mann would have ureferred to remain a pure artist. 17

It was as artist that Mann first attracted attention in the

literary world. The chanter devoted to him in Otto Lessing's

Masters ip Modern German Literature, published in 1912, is

largely confined to a diecussion of the aesthetic aspects of 18 Mann's Novellan. Gottfried Senn, in the "Rede &uf Heinrich

M^nn", a speech made to the Schutaverband Leutscher Schriftsteller in 1931* pays his respects to the meaning which Mann's work, viewed as that of the pure artist, had for many of his generation, -Benn considers Mann's contribution to have been an affirmation of the absolute value of the artist in the fact of the disintegration of all other values. 19 As a further witness to the artistic impact of Mann's early writing, Renn later attached to the published speech an excerpt from a letter by Rilke, written in 190?, Rilke at that time thought Mann's artistry excelled even thot of 1’laubert.

In the small amount of existing criticism on Heinrich Mann, an Important subject is the ever—recurring theme of the cleft between the real and the ideal, or between society and the inte 11 actual or the artist. j*n example of a negative attitude toward Mann's treatment of this Bubject is an article by Anselma 21 Heine, writing for Das Diterorische Echo in 1917. She criticizes Mann's admiration for strength and revolution because it grows out of a decadent weakness that longs for its opposite.

It is her opinion that imagination does not have much to do with producing real action. A different formulation of the Base thesis, which is important in a consideration of the attraction which foreign cultures have for Mann, is the repeated statement that hiB entire productivity arises from disgust and dis- 22 j llusioilment with his bourgeois environment.

The literary historians are mainly concerned with Mann's early aesthetic period, with its depiction of exotic, amoral, powerful personalities. Mann's work is then criticized for its cold Intellect and forced voluptuousness, along with its lack of 23 ethos, warmth, and "soul**. ^ The historians who treat Mann'c 24 development most completely are Hans Neumann and Albert 25 Soargel. To indicate that Mann's HenaiBsance cult has its origins in a rejection of the hnrgeols world and to describe the exaggeration which cnaracterizeo it, they use Mann's own term. "hysterical Renaissance"---not life, tut the will to life.

At the core of his vork lies the problem of the modern artist, who is incapable of "living". Substantially the same view is taken by the Rnglish critic Jethro hi the 11, iu his Modern German 26 literature.

The chapters on M a n n in Uaun&nn's and Soergel's histories, as well as considerable material from Thomas Mann, are utilized oy Walther Reh* in "Bar Ren&iasancekult urn 19°0 und ftber- 27 windung". This is a thorough discussion of various manifesta­ tions of the Renaissance colt which arose from a misunderstanding of Rietzdche. In Rehm's discussion of this movement, Heinrich

Mann is given considerable importance. Mann's subsequent turning to the idealo cf French democracy is thought to be only another manifestation of the exoticism which has its origin in the isolation of the artist and his disaatisfaction with the real world.

R more nationalistic attitude is taken by some of the historians toward Mann's rejection of the Germans and his espousal of French democracy. Philipp Witkop and Rurt Martens 2& are by implication cold toward Mann for thin reason. The attitude is carried to Its extreme by Adolf 3artels, who dis— pq misses Mann lock, stock, and barrel, as being un-German".

Willi Duwe, in 1936, regrets Mann's inability to take a less 30 biased attitude toward his countrymen. Mann's later views on social ana politic.il questions, as

well as some of the aspects of his style, cause him to De

included in Histories of the expressionietic movement, Lairrut-1

*wd Thomas, In their book on Ger-man . relate Mann

to the expressionists because of his social criticism, but point

out that he fails to take a positive stand, 31 Kurt Reinhart,

in "The Express ionio tic Movement in Recent German -uiterature",

is lens complimentary to Mann as an "activist" than some of

the actual participants of the movement. It is his idea that

Mann*« faith in the power of reason and in democracy exist on

paper only, plnce he is too arrogant to actually take part in 32 any popular movement.

However, it is the "activist11 part of Mann's thinking which

seems most significant to many commentators, who are attracted

to him because of what might be termed his "radical" position on

social questions, his insistence on "active" participation in

public life by the intellectual, hia admonition to German writers

to abandon thole previously isolated positions, and his champion­

ship of reason and Humanity. HudoIf Kayser and S. Kracauer are

good examples of this point of view. 33 It is shared by E, C.

*eiskopf, E. Gross, Harold von Hofe, and an American literary

historian, Victor Lange, in his Modern German Literature. ^

Perhaps the c eprecentative expression of this attitude was made

by Rudolf Leonhard on the occasion of the sixtieth birthday 35 celebration,^ 9

In general, the same writers consider Mann to be unusual in German literature because he is a sociologist and a

"roraancier" in the French style, Budolf Kayser stresses the 3 6 influence of French literature on Mann. French influences 37 on his narrative style are pointed out by Oskar Walzel, The influence of French prototypes on the construction, theatrical effects, subject matter, and language of Mann'b plays is also 38 emphasized by Julius Bab. Both agree on the unfortunate effect produced by the impatient, polemic, unnatural, and distorted character of Mann's creations.

Often he is criticized for the fact that his novels are too exclusively aimed at the enjoyment of the reader through suspense, adventure, and the , at the expense of real 39 content or real life. Even the "radicals" like Ludwig Bubiner are for this reason provoked to disgust by Mann's book on the IfO proletariat. Die Armen. hi In no case is his talent denied, although there are objections to the mannerisms and the obscurity of his later style, Otto Flake thinks these characteristics are an evidence If2 of on Mann's part, and of his basic uncertainty.

The question of Mann's relation to society, raised by his championship of "French" ideals, is treated in an important article by Hans Rosenfeaupt, "Heinrich Mann und die desellschaft".^

Mann's early work expresses the feeling of isolation common to the - 10 -

intellectual at the tine of the breakup of bourgeois civilisation*

Hosenhaupt gives an analysis of how this feeling is apparent in

the escapism of Mann's early works* how the problem is directly

stated and faced in varying degrees from Die through

Zwiachen den Hassen (where the Imposeibllity of the longing for beauty and violence is recognized)* and how it is overcome in

Die Klelne Stadt. with the statement of a social attitude* However*

Hosenhaupt concludes that even in subsequent works the problem is never solved* The Intellectual continues to be as ineffectual as

before, and everyday man always fails to measure up to Intellectual

standards* Substantially the same thesis is worked out in detail

in a recent dissertation by Arthur P. Gardner* "The Individual and

Society in the Works of Heinrich Mann"* which makes use of material from Hosenhaupt and Valther Rehm. It then proceeds to a discussion of Mann's political Ideals as part of the lactivist"

. hh movement* - 11 -


Table of Abbreriatlone Used In footnotes

O. T. — aelet und Tat

D. K. H. — Pie Jugend 4fi£ Kftnlgg. Henri Quatre

L. E. — Dae Literarleche Echo

Llt. — Die LUfii^tlU:

M. M. — Macht und Mene£h

O. L. — Dae ftffentllche

S. *T. ~ Sjeben Jahre

V. K. H. Q,. — Pie Vollendung dg£ Hgnut

Ztltr. — Bln Zeitalter vlrd baelchtlgt - 12


Chapter I

1 Not available. Listed in fiber Ale wjgnenachnftliche E£- au* dew Geblete neueron lyukS.QJiaB Lltgrfitur.. ? Walter de Gruyter and Co., 1931.

2 Not available. Ibid. . 1 9 2 1 .

3 Eemke, Karl. Heinrich Mann. Berlin: Aufbau Verlag GwbH, 19**6.

if Jherlng, Herbert. Heinrich Mann. Berlin: Aufbaa Verlag, 1951•

5 Strecker, Karl. "Per neue Heinrich Mann". L.K.. ^ . (1 9 1 1- 1 2 ), p. 686 Boneele, Waidemar. "Heinrich Mann". Pie Znkunft. 60 (1907), P. 39**.

6 Speyer, Julie. "Heinrich Mann". Pie Z-nk-imft. $2 (19°5). PP. 516-518.

7 Sauer, Hedda. "Heinrich Mann". E.K.. 11 (1 9 0 8-0 Q), pp. 18— 20. HObmer, Frits. h.B. (quoted frow Allgemaine Zeltauur. CXV, ^3 ), IS, (1912-13), pp. 333-33**.

8 Ibid. Sauer, on. elk.. pp. 16-17. Hfl/ttenauer, Benno. L.36. (quoted from Propvlflen. Bell. d. Mflnch. zt*. '*), (1911-12), pp. 326-327.

9 M . Httbner, 0 0 . clt. Mftller-Frelenfels. Richard. L.K. (quoted frow Pie Tat. IV, 1 2 ), IS (1912-13), pp. 9 9 9 -IOOO.

1 0 Strecker, o p . clt.. pp. 682-683. HBLbner, o p . clt.. p. 33*** Boneels, o p . clt. Wengraf, Richard. "Nine Rowantrllogie". I».K.. S (1 9 0 2 -0 3 ) p. 1 6 7 6. - 13 -

11 Frost. Lucia Dora* "Die kleine Stadt*. Die Zufcunf t. 22 (1910), pp. 116-119.

12 Strecker, gp. cii-* PP. 682-683.

13 Mflllar-Jreienfels , iffi. sJLS.. * PP. 999-1000, Bomsels, on. clt. Bfickel, Fritz. "Barellon und Skizzen*. L. S ^ . 9_ (I9 O6 —0 7 ). P. 1 0 1 1 .

14 Mann, Thomas. Betrachtungen sines UnuolitlBChen. Berlin: S. Fischer Verlag, 1919*

15 Mann, Thomas. "Vora Beruf dee deutschen Schriftstellers in unserer ZeitH. Neue Sundachmi. 4^1 (l93l). PP. 607-fill.

16 Ddrr, Erich. "Der Selbstnord dee Kopfes". Lit. . 28 (1925-26), PP. 75*77.

17 Sieburg, Friedrich. "Zrun Tode Ton Heinrich Mann1*. Die Gegen- IffiEi. 5 (1* April, 195°). P. 14.

18 Lessing, Otto Eduard. Masters la Modern German Literature. Dresden: Yerlsg von Karl Reissner, 1912, pp. 167-179.

19 Benn, Gottfried. Frdhe Proaa und Reden. Wiesbaden: Lines Verlag, pp. 212-222.

20 Iii4., pp. 2 2 2 -2 2 3 .

21 Heine, Anselaa. "Heinrich Mann's Fflhrerberuf". L.B,, 20 (1917-18), pp. 380-381.

oo Mahrhols, Werner. "Heinrich Mann's Untertan.* L.E.. 21 (1918-19). P. 518. Martens. Kurt. L,3E. (quoted from Mflaqhqnqj 5 2 ), 20 (1917-18), p. 727. Moreck, Kurt. L.K. (quoted from S^pnfcag. Yprwdrts 27), 19 (1916-17). P. 1394.

23 Martens, Kurt. fijft deutsche Ljteratnr unserer 29.It. Mftnchen: Roesl and Co., 1922, pp. 424-426. Witkop, Philipp. Dlqhtnn^ $ & £ Oegenwart. Leipzig: H. Kaessel Yerlag, 1924, pp. 62-66. Baumann, Hans. Die deutsche Dl>trnu> der Gegenwart. Stuttgart: J.B, Metzlersche Y®rlagsbuchhandlung, 1923. PP. 17°-171, 193-198. - 14 -

Soergel, Albert. DiohtTigg Dlchter der Zelt. Leipzig: R. Voigtlftnders Verlag* 1926, pp. 74—84.

Duwe, Willi. Dantacha DlrrhtiiiiP- & S A 2 SL. J flhrftUBtlarta. 2,-fl.riCh- Lelpzig-Orell J9Usli Verlag, 1936, pp. 23°-233. Bithell, Jethro. Modern Serman Literature. : Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1939. PP. 87, 114-115, 343.

24 Naunann, OP. clt.

25 Soergel, £&. clt.

26 Bithell. op. clt.

2? Rehm, Waltter. "Der Renaissancekult u b 1900 und seine ftber- windung". Zeltschrift £&H flWLfrg.gka EkHalo^ls., 54 (1929)* pp. 296-328.

28 Witkop, clt.. p. 6 5. Martens, pj*. fiJLfc. , p. 426.

29 Bartels, Adolf, Die deutsche Dlchtung Ton Hebbel hie, gur Gegen- wart. Z«lpzlg: H. Haessel Verlag, 1922, Dritter Tell, PP. 6 3, 70, 75-76, 140.

3 0 Duwe, pp. clt. , p. 233.

31 Samuel, Richard and Thomas, R. Hinton. Expressionism German Dlls., Literature.»nd the Theatre. Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons Ltd., 1939, PP. 5* 9, 109-110, 116.

32 Reinhart, Kurt. "The Expressionlstlc Movement In Recent German Literature". Germanic Review. _6_ (193l). P. 259.

33 Kracauer, S. "The Credo of Heinrich Mann". The L 1^1 up- Age (Translated from Frankfurter Zaltung). 343 (1932-33)• pp. 48-51. Kayser, Rudolf. Lit, (quoted from Magdebixrger Zeltungy 153) 22. (1926-27), P. 466. Kayser, Rudolf. "Zvel Sssay* Bdcher ". Hgue Rnwd arhwi. 4 2 . I (1931), PP. 712-713. Kayser, Rudolf. "Das Sffentliche Leben". Heue SauiSSJaaa. 43. II (1932), p. 141. Kayser, Rudolf. "Heinrich Mann". Books Abroad. 15 (1941) , pp. 401-405. 15

3 4 Weiskopf, F. C. "Der groeue Lehrer". Die W^ithffrmp.. £ (15 Mflrz, 1947), pp. 236-237. Gross, F, "Heinrich. Mann". Contemporary Review. 160 (194l), pp. 1 2 0 -1 2 3 . von Hofe, Harold. "German Literature In Exile: Heinrich Mann". frflrwflB 9tt3ClS£lZ. 12 (1944), pp. 88-92. Lange, Victor. Modern German Literature. Ithaca, Hew York* Cornell University Press, 1945, pp. 71-73*

3 5 Leonhard, Rudolf. "Das Werk Heinrich Manns". Heue fainri a chan. 42. I (1931). PP. 546-552.

3 6 Kayser, Rudolf. Lit. 29 (1926-27)# p. 466.

37 Walzel, Oskar. Die deutsche Dlchtung selt Goethes Tod. Berlin: Askanischer Verlag, 1 9 2 0 , pp. 382-384.

3 8 Bah, Julius. DleChronik ifif. deutschen DfattSg* Berlin: Oesterheld and C0., 1 9 2 2 , Dritter Teil, pp. 1 7-2 0 , 1 5 7-1 6 0; Vierter Teil, pp. 136-137. Bah, Julius .^Arnold, Robert F. Das deutsche M&nchen: C. H, Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1925, PP. 780-781.

39 Mahrholz, on. clt. . pp. 519-520. Heine, up. uli., p. 379. Diehold, Bernhard. "Ronanhaf ter Roman. Heinrich Manns Mutter Marie." Lit. 23. (1926-7). PP. 452-455. Kantorowics, Alfred. "Heinrich Mann: Die grosse Sache". Die Tftt, 22. (De*., 1930), p. 704. Sexau, Richard. "Die Armen”. L.E, (quoted from A1Ireneime Zeituag. Mflmchen, CXX 4 7), 29. (1917-18), pp. 415-416.

40 Rublner, Ludwig. "Heinrich Mann und ". Die Aktlon. £ (1918), pp. 34-37. See also Hartman, Valther. "Heinrich Mann, Die Armen." Die Tat. 10 (1 9 1 8-1 9). PP. 471-472.

41 Dftrr, up. clt. , pp. 75-76. Kracauer, on. clt.. p. 49. Heltnan, Luts. "Bugenie wtdr&le Bflrgerzeit". Lit.. H i (1928-29), P. 423.

42 Flake, Otto. "Heinrich Mann. - Der Kopf". Heue RtinBsr.hrni. 3 5. (1926), pp. 8 6 5-8 6 7. 43 Roeenhaupt, Haas W. "Heinrich Mann und die Gesellschaft Sermmic Retlew. IZ (1937). PP. 267-278.

44 Gardner, Arthur P. The Individual and Society in the WPrks of Heinrich Mann". Cambridge* Mass.: Harvard University, June, 3 950. 17 CHAPTER II


Fart On©

^ejection of Germany

The reader of the early works of Heinrich Mann is struck by the number of things for which this author expresses a violent dislike. The things he dislikes are all in his Immediate environment, the Bur ope of the era between I8 7O and 1918, and most particularly the Germany of the Wilhelminian period. In such a rejection of his time, Mann keeps good . Many of the major writers of hie age were oppressed with a sense of the futility of life in a society that was disintegrating and corrupt. Nietzsche,

In his outline of , stated the case clearly. Others varied the formula according to their individual make-up and experience.

It is significant that two of the few German contemporaries for whom Mann expresses admiration are Schnltzler and Wedekind. If

Schniteler's portrayal of the crumbling Austrian society is more urbane and kindly than Mann's picture of Germany, and Wedekind's criticism more witty, if equally bitter, the things they see wrong are much the same as the things Mann sees wrong. Like

Schnltzler, Mann often portrays the hollowness of outmoded social customs; and like Wedekind, be shows the violence done by society - 18 - to the feelings end aspirations of young people.

Sone authors, like Wedekind and D'Annunzio, would have liked to substitute the Nietzschean superman for the people they saw about them. At some point in their development, many writers, following Nietzsche, saw the Henalesance past as their Ideal world. The vogue in Germany is illustrated by some of the works of Hofmannsthal and Schnltzler. Still others, like Hauptmann

(for a time, at least), portrayed the Inhumanity of the capitalistic system and the misery of the proletariat. Thomas Mann contented himself for a time with expressing the cleft felt by the artist between hiss elf and the society which produced him. All four of the approaches to the problem can be traced somewhere in the works of Heinrich Mann.

Mann's initial public rejection of his world is bitter and unmistakable. The first Important novel, Schlarsffftwiwnri. published in 19°1» already indicts the materialism, the abuse of power by large capitalists, and the abysmally low level of art

In Germany. It is a satire on the society of 1890, which Mann had had an opportunity to observe while a student at the University of Berlin.

Success in this world consists of being accepted into the circles of the newly moneyed class. The criterion of success is ostentation: the ability to serve an over—abundance of rich food, the exhibition of the right kind of elegant furnishings and clothing. 19 -

the possession of the right number of mistresses, and an exact

knowledge of the current fads In speech. '-There are long

descriptions of meals, like the midnight repast of Matzschke,

or the various dishes prepared by Adelheid Tflrkheimer for the

hero. Considerable space is devoted to a description of the

gowns worn by the ladies and to a satire of the amount of serious

thought given to satin bodices and silk underskirts. Tflrkheimer1s

home is smothered in curtains, velvets, and brocades. One of

the high points of the book is the minute description of the

luxurious furnishings in Matzschke*s apartment, with its Bilks,

satins, mahogonles, and bronzeB.

The means by which one attains success indicate how much of

a sham world this really is. If a young man can seduce one or

more of the wives of important men, he can then secure the ri^it

introductions and the right amount of money, be seen at the right

Boclal gatherings, and to learn to say the right things. By this means the hero, Andreas Zumsee, becomes a social lion and a

successful "author* without being obliged to write a line.

Other "authors* only follow certain fashions, like Diedrich

Klempner, who writes a very bad "social" play, which is the hit

of the season. As for the "art"objects in Tflrkheimer*e home, they are done by someone who has no artistic standing elsewhere, but whose productions have a licentious flavor which titillates the blase social climbers who look at them. - 20 -

This world is ruled by the financier Tflrkhelmer, He attains

and maintains his power by deceit and by running roughshod over

subordinates, mistresses, and friends. It is he who can make or

ruin any number of careers. He causes the death of a scientist,

for example, for the sake of a stock market kill. Money Is power.

In T&rkheimer Mann satirizes the German materialistic bourgeois

conception of Nietzsche's MaChtmensch. At the point when Andreas

feels himself to have really arrived (after the successful

performance of his "play"), he looks about him and realizes, with

contempt for everyone except Tflrkheimer, how all the other guests

are at the beck and call of the financier, for he alone has the

strength and power to make money. And after Tflrkhelmer's great

coup on the stock market, Andreas compares him to a Renaissance

conqueror for whom success counts, rather than jnoral considerations:

**as die Bekanntschaft elnes Genies der Tat wle Sle fflLr einen Dichter wart 1st, das lAsst sich gar nicht ausrechnen. Von geffllschten Pressenachrichten, Irreftthrung der Offentllchen Meinung und ausgepldnderten Bevdlkerungsmassen zu faeeln, das dberlasse ich den Moralisten, Pflx mich dberwiegt in Ihrer Individual!tit und Ihrer Vlrksamkeit das JUthetische, Sle vergSnnen une geschw&chten Modemen einen Sroberertypue, einen Renalssancemenschen zu schauen!*

The skulldruggery of the powerfully rich is again portrayed

In the picture of society which appeared in 19°**, Die Jaerd nach Lie be. This society, too, is rotten and ridden with sham.

Again there are lengthy descriptions of the elegant furnishings and

clothing with which the idle rich, having nothing better to do. - 21 -

occupy themselves, la protest against the social lajustlces

for which hie own class Is responsible, the hero, Claude Marehn, goes through a period of befriending prostitutes, helping

Indigent writers, and Inviting workmen to visit the best cafes with him.

Unlike the point of view of Sr.hi^i-affenland. the focus of

Die n«fh Llebe Is on the reaction of the intellectual or

the artist against this type of society, Claude Marehn Is the degenerate offspring of a rich bourgeois family something like

Mann's own. He and his actress friend Ute Ende reject bourgeois standards in favor of what might be termed "bohemian" ones,

The German intellectual and the German artist are here criticised from another point of view, namely that of their removal from real life, Claude's entire existence is spent In a fruitless etraining for experience» It Is a "chase for love", which he never succeeds in attaining and as a resalt he sinks finally into debauchery. "Latin” Is here stated as the antithesis to "German", and it is symbolised by Claude's love affairs with a

German and an Italian actress. The former Is cold and calculating* the latter passionate and Impulsive,

The antithesis appears again, this time as the central theme*

in Zwischon den HaBson (1907) and in the Llebesprofra

(1910) which uses the same situation and characters. Mann's own family background is again projected into the novel, Lola, with - 22 -

her German father and Brazilian mother, feels that she has no

home, and she Is unable to choose between her Batin and German

heritages. Neither is she able to choose between her German and

Italian lovers. The German typifies abstract thought and personal

inaction; the Italian is an nnreflectlve man of action and of passion. An attempt to resolve the problem appears at the close of

the novel, when the German, Arnold, is finally able to act to the extent of taking Lola away with him, but the solution is not convincing.

The misuse of power in Germany, already satirised in the financier T&rkhelmer, is the chief theme of a novel appearing in

1905, between gig Jflgj aaeh Lie be and ZyiftChen den Hansen.

Professor Unrat (the subtitle reads, Bade elnes Tyrannen) portrays the stupidity and cruelty of the schoolmaster's world. The school­ master's eagerness to "catch" everyone else in delinquency and to extend his rule beyond the confines of the schoolroom results in his complete flouting of bourgeois standards. Hoping to find compromising evidence against some of his students. Unrat searches out a cheap cabaret singer, but he himself then falls prey to her charms. His life after being dismissed from the facility of the

Gymnasium consists in an effort (with the help of the slider) to ruin the whole town by luring ite members into crime.

Tyranny among the petty Is depicted in Gretchen.

1910, evidently a preliminary study for Per Untertan. Centered - 23

eiround an adolescent girl, the story describes her attempts to

escape the stupid and crude etandards of her father and of the

fiance her father has chosen for her. Like Unr&t, she becomes

the dupe of a small-time actor, being saved only by her bourgeois

Instincts. The beer-drinking, sausage-eating, emperor-worehipping

petty bourgeoisie is here described in Its cruellest light*

In his satlrisatlon of the Carman bourgeoisie, Mann was surely

influenced in his initial attempts by French models. S^hjlarwffen— laid has striking resemblances in plot to Maupassant's Bel-Ami.

In both books the hero begins his "writing" career on a newspaper

which Is owned by political and Industrial interests. In both

caBee he secures his position through a chance encounter with a

friend, and both times the decision to employ him is based on his

good looks, which tell the employer that he will get on well with women* Both men are outfitted by their benefactors with the proper

clothes. They both make a place for themselves by carrying on

affairs with the wives of influential men. These women provide

the heroes with adequate funds to maintain themselves in society

(funds which they both at first Indignantly refuse). Thty furnish

apartments for the heroes and are responsible for their professional

careers. Madame Forestier writes George Duroy's articles for him,

Adelheld TArkhelmer produces a so-called play for Andreas. There

1b even a scene in both books in which the hero's mistress is

Insulted by the landlady when she appears for a render—vous at

the room of the hero. The lose at the employer's wife is eventually - 2^ - rejected by both heroes* There is an equal amount of bad taste nmA ostentation in the hones of Tftrkheimar and Monsieur Walter.

The chief differences in plot consist in the fact that Georges

Duroy eventually learns the newspaper business, while Andreas does nothing. It Is Georges *£lo In the end has nade and retains his fortune, while Andreas ruins himself. The characters in are of a kind in which one can believe. In contrast to the exaggerated types of Sehlnraffanl and. Many of the women, for instance, are attractive, while those In Srthlare bizarre. Some of the men in Srhlarw/fftnlfynfl have real ability, but T&rkhelmer i* the only able person In Schlaraffealand.

Curiously, almost the only mention Mann ever makes of

Maupassant is in the essay on Flaubert, written four years after

Sf’rhlftT‘fvf,'r**n1 - There the contrast is made between the eoul*» agony of Flaubert and the cold-bloodedness with which Maupassant lays bare the frailties of his fellow-men. Maupassant is represented as beizg able to bear without qualms the terrible feeling of Isolation which troubled Flaubert. Maupassant is able to reconstruct realistically the life of his times with a "lighter hand" than Flaubert, nevertheless, according to Mann, he learned fron Flaubert a feeling for the deeper currents in people, or for the grotesque basis of life. However, in Maupassant the grotesque o often degenerates into "buffo". Part Two

night to Italy

At about the age of twenty, Mann spent three years In

Italy. These he once called the happiest of his life,' Here he encountered his "first, freshest experience"**, Except for the boohs mentioned in the preceding chapter, almamt everything else

Mann wrote before 1912— the novel trilogy Die G-ftt.t.lianas. the novel Die hi el me Stadt. and the volumes of short stories and

Novellen entitled Das Wunderbare. Tlfiten ansi 5elcM, ^USEXSShe.

Moreen. Dae Hers. Djft BflcMEOhT Xflh HftAgg— Has Italian characters and settings.

What Mann was seeking in Italy, if one is to judge by the works appearing during the "Italian" period, may be summed up in the word "life". It Is a romanticized kind of life, an different as possible from the materialistic, circumslribed, inartistic, and sham life of the German bourgeois as it appeared to Mann. The values of "life" as he understood them were to Mann obtainable only in a southern setting. They may be summarized as eroticism, sensuous beauty, adventure, and free play for the strong personality.

In Mann's view, to live means to rule and to love,^ and it is only in Italy that erotic love can be found. Many years later he comments, "...Ja, Italian hat nor als eln Oegenstand der all— geneinen H e b e wahrh&ft existiert* well bel ihm allein die Llebe die erste Sache deB Lebens war."^ "...erotisch blelben eie dort. - 26 -

was Inner Bis t&ten.N This la illustrated in the contrast

between the German and Italian actresses in Die Jayri nach Ljebe.

The Italian* Gilda Frauchini. unlike her German rival. is

passionate and unreflecti're, and the hero is caught up in a

sensuous love affair with her. Living only by her enotlons.

she is a naturally great actress who never has to study her roles.

The seme contract appears In the two lovers of Lola in Zwlschen den Rassen. The Italian. Purdi, follows only his unbridled desires. He Is physically attractive and impetuous and Lola at first chooses to marry him because his German opposite. Arnold, lacks the courage to extend their relationship beyond the platonic stage. In Die lrle-1 we Stadt. 191°. an entire Italian town is set

Into an erotic whirl by the advent of a troupe of opera singers.

A note of tragedy is introduced into the otherwise gay work by the Intense love affair between the singer Hello and one of the girls in the town. The hero of th: short story Dae Hers (1910) finds love only after exiling himself from Germany. The heroine of Genevra (1911) is punished by having to haunt the earth after her death because she failed to yield to her lower while alive.

The most extreme glorification of physical and amoral love is found In the trilogy. Die GAttlnaen, which came out in 1903. and which is Mann's most ambitious early work. In the third part, the heroine, the Duchess of Assy, lives the last of her life as Venus, indulging In countless and inconceivably varied love affairs. . The trilogy affirms all the life values which Italy - 27 -

symbolized to Mann, and. which are scattered throughout the other

"Italian" works. As Minerva, in the second volume, the duchess

ie a worshipper of art and beauty, and this part is filled with

descriptions of Renal seance pictures and buildings, The book as

a whole abounds in overdone descriptions of voluptuous living,

Mediterranean scenery, rich colors, lush vegetation, and strong

perfumes* ^he following passage is an example:

Per Garten, in den Himo und seine Gellebte nlnelnstlegen, sle hielten ihn fdr das Haar der GAttin, Es wand sich in tausend Ranken and schwoll zu tausend Trauben, es ballte Bl&tenmassen, es erhltste wundervolle Dflfte und sprtthte Ear ben. Die Pflanzen ertrflnkten die hlneinverlrrten. Alls Str&ucher reichten hAher, alls hitmen blickten den Menschen ins Auge. Si a g ingen in Oleander wie durch einen <41611 von Blut, und ihre Wangen gldnzten da von rot. Die gel ben und weissen Manottana griffen aus ihren Lauben heraus nach den Eremden, mlt feinen Schlingen, und wollten sle nicht fort­ ies sen* Die Mandarinen drdckten ihnen auf die Mftnder bittere rote KAsee und lockten din nen— gierigen Stirnen in lhr Gewirr wlnziger Bldtter und ddnner Z w e l g e . Si® bAckten sich under dicke runde RoeenbAsche voll brennender Verstecke, sie kAmpften nit Schllnggewdchsen, verschwanden in Epheu an Fusse unerbittlicher Cedern, und liessen den Schatten von Palmen Aber sich rieseln, ale sei es der Tropfenregen stumer Brunnen, ®

In contrast, Mann rarely describes German scenery, and when he does, it is in a matter—of—fact way. Similarities to the political intrigues, the revolutionary political activity, the

cloak and dagger plots, or the ronanesque adventures found in

the stories Bin Gang vors Tor (19°5)* Ettl4ia (1 9 0 5), Per Tyrann

(1908), and Aifomtwhniv (1911) are evident in Dj» OfiUtlUSA. - 28 particularly in the first volume, in which the duchess as the incarnation of Diana becomes a political agitator.

Most Important is the amoral, unfettered, strong personality of the duchess. She is a kind of throwback to her Hornan buccaneering ancestors, who possessed strong desires and beautiful bodies. In order to rule, they did not hesitate to kill, oppress, break treaties, and subjugate famished cities:

Heine V&teri Sle kamen sub der Hormandle her be i und y o b Nebelraeer, e a c h Sonne 1‘flstern. Ihre Beglerden waren zahllos, wie meine. Sle trachteten, wie ich, nach allem was wArmt, mun&et, sich flppig anfflhlt, erschlafft, relzt, selig macht. Und urn alles zu besltxen, serstampften und tflteten sle alles, lachend, aus blosBer Liebe. Wie ihre Augen geblltxt haben m&SBen' Sle waren gswlsB rotwangig, mlt langen, blonden Haaren und brelten Schultern, Ich glaube, dass sle vollkomaen geformt und sehr klug waren. Sle brach^en alle TertrSge, trauten nur ihresgleichen, helschten Tftrstentflmer als Morgengaben, verhlnderten die Sratan und triuxaphierten flber ausgehungerte StAdte. Ihre Stimmen schallten so fflrchterllch, dass ror lhrer Slnem eln Heer davonllef... 9

A similar type of protagonist who is possessed of unusual force and energy appears through the works of this period* The singer Branzllla, from the story of the same name published in

I9O8 in the volume Die Bfleam. is alto a superwomen. A great artist, she is absolutely ruthless in her methods of attaining success* She does not hesitate to murder a rival or to desert her first benefactor In exchange for the help his political enemies can give her* She loves and marries another singer, but she never gives quarter whenever it is a question of his fame or - 29 - here. Finally she deliberately drives him to suicide. The difference between Branzllla and most of the artists la Mann's stories is that she is not tortured by a feeling of inadequacy for living. Whatever "difference" Branzllla. as artist, has is cause for exultation rather than self-pity. fiuthlessness is the dominating characteristic of Per Tycfian* the companion piece for Die Branzllla. The tyrant, intent on maintaining his power at all costs, is even more cruel than

Branzllla. At the opposite scale politically, but quite as dynamic in personality, are the revolutionaries in ISilvia and

Aufersteimra*. They, too, sacrifice tenderness and love for the sake of a larger cause, e.g., a political one.

There seems to be no question but that Mann was writing under the Influence of Hletzsche. The glorification of ruthlessness, of wickedness, of the powerful personality, of art, and of dionyslac experience, are in keeping with other work* of the time which resulted from a mistaken Interpretation of Hletzsche,

Valter Rehm points out how the productions which arose from this vogue, like those of hudw i g . Ricarda Such, Hofmanns thal, and Schnitsler. lack the concept of discipline and responsibility 1 0 inherent in Vletzsche's concept if the superman. They lack the ethical base still existing in C.P. Meyer's portrayals of

Renaissance figures. The characters are seen in a romantic dream of beauty, where late Renaissance paintings, like those of

Giorgione, Titian, or Correglo play a large role, and where wickedness - 3 0 - becomes am aesthetic enjoyment; or they are portrayed aa the acting out of umbridled imstimcte amd ruthleesnesa— a succession of

Cesare Borgiaa and . This second type of portrayal is considered by Rehm to have been carried to its ultimate extreme by Heinrich Mann, in his depiction of modern characters who typify his concept of Renaissance ideals.^

The viewpoint is very similar to that of D'Annunzio, one of the chief representatives of the cult. The glorification of the artist, the cult of beauty, the admiration for the Renaissance and for the powerful personality are D'Annunzio's favorltp subjects.

In The Flm b of Life, some of the passages eulogizing Venetian art. or the great figures of the history of , or the mysterious calling of the artist, are very similar, even In the high-flown character of the style, to passages in Die Gflttinnen- Various 12 critics have pointed out the connection between the two writers, and

Arthur P. Gardner has analyzed the similarities of a number of plots in the books of the two men. 13

Mann never mentions D'Annunzio in the essays, and Nietzsche only rarely. In 1910, after Mann's viewpoint toward power and evil have changed, he is still sympathetic toward Nietzsche. Significantly, he explains Nietzsche's espousal of evil, his arrogance, and his striving for the unusual as a manifestation of the need to make himself felt in a totally unsympathetic environment:

rfas erklirt diesen Nietzsche, der den Typos seln Genie geliehen hat, und all die, die lhm machgetreten Bind? 1st es der &berwAltlgemde 31

Srfolg dsr Macht, den dies© Zelt und dieses Land sahen? Die Hoffnungsloslgkelt, die eigene Hat nr durchrusetzen* haute und hier? Der Drang zu wirken* eel es gegen sich selbst: durch Stelgerung and Verkl&rnng des Peindes* als bevunderter Anwalt des BSsen? 1st es die perverse Abdankung des allzu Wlasenden. der a ich Ik echlechten* unbevueeten I>eben wAht wit ©in entflohener Strdfling? Von tragischen Ehrgeiz bis zu elender Bkelkelt* Ton der albernen Sucht* besonders zu seln, bis yam panIschen Schrecken der Vereinsanung und dera Ekel d m Hihlllsmus? die abtr&nnigen I*iteraten haven vlele Entschuldlgungen. Sle haben vor alien eine In d©r ungeheuerllch ange- wachsenen Entfernung* die, nach so 1anger Unwirk— samkelt* die deutBchen Gels ter von Volk trennt. !*+

Mann repeats the sane Idea In 19^3* when he says that the theory of the HarranmenBch arose out of a need to attain recognition by some spectacular m e a n s , 15

In 1939 Main wrote an essay on Hletzsche^ which is also the Introduction to The Diving Thoughtb sX Kletzsche Presented hr Heinrich Hm b . By this tine Mann violently rejects the "blond beast" and the Herrenmensch, particularly in view of the misuse made by the Germans of Hietzsche's doctrines. "His strong men and grandees are brave by definition* how could he have seen them as the cowardly extortioners so familiar to us?*1?

There Is an indication of what the philosopher meant to the young

Mann* however* when he says that Hietzsche's individualism and

attitude of personal Independence against the state used to

IQ "justify us to ourselves". "They prepared us for our own

accomplishments".1^ Hietzsche's loathing of Bismarck's empire

and of nationalism as the enemy of civilization and thou^it 32 obviously must have had an early attraction for Mann: Here at last Is the Nietzsche who once gave the rl £ht to and enabled a forgotten young generation to declare its independence, to be free, after which. In the beet cases, came new and Independent achievements. must listen more intently to this Nietzsche than to the Nietzsche who spealcs otherwise.20

Perhaps Nietssche*s admiration for French civilization and for certain Frenchmen reinforced Mann's own admiration.

It is only to be expected that Mann would choose to Include 21 those passages from Nietzsche in his anthology of 1939» but it can also be assumed that as a young man he had read the same passages. The influence of over Mann began early, for instance, and Nietzsche has only praise for this 22 French author,

During the "Nletzschean" phase of Mann's development, when he was attempting to compensate for unpleasant bourgeois realities by evoking the superman, he found points of identification with the French writer Choderlos de hados.

Me know that the essay on this writer which opens the volume entitled Salat und Tat, published in 1931, had appeared earlier, in I9O5, in the periodical Znhurft. Bight years later. In

1913, Mann published a of the hiaisons Dangereuses.

This book describes the ruthless striving for superiority by eighteenth century individualists, and It is this aspect of the book which Mann stresses. He goes so far as to say that the novel - 33 - has char** for those of his generation who heighten their

experiences Into wickedness and aanufacture some comfort out of

their very disillusionment: Bel den Liaisons dangereuses verwellt, als bei elnem frfihen B u d e des elgenen Wesens Jeder, der seln Erlebtes g e m ins Schlimme stelgert, sich ams der HoffscttngslosIgkeit Wissens t u b Seelen elnen Trost macht und elnen Bausch aus seines Herrachergeffihl ▼or Abgr&nden, die er ermiest. -5

The characters are a kind of Machtmensch. perfectly cold, perfectly ruthless. Their assertion of power takes the form

of amorous conquest, no other form being possible within a

society where everyone Is cosipletely Idle. Neither lore nor

sensuality has anything to do with these conquests; indeed, when

there Is danger of love appearing, it la deliberately destroyed.

"Llebe darf n u r Ml t tel sur Herrschaft fiber Mens chan, sum gesell—

echaftlichen Mrfolg seln.The corruption of an Innocent girl

or virtuous woman affords a perfect opportunity for the use of

psychological analysis, and the danger brought about by the

necessity for secrecy develops those powers to their highest

degree. The hero of the book, Valmont, Is no mare wicked than his

contemporaries; be merely excells them in boldness and cunning. He Is a younger brother of the Henalssance conqueror Plppo Spano, 27 an elegant beast of prey. Mann calls him a "Caesar of the 26 eighteenth century." But his feminine counterpart, the Countess

Merteull, conquers even him. She has raised amorous intrigue to a philosophy of power. It Is her principle never to feel and always - 3 * - to ezpreia the opposite of what she thinks. "Die Merteuil erst, das welbllche Genie, erheht die Dishesintrigue zur hohen 29 Philoeophie and run gross angelegten Spiel tun die Macht."

These people are typical of the eighteenth century, first because they are dominated by rationality, and second because the freedom to carry out their will Is all—Important. The revolution is the natural consequence of their wish for individual freedom (at this stage Mann discounts the "equality” of the revolutionary slogan).\ 3 °

Mann has some interesting things to say about individual freedom. The result of its attainment has not been as desirable as had been anticipated; nil too often it has led to complete loneliness, especially to the loneliness of the artist, Chateau­ briand, with his attempt to escape into remote places of the earth and into other ages, and Musset, a weakened and sobered Valmont, represent that loneliness. 31 The loneliness of the artist characterises lac 1 os too. Tor Mann, be was a writer born out of his time, in spite of the fact that he expresses the spirit of the eighteenth century. Before the revolution, he first envied and then hated the nobility, whose way of life he could not share; and out of that envy and hate his book was born. 32 It was his way, as artist, of "living" in hie century. 33 Later, he could not quite meet the exigencies of active life imposed by the revolution. An artist, he continued to think of the revolution as his idealistic dream had first pictured it. Xmding his life as a minor officer, be was content to follow Mapoleon, in the Illusion that the great - 35 - general was carrying out the Idealistic dream. Thus Lac 1 os Is an example of the artist Inadequate for "real* life,

Mann was probably preoccupied with Stendhal at this stage too.

The Influence of this writer extends into Mann's last years, and he

Includes Stendhal among the four French authors to whom he owes most . At what point the Influence begins is not certain. Judged by the subject matter, the essay appearing In Gelet jQJUl Tat would seem to have been written before 191°. However, no record can be found of the publication of such an essay before 1931* end In 1926

Felix Bertaux quotes Mann as saying he haB up to that point written nothing on Stendhal because he has been too much Immersed In him.

Also, there Is a paragraph in the essay which seems to refer to the youth of post-war Germany, "a hundred and twenty years after Hapoleon. " However, Mann told Frederic Lefevre that Stendhal was one of tin authors he had spent his time reading while In Italy."“,7

Certainly there must have been many points of contact with Stendhal at this time. H# too found intensity of feeling and a sense of freedom in Italy. He Is one of the first of the moderns 36 to discover the Renaissance, and his worship of energy and the mu of action Is certainly akin to Mann's own attitude. Hapoleon as a liberator In Italy and an a rallying point for political freedom is common to both writers. Fabrics in La Chartreuse de and the characters In Fulvla and A-qfersteWnn*- exemplify this point of view.

Hawn1s essay emphasises Stendhal's energy cult. To Mann, he - 36 -

is another author Misplaced In time, except that as a young he

has had the good fortune, as one of Bonaparte's soldiers, to realize

his potentialities. But the characters in his hooks were born later

than he, thus missing the *!*■ experienced by those who served under

the emperor. For Stendhal, the Gulden Age is the eighteenth century, with its culmination in , 39 As representative of the eighteenth century, Napoleon was for Stehdhal, in spite of his

imperialism, the bringer of freedom, the symbol of action combined

with thought, the idealist who hated the oncoming race of 40 speculators and money-makers, Mann thinks it was because Napoleon

was guided by eighteenth century Ideology that he was able to change

the facfe of the world. By following the same ideology, Stendhal

could leave behind novels which have had meaning for successive 41 generations of bourgeois. For those bourgeois, w h o have again

fallen under the domination of the royalty and the church, Stendhal

keeps alive the eighteenth century, with its materialistic free- 42 thinking and its democratic idealism,

Es (Promenades dans BosmQ setste das acht- zshnte Jahrhundert linger fort, als ndtlg gewesen wire, — aber damit lag es nun so, daBs die geistig verarmten Zeltgenossen das matirllche Wachstum der Bern okra tie unter- brochsm hatten und sich selbst als Urteilends sum grdsstem Tail ausschalteten. **3

Stendhal is a critic of the social order. The greatest reason for his criticism is that society, caught In the tolls of money— 3?

snaking and authority, despises and oppresses human energy, strength,

and the need for self-assertion. "3r Hess keinsm Z*eifel darflber, dass fflr lhn der Wert des Lebens und einer Generation in lhrer

Energie ausgedrAckt eeien."^ "Die Energle seln wlchtigster

Oegenstand und seine ewige ?arderung.. . One important reason

Stendhal wrote books was his need to maintain the feeling of personal superiority he once had under Eapoleon,^

?ron the disparity existing between Stendhal's personal drive for eelf-assertion and the restrictions imposed on it by

the times arises his cynicism, ^hus it Is necessary for Jullem Sorel, in Lft Rouge ni X£ 1° be hypocritical because society

is hypocritical, whether in matters of politics, vocation, or love: "Die Seele fragt nicht, of Europe erobert wird, Oder dies

Herz. Ihre Sache 1st nnr, auf der HQhe zu bleiben, Es kommt elnzig darauf an, der glflckliche Sieger zu seln wie Je."^

It is inevitable that Jullem, in an attempt to maintain his superiority, should end by being morally as well as physically destroyed by society. The strength existing in him is UA illegitimate, so to speak. Approximately the same Is true of

Lucien Leuwen, who has to make his way in a corrupt society. The marshal in this novel P i n lip service to honor, hat the only ideal

in this atmosphere of deception is self-assertion— unless it be


■Bin Marbchall trltt auf im heaven. Der - 38 -

Marschall stlehlt, und seine gewflhnliche BegrVUsung helsst* honneur! Der sozlale Frelgelst Stendhal konnte sich la aller Kflrze nlcht deutlicher ftuasern, Der Saloat der Marschall, der Strelk alt dem Offlzler, der sich schiat, well er schlessea lassea anss-daxa die Die he als Ideal, aber der Schwindel als umgebende AtmosphAre und else Eegl ©rung to a Gaunern... **9

la a world Imposing trickery aau deceit on men who are of a self-asserting nature, such men will express themselves la actios--good. If possible, bad. If necessary. This is most clearly seen In Da Chartreuse do Farme. with Its abundance of disguises, nightly escapes, and highway escapades. One is reminded of the first volume of Die Gflttlnnen. Many of Mann's later books are filled with improbable adventures of this type too. Other subjects which Mann mentions are echoed In his own writings, he notes Stendhal's laterest la Italy and Italian art. This Mann considers to be a kind of romantic flight, a concession to feeling. 5° Another is the importance given to love, of which

Stendhal "speaks constantly".^ A third is the theme of father hate, which does not appear In Stendhal'b books, but does play <2 a part la his life. Lastly, Mann is impressed by Stendhal's method of preseatiag ideas and emotions by means of plot rather than by exposition or description. Direct action has Indirect significance. 53 Mann's own novels become successively more telescoped, to the point of being almost cryptic. - 39

The fact that Mann's interpretation of Stendhal Is personally biased Is established by a comparison of his Inter­ pretation with that generally accepted by critics of Trench literature* All critics emphasise the feeling of dissatisfaction with his time which plagued Stendhal, and the anachronistic character of his novels. Other than that, the chief emphasis is on his powers of psychological analysis, something which Mann scarcely mentions. Stendhal's energy cult Is given great 54, importance by Lanaom, as well as by &udolpf Kayeer in his ee biography of Stendhal. Two American critics, Nltze and Dargan, and Frederick Charles Green, 57 interpret it either as a manifestation of egotism oar as hatred of hypocrisy* hft Hmird at le Nolr is considered either as a warning example or an an expression of thorougbegoing egotism. Stendhal's complicated theories about love are emphasized by the critics bat almost ignored by Mann* 1+0 -

Part Three

The Problem of the Art!at

Heinrich Mann* a basic problem is that of the artist, either the artist per se or the artist lm the modem world, formulated in more general terms. It is that of the intellectual in the modern world. It too is a problem appearing in the works of

Mann's contemporaries, and its classic statement is found in the Tonlo Krflger of Mann's brother Thomas. Unlike Tonio Krflger, the artiste in Heinrich Mann's works usually do not long to be good bourgeois, but to be quite the opposite.

The problem mi^ht be termed Nletxschean too; at least it seems to Heinrich Mann that Hietzsche's loneliness is essentially era that of the artist. The general thesis is that the artist is such because he is "different", and because he is sufficiently detached from life to be able to comment on it or to create a copy of it. This means that he experiences the unique Joy of creating, but that he also suffers from the inability to participate in normal human living. The artist in a decadent period like the modern one has the special problem of being too weak to create great works, like those of the Renaissance, for example.

This type of artist appears In Die Oflttinnen. Jakobus Halm, tbs painter whose portraits of the duchess in Renaissance style symbolize each stage In her life, confesses that his attempts to - hi -

ewulate the Renaissance masters are failures. Im a much-quoted

passage, he admits that all he is able to produce is a

"hysterical Renalseance". His technical skill only disguises

the perversity and poverty of hie subjects, so that they resemble CO only superficially the "complete humanity" of the Renaissance.

Moreover, Jakobus Is able to paint only as long as he remains

detached. Unfortunately, he falls in love with the duchess, so

that the last of the portraits he has projected, that of the

duchess as Venus, remains forever undone. Ultimately, he retires

into a life of bourgeois normality. Several other figures in the

book have similar experiences. The creativity of the sculptress

Proper*ia is interrupted when she becomes the victim of un­ requited love. She takes the only way out, that of suicide. The same fate is shared by the Countess Bla, a poetess who is shattered

by her love for an extrovert who does not celts for her. The writer who has no feelings and to whom experience is nothing but grist

for his literary productions is (in the book) typified by

Mortoell. He goes so far as to wreck the marriage plans of a

girl he has cast off. Just because he needs such a scene in one

of his novels. The situation of the writer to whom experience means only

material for his writings is most pointedly stated in Pjpuo Span.1* (1905). Mario Malvolto is successful an a writer but unsuccessful in living. Above his desk hangs a picture of his

Renaissance ancestor, Plppo Spano. Malvolto would like to take - **2 hold of life 1m the bold and unreserved manner of his ancestor .

But he himself is incapable of real feeling or action* he is only a "Korafldiant" who manufactures feeling to show before the public t Mit der Kumet, Gemma, steht es anders. Rur sle, der Krleg und die Macht slnd tildernatftrliche Ausschwslfungea, die elnen Menschen ganz wo lien. Aber die Kunst 1st ▼on den dreien die verderblichste, sle ent- h£l t die belden anderen. Sle allein hflhlt ihr Opfer so aue, dass es unf&hlg blelbt auf lmmer zu einem echten Gefflhl, zu einer redllchen Hingabe. Bedenke, dass mlr die Veit nor Stoff 1st, urn Sfttze daraus zu formen.... 60

Aus mlr selbst kann ich dsn Menschen nlcht kennen, denn ich bln kelner; Ich bln ein EomSdlant. 61

Mario is not strong enough to have one mistress on paper and 62 another in real life, like the Renaissance painters. When he tries to make himself believe he loves, the result Is tragedy. In accordance with the terms of a mutual suicide pact, Mario stabs the girl to death, but does not have the courage to turn the dagger against himself.

Squally cold is the German eatress in Pie JmjtA nach Lie be.

She is a painstaking perfectionist who is beautiful and competent but also demanding and ruthless. She exploits but can never love Claude, although she is genuinely fond of him. On the other hand, she does not hesitate to give her favors to others, if by so doing she can further her professional career.

Appearing shortly after Flupo Snano is Pie Schansulelerln. - i*3 -

ia which &a adress la the German bourgeois sett lag Is more

specifically the subject* The heroine, Leonle, and her lower are unable to carry their affair beyoad a certain point because each one has a sense of apartness— he. because he Is Jewish, she. because she Is aa actress, la 1the end she rejoices la

being able to forget the affair and Immerses herself In her work* because she Is at heart a "Komftdlantln*, Later, Heinrich

Mann reworked this Into a stage play, In which Leonle marries for bourgeois security, but cannot endure her new life and takes poison— as a theatrical gesture. The Drel-Mlrmtftn-Roman- appearing In the same volume with

PIudq Spann. tells the experience of a writer who remains throughout various adventures only an observer, recording what he sees. Some years later, in Mnala and Hdckkehr von Hailes (1911)

Mann is still preoccupied with the Idea that art means a with­ drawal from life, Mnals is the antique statue of a young girl whose life drains from her own body into that of the statue, as the artist nears the completion of his work. In the second story, the hero is a Greek story-teller who has "been to Hades" and seen the heroes of antiquity. (Hades evidently represents the vision of the artist,). When In danger, he accepts aid frost his former beloved, but then insists on parting from her in order to continue telling what he has seen In Hades. It is Interesting - 44- -

that the people will not lieten to what he has to say, hat desert him In favor at more superficial entertainment.

For Mann the example of the artist par excellence is the

French writer Flaubert. Mann's interest in Flaubert started very early. According to Mann's statement to Felix Bertaux,

/ he loved to recite pages from the Education Sentlmentale 63 while still a Gymnasium student. Elsewhere he says that several years later he cane to consider Flaubert one of his 6h masters. In I9O5 he published in the magazine Zufranft an essay on Flaubert and George Sand.6^ This was later Incorporated into

Gelat nnA Tat. "Flaubert und die Kritik" appeared in the magaslne Mord nna Sdd in 1908.^ and in 191^ Das Forms printed "Flanberte

Monolog".6^ As points out. Mann is. in the essay on 68 Flaubert George Sand, really discussing himself. Flaubert is depicted as the lonely artist. Like Mann, he despises and is despised by the bourgeoisie. He too is a writer misplaced in time, one whose spiritual affinities are all romantic, so that while attempting to produce a new kind of scientific "reality", as in he betrays his love for the exotic, the musical, the richly beautiful. Essentially, he is out of touch with middle-class realities, in spite of the fact that he has forced himself to become the "impersonal" author, the cold observer, the "realist".69 *5 -

Flaubert vollbrlngt seln ganzes Werk in Kampf gegen sich selbst. Die Bar endgflltige Eroberer das Reallsmus 1st kaln Idebhaber dar Virkltchkeit; dlasar Moderns hasat dia B-flrgerwelt; dlasar Erflnder des un- persdnllchen Homanstils hat Lyrik zu verbergen. 7^ Not only does Flaubert deny his "romantic* tendencies, but In an attempt to achlSTa artistic perfection, ha does violence to his human Inclinations. He has allowed himself no human love, has emasculated his senses and his capacity for amotion. The woman Flaubert loved as a young man expresses In Mann’s essay a healthy mistrust of the art which sacrifices human instincts, and of the delusion that ascetielsm can lead to fruitfulness of any description! Man glelcht zwar den Wflstenheiligen, die von Beglerde brennan und doch ihr Flelsch und ihr Her* dam elfersdchtigen dott von Tabor opfern: dam dott Kunst. Das lmponlert eina Zeltlangi dann abar helsst as! 'Was wollen dann dlese klelnen Orlglnaese der Kunst fftr die Kunst, die atm sich einbllden, wenn ela sich verst'flmmeln, warden sle frucht- barj1 *r zlscht endllch auf, dar Hass dar Frau auf das Buch, der elns 1st mlt das> Mlsstrauen der Slnna und der Hatur gegen den dels t und die Kunst. Die FunktIon der deliebten wire gewesent die Bovary zu ver- hlndarn, mlndestans sle zu schw&chen. 71

All this was understood by deorge Sand, who represents the antithesis of the writer who livaa only for art. She was a child of nature, in complete sympathy with the populace, in contrast to Flaubert's critical attitude toward the masses. She, who was not afraid of natural human feeling, tried to make Flaubert realize that the path he was taking was one of self-destruction. 46 -

"Un Coeur simple" is proof that she was not wrong in her

estimate of the warmth underlying the cold exterior Flaubert showed to the public, George Sand in her role as mother tried

to draw Musset close to reality too. Of weaker character than Flaubert, as evidenced by his Inability to discipline himself,

Musset was the complete pessimist and dreamer.

Not only does Flaubert feel isolated because he is ah

artist, but his quarrel with the bourgeousie is partly political.

Hie dreams and aspirations stem from the eighteenth century, like

those of Stendhal, Flaubert feels that In the preceding century he could have attained recognition equal to that of and Rousseau, ®his has become impossible in an age when enthusiasm and idealism have been replaced by militarism and despotism. As it

is, the feeling of Impotence engendered by an unsympathetic political atmosphere is one cause for the complete renunciation, not only of feeling, but of action, Frederic, the hero of the / Education Sentimentale. expresses Flaubert's despair at having been b o m in the wrong generation: Nlemand mehr hat, voll dieses besonderen Innenschicksals, in den Abgrund gestarrt, der geBffnet war swiachen swel Generationen, einer von Schw&rmern und elner von — menbchen} zwischen der TrAumerrepubllk und der Mllltflrdespotle. 72

But (and this is important for Mann), Flaubert has a certain kinship with the bourgeoisie; otherwise he would not have been able to satirise then so well. "Gute Satire schreibt nle j emend. *+7 - er hfltte denn irgendelne Zugehflrigkreit gehabt zu deni, was er dem Gelftchter preisgab: ein Apostat oder ein Bich taingelasBener.

The grotesque types created by Flaubert grow out of the bitterness of this knowledge. Mann's preoccupation with his own compensatory Harranipenscb is revealed when he says that an important constituent of

Flaubert's personality is the drive Inherited from his ancestors— oq, to dominate and rule. *t is expressed only in his art. All- important is the dominating gesture, for Instance, with which the 75 author of Sal «mba tosses out his material. H« i8 a Viking turned artist, a giant, even though a ruined one. ^he very realism of his novels grows out of violent barbaric passions:

Dieser Letzte, Eftnstllche, 1st ein zugrundegerichteter Hiese. hr splelt mit selnen Menschen immer noch, beldnlsch lachend, wie ein Wikinger mit Gnomon * er hat die traumhaft tlefen Sensationen des Barbaren, pldtzliche Griffe der Sinne, rum Erschrecken. Aus alledea— und nlcht aus gemeiner Lebenst&chtlgkeit— ward der reallstleche Homan.7©

The relationship between the Mario Malvolto of Pjppo Snann and Mann's Flaubert is obvious. Both are artists set apart from the common run of men, unable to ant, not allowed to feel, born in the wrong age, dominating only in their art. Except that for

Flaubert the right age is the eighteenth century rather than the Renaissance. Also, It is significant for Mann's later development that Mario Malvolto represents art for art's sake, 77 while Flaubert has a social interest. Mann goes so far as to 78 say that Flaubert's aim is educative (erzieherlsch). - 46 -

The evaluation of Flaubert by other critics differs from

Mann**. Althou^i the conflict between the romantic and the

realistic tendencies of Flaubert is generally recognised by

these nen, there is a rather more positive emphasis placed on the perfection of his artistic creation and on the accuracy

and impartiality of his observation, an accuracy attained by

the bridling of his romantic tendencies. It is interesting

to note too the emphasis on the didactic character of Madame / Bovary and the Education Sentlaaentale. both of which teach the

dangers of . There is much less emphasis on the

human side of Flaubert*s nature. The God-like aspect of his

creative power made so much of by Mann is disregarded.79

Flaubert and Mario Malvolto are writers, but there is

another type of artist who plays a most Important role in Mann's

works— the actor. One of the characters in Per Untertan says the

actor is the representative man of the times. 79 The modern world

is so full of sham and hypocrisy that a make-believe existence

is the only possible one. Mann's Interest in the theatrical

world is reflected In his translation of the Hlstolre Comiaue.

by . The situation of the hertlne, Felicle

Nanteuil. an actress, has resemblances to that of Ute Snde in

Die Jard nach Plebe and of Leonle in Pie Schausnlelerln.

Felicie mud a young man of good family are passionately in love. - 49 -

However, one of the actors with whom Felicle has previously had a liaison becomes insanely jealous and shoots himself in the presence of the couple as they are leaving a night's rendezvous, Before he dies, the actor utters a curse on them, saying he will never permit the two to possess each other again, / His threat mafcBs such an impression oh Felide that she finds It impossible ever to submit to her lover again, A* soon as she is with him, she Is terrified by the apparition of the dead man, at the same time, her ability and reputation as an actress increase. In fact, while loving Robert, she has really loved chiefly herself; and as her acting ability increases, her rendez­ vous with him are utilised as an opportunity for acting out scenes from plays. The demarcation between the role she Is playing and the relationship with Robert is difficult to distinguish.

There is an almost scientific reason for Fellcle's psychological "block", which Is explained by Dr, Trublet, the raisonneur of the story; but, allowing for the difference in motivation, Felicia's inability to "live* at the end is similar to the plight of Mann's actresses, as is her cry, "What good does

It do me to be a great actress, if I am not happy?" The actors' complete absorption In their work, the personal jealousies, and the description of costumes, roles, and techniques sure echoed in Mann, However, there is much more self-questioning In Mann's characters *K«r» in those of Anatole France— none of the characters in the Hiatolre Cnwimie are very profound— and the French 8 *ory is told in a slightly ironic, relaxed manner whidh is quite different - 50 - from Mann’s intensity.

As for the Influence exerted by French writers on Mann's

style. It is quite possible that his reading of Maupassant and

Flaubert is reflected in the technique of the short stories.

The economy of exposition and description, the beginning i,p medlaB res, end the reliance on dialogue may be based on French models. The method is carried to an extreme in Die Branzllla.

where there is almost no narrative at all. so that the story is

constructed more like a play (without stage directions) than a

Bhort story. Unlike many German Hpvellen. those of Mann usually emphasize plot. Otto Lessing suggests that the technique 80 employed in stories like Die Bransill* goes back to Flaubert, but if this is true. Mann, in the later stories, carries to

exaggeration what he has learned, because Flaubert never leaves

the reader with so little description or transition, however

condensed the style may be. The same might be said of Maupassant. Furthermore, in Mann, although the emphasis may be on action,

the careful building up to a climax is lacking. Mann, rather, presents a series of scenes which do not necessarily develop from

each other. And although there is a certain amount of description or exposition in the earlier stories, the choice of detail that

causes the French writers to be termed "realistic" is lacking. - 51 -

Part Pour


If Mann's primary experience is a feeling of isolation in his world, the early writing can he divided into three categories: works that attack his world* works In which he Is seeking a sub­ stitute for that world* and works in which he attempts to break through the isolation* The flight to Italy, the escape to the

Renaissance, and the glorification of the superman are manifestations of a search for the opposite of that which he Is or that which he sees about him. Rehm, Narimann, Soergel, and

Thomas Mann, among others, assert that it 1b a feeling of weakness 0X on his part which causes Mann to create what he is not* The inability of his artist characters to "live" proves the point*

The more out of touch he feels with his own environment, the more he turns to distant lands and far-away times* Conversely, the fact that Cermany cannot offer what the distant countries can is emphasised by satlrisatlon, like the portrayal of TOrkhelmer In

Sghiarwffitn-iATiri as Machtmensch. for example, or Andreas as poet.

Several studies have been made to show that Mann considered the problem not confined merely to the artist, but to the

Intellectual in general* They trace the development from an acceptance of her isolation by the Ihichess of Assy to a recognition that such isolation is undesirable* Claude Marehn, in Die Jngd - 52 nach Llebe. and Arnold, In Zylachen den Raanen. would prefer not to be alone, Lola, in the latter novel, longs for "(Mts und 82 MenschennAhe. " (It sight also be pointed out that the cleft between Ideal and reality, between the spiritual and the fleshly, is the theme of two of the studies of adolescents in Stflrmischer

Morgen. namely Pie Haldln and Per Unbalrannte. ) Even Professor

Unrat is trying to break through his tragic isolation, in the view of some critics, although he can do it only be degrading 83 himself. Any life is better than no life. There are early signs of Mann's recognition that the dream of unrestrained, amoral individualism is an impossible substitute for reality. "Es m&cht die ganze Tragik und Grflsse Heinrich Manns axis, dass er zuglelch den Verlockungen des Rausches von Schfinheit und Wildhelt verfAllt und auch dabel bewusst sieht, dasa seine 8^ Situation unwirkrlich 1st." The exaggerated degree of Mann's Qf exoticism indicates that a reaction is inevitable. Indeed, the criticism Is already contained in the phrase "hysterical 86 Renaissance". The duchess Is the only real Machtmensch in

Die Uflttlnnan. and she is the last of her race. All the others have some flaw. "The wickedness is a phantasmagoria, not a ruth- -87 less unfolding of strength as In the cinquecento. A definite turning point comes in Pie klelne Stadt (1910).

Here is no hero or heroine, but a society in miniature. The members of this society learn to live together and to submit to the will of - 53 - the majority for their common good. "In jedem Fall hat es Q0 Recht, dae Volk." The leaders of the conservative and

"progressive" factions. Don Taddeo and Belottl, respectively, both publicly confess their errors. Thus a democratic philosophy 89 x seems to be announced. In the conflict between the reactionary

Catholic and the progressive elements of the small Italian city,

Mann's sympathies are obviously with the progressives. Belotti, the leader of this faction, is a vociferous follower of the French republican ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity; of civic betterment; of the "scientific" attitude. "Do you want progress, yes or no?" he keeps asking. The next volume of stories, In 1911. contains Aiifepwtahpyyf.

Here, the ideal for which the characters fight is the ultimate triumph of the republic in Italy. The characters tell us that the whole movement began with "".^0 Hapoleon as the liberator (albeit with reservations) and Garibaldi as the revolutionary are heroic figures In the story.

It might also be stated that there are certain indications of a social consciousness in Die Qflttinnsn— not in the duchess, who does not take the revolution she sponsors seriously, but In

Sun Baco, an Idealistic man of action who makes a career of liberating oppressed people. T0 be sure, the artist ner sa is still lonely and still

"different*. Flora Oarlinda, one of the actresses in Die klelne Stadt. decline* human ties and lives only for art. 91 However, although the consequences of intervention by this amoral force are devastating at first, the stir which the opera troupe creates in the little town is a sign that art can initiate action too, and that the result can be a regeneration of life and (a new departure for Mann) brotherly love. Of course, the locale for

Die klelne Stadt is still a non-Oerman country, and Mann's thinking for the remainder of his life will continue to be oriented toward a non-Oerman, Latin country. - 55 FOOTNOTES

Chapter II

1 Mann, Heinrich. Schlaraffenlenfl- Berlin-Wien~I*eipzig: Paul Zaolnay Verlag, 1925, P. 3^7.

2 Mann, Heinrich. Gels t nw< Tat. Berlin: Gustav Kiepenhauer Ter lag, 1931, PP. 133-134. v 3 Lafevre, Frederic. One heure avec. : 1933, VI*0®6 Serie, p. 28. 4 Manr, Heinrich. Ein Zeltalter wird beelchtlgt. Stockholm: Neuer NT Verlag (no date)t p. 460.

5 Soergel, on. clt.. p. 78. 6 Mann, Heinrich. Ztltr. p. 460. 7 Ibia., p. 462. 8 Mann, Heinrich. Die Gflttinnen. Leipzig: Kurt Wolff Verlag, (no date), Dritter Band, p. 197.

9 I M A .. P. 7.

10 Rehm, opi clt.

11 IMA., PP. 317-320.

12 Soergel, fii>. Eli,, P- 77. Neumann, ot>. clt.. p. 396, Bithell, jbe. ill., P. 339.

13 Gardner, op. cltj.. pp. 119-128. 14 Mann, Heinrich. Hacht und Menech.. Mflnchen: Kurt Wolff Verlag, 1919, P. 8. 15 Mann, Heinrich. Ztltr.. pp. 179-183.

16 Mann, Heinrich. "Nietzsche". Mrsb und Wert. £ (1938-39), PP. 277-304. Presented 17 Mann, Heinrich. Living Thoughts Nietzsche/by Hglnrjcfa Mann. New fork, Toronto: Longmans, Green and Co., 1939, p. 25. - 56 -

18 Ibid.. P- l.

19 Ibld«i p. 1 • 20 Ibid.. p. 31.

21 Ibid.. pp. 84, 92-94, 160-161.

22 Ibid.. PP. 94, 96.

?3 Mann, Heinrich. "Liaisons dangereuses.”, Pie Zukunft. _^_0 C1905), PP. 481-491.

24 Jah.reeberlch.te fflr neuere Sfafi IltCjatPrflQBgblchtft* Berlin: Steglitr-B. Behrs Verlag, 1913. P. 239.

25 Q J . . p. 30. 26 Ibid.. p. 9.

27 Ibid.. p. 16.

28 IbM.. P. 17.

29 Ibid.. P. 19. 30 Ibid., p. 15.

31 Lfi£.. qll.

32 Mann gives the date of publication of the Liaisons Pangereusea erroneously as 1772, Instead of 1782.

33 ^T., pp. 22, 23.

34 Lefevre, o p . clt.. p. 29.

35 Bertaux, Felix. "Heinrich Mann et les Let tree Franeaises." Burone. 10 (15 Jan., 1?26), p. 64.

36 » P. 36.

37 Lefevre, o p . clt.. p. 29. 38 Rehn, op. ciy, p. 298.

39 £•*•» P. 90. 40 Ibid.. p. 37. - 57

*4-1 ibid., P. 37.

4? Ibid,, p. 40.

43 Ibid.. p. 44,

44 Ibid.. P. 58.

45 Ibid.. P. 34.

46 Ibid., p. 55.

47 I_bJ,4.. P. 39. 48 Ibid.. p. 51.

49 ibid.. p. 62.

50 Ibid.. p. 43,

51 ibid.. PP. 39. 54.

52 Ibid.i pp. 33* 36.

53 ibid.. pp. 53. 61. 54 L&naon, Gustave. Hlstolre Ulus tree dfi. X & lltterature francaiae. Paria: Hachette at Cl«, 1922, Tone II, PP. 307-310.

55 Keyser, Rudolf. Stendhal. New York: Henry Holt and Conp&ny, 1930.

56 Nitze, ViHiaa B. and Bargon, S. Prerton. A Higtory of French Literature from the Earliest Tl»ee ifi the Present. 1938, PP. 565-566.

57 Green, Broderick Charles, Branch Novellatg from the Revolution to Promt. London and Toronto: J.M. Bent and Sons, 1931* PP. 125-134.

58 The Living Thoughts s£ Njp.tE&gfafi* P.9.

59 Mann, Heinrich. Bla Oflttlnnon. II, p. 137. 60 Mann, Heinrich. Novellan. Leipzig: Kurt Wolff Yerlag, 1916, I, P. 77.

61 ibid.* p. 76. - 58

62 ibia.■ p. so.

63 Bertaux, op. clt.. p. 6l. 64 Mann, Heinrich. Sieben Jahre. Berlin-Wien-Leip*ig: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 1929* P. 439.

65 Mann, Heinrich, Tlaubert.". Die Zulranf t. 52 (19°5), pp. 10-24. 66 Mann, Heinrich. "Plaubert und die ^ritik*. Nord m i S-fld. 124 (1908), rp. 142-148. (Aleo printed in Aktlon. 5 Aug. 1916).

67 Bibllogranhit i&c deutechen ZflUgpfrr.iHf frgflljLterfitur. Sand 34 B. 68 Benn, on. clt. , p. 213.

69 G^T., pp. 101, 102, IO5 , 70 Ibid.. p. 97.

71 Ibid.. p. 119. 72 Ibid.. p. 312.

73 i£ia., p. 129. 74 IfeiA., p. 100.

75 iiii., p. 102. 76 lau.. p. 132.

77 I M A . » p p . 92-93.

78 I3AA.. P. 93.

79 Laneon, on. £it., pp. 356-360. Green, ££. clt.. pp. 230-241, 248-251, 288-290. Nitee and Dargan, on. clt.. pp. 613-618. 80 Mann, Heinrich. Per Un-t^rtan. Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 1949 P. 216.

81 I*eBeing, Otto, o p . cit., p. 171.

82 Be fan, on. clt., p. 171. Neumann, o p . clt.. p. 193* Soergel, o p . cit.. pp. 78-80. Mann, Thomas. Betrachtuxucen elnes Unuolltiachen. p. 555* 59

83 Gardner* jjp, clt.. Ch. Ill, Part 1,

84 Rosenhnupt, clt.. p. 274.

65 Ifcid.. P. 272. p6 Satunann, QP. cl t., pp. 197-198.

87 Mann. Thomas, Betrachfrnmrsn elnes UnpolltlechrP. p. 557.

68 Bithell, fip. clt.. pp. 340-341. 89 Gardner, .as. clt.. Ch. Ill, Part 2.

90 Neumann, op. clt.. p. 196. 91 Mann, Heinrich. Novellen. II. Leipzig: Kurt Wolff Verlag, P. 355- 92 Gardner, op. dt.. Chapter III, Part 1. 60



Pax t One

The Turn to France

During the Italian period, Mann apparently felt no need to discuss hiB Ideasj he was content to allow his creations to speak for hint Nun sparte ich velne Bekenntnlsse lange anf, — lch meine die wArtllchen, Insofern sle den Bekenner prelsgeben und seine Vidersacher unmlssverstflndllch treffen. Schnell, soger vorzeltlg kam ich nit Romanen, die Wahrhelten abhandeln, nlcht erflrtern. Ich war eln Gestalter; Zweifel bleiben nlr hlnslchtlich nelnes Rechtes *u reden. Die innere Nfttigung, seine &edanken zu fluesern, fehlt elnem Autcr, dessen GeschApfs sle schon verkflrpert haben. I

In 1910, however, he became quite vocal about his Ideas.

The shift In orientation fron Italy to France is announced In that year by an Important essay, "G-eist und Tat", appearing In the periodical Pan. ' It Is the first of a long series of essays, many of \tilch are devoted to unqualified praise of things French, Just when this shift took place is not clear.

It is partly of a moral and partly of an intellectual character.

Mann now discovers that in France the artist, whom he formerly considered unable to participate In "real* life, actually has participated most effectively. In this country the artist - 61

justifies his existence by working for the improvement of society,

both In hie creative work and In hie personal life. This is the

"action" theme of the first essay; the "spirit" signifies a new

emphasis on intellect and rationality. In contrast to the amoral

sensualism of the earlier period. Viewed from another standpoint,

however, the emphasis on rationality Is not so new. The artist

was always one kind of Intellectual, It always seemed impossible

to Mann to close the gap between the intellect and reality. Now

he has come to the conclusion that this Is what has taken place In

France, The artist and the Intellectual have there been recognized,

have been "successful". Their success rests on an ethical,

humanitarian basis.

It is possible that this change toward rationalism has

something to do with the process of maturing, A growing interest

in moral questions can be explained similarly, Mann Indicates

that something of the sort has happened to him when he says of himself:

-Sr hatte damlt begonnen, dass er seine Nindrdcke und Beobachtungen rlchtlg dar- stellte. Das Denken kam erst sp&ter hlnzu, Bel elneu Ednatier, und eln Schriftsteller 1st unter anderem such Eftnstler, finden slch zuerst Tormen eln, und mit der Bewegung der Vormen hat er vor allem *u tun, *s 1st nahe- su etwas Kflrperliches, wle das Theatersplel. Der Gedanke hat darln kelne sichtbare Rolls, hdchstens, daas die Beweguiy&cler Kftrper lhn unversehens absondern, ^

To be sure, the nature of Mann*s "conversion" Is suspect.

The one~sidedness and the vehemence with which he upholds Trench culture Is as extreme as the exaggerations of his earlier worship - 62 -

of beauty and energy. The extent to which Trench rationalism and democracy are contrasted with German irrationality and authoritarianism looks like another flight from reality. The

origins of Mann's new ideals, like those of the earlier ones. are to be sought in his hatred for the German environment.

Soergel says Mann had once found a home in art; now he finds it in politics. h Furthermore, not present-day Trance, but eighteenth century Trance is the ideal. The Trench Enlighten­ ment has been substituted for the Italian -Renaissance: "I wish

I had been born in Thomas Mann says this is merely substituting "hysterical democracy" for "hysterical Renaissance",^

Heinrich Mann's nature, according to Rehm, cannot be satisfied without exoticism and fanaticism:

...denn stets brancht sein Geist den Exotismus und Tanatismus, 1st es anf dem Geblet dee Schdnheitlichen nicht mehr mBgllch, dann anf dem dee Folltlschen, 1st ee nicht mehr die Renaissance, dann. nor mlt anderer Vendung, aber lamer noch im Ternen und Mlchthelmischen d.h. Romantlschen, — Trankreich. ?

In other terms, Thomas Mann, citing Nietzsche, calls it another form of aestheticism in which the portrayal of virtue has the 3 same effect once achieved by the portrayal of wickedness.

In any case, this turn to new ideals is not altogether new for Mann. Individualism can take the form of political freedom, and political freedom was already extolled in some of the Hovellen. - 63

The French influences on Mann's early work have already been

pointed out. It has also been apparent that he identified

himself in many respects with certain French novelists. In

Mann's interpretation of these novelists, their eighteenth

century idealism or their rationality, as the case may be,

is as important as the superman aspect of their genius.

In Mann's own words, France's Influence on him was


.... et, s'ilya un lieu stir terre ou le genie frentals, rendu visible par les lettres, a produit d'aussi fortes emotions que dans les coeurs frentals, j'ose dire que c'est dans un coeur allemnnd. 21

Jeune homrne Je comprenais deja que ma vie se passerait a faire le roman de la societl allemande.

'enrpeehe que la lecture de certains livres frentals en a delance en moi „ 1 'ambition et meme peut-etre le don."

Anfanga seiner zwanxiger Jahre war mein Braden den russischen Melstern ergeben, mein halbes Daseln bestand aus franzdsisehen S&tzen. 23 Maine Budung war franzSsiach wie deutsch. 24

The French authors to whom, in his own estimation, Mann o owes most are Flaubert, Zola, Stendhal, and Balzac. His friend Felix Bertaux tells us that when Mann was still a

Gymnasium student, he was made special assistant to the French teacherj at that time he loved to recite from memory the poems / of Baudelaire, pages from the Education Sentlmentale. and the orations of Bossuet.^-^ Elsewhere Mann says that the first French - 6 if - reading he did "effortlessly and for pleasure" was at the age of twenty when he discovered Musset. Mann told the French

Interviewer Lefevre that he had spent his tine In Italy 11 reading the novelists Zola, Balzac, and Stendhal. He found

Stendhal so modern that he continued to study hint for knowledge 12 of the "social man" and of the "man of passion". Bertaujc thinks that it was really something of the French intellectual tradition which Mann was seeking in Italy in the first place.

"En virtu d'une inexplicable affinlte, et peut-otre a son insu., c'est quelque chose de la tradition splrltuelle fran^alBS qu'il cherchalt en Italia.

Whatever the reason for the change, Italian subjects or settings do not appear in the works written after 1911. On the other hand, there are a large number of titles and subjects taken from French history. In 1913 there appeared the play

Madame Legroa. which tells of the efforts of a Frenchwoman,

Just before the revolution, to rescue a prisoner unjustly committed to the . Thin was followed In 1915 By a long critical essay on Zola. Per Weg zur Macht (1919) shows Napoleon taking advantage of the deterioration of revolutionary Ideals to seise power. In the novel, Bae&ila Oder Bftrgerzeit (1926),

Mann illuminated a family triangle and points up the eaergence of the new German social system in 18?0, By having the chief characters play on the stage the roles of the French empress and

Napoleon HI. Three jearB later, Mann paid his respects to French - 65 -

novelists In Geist jjfid Ta$. In addition to the essays on

Choderloe de Laclost Stendhal, Flaubert, and Zola, the volume

includes pages on Victor Hugo, Anatole France, ahd Philippe Soupault. A short story, llliane nnii Paul, has as its setting

the French Riviera, During hie exile from Germany beginning in 1933. Mann

occupied himself with writing his ambitious biographical novel, the hero of which is Henry IV of France, The first part. Die Ju-p-wnd dag Kflnlga Henri Quatre. was published in Aneterdam

in 1935 and the second, Die Vollendung dea Kflnlga Henri Quatre. was published in 1936, Der Atem (1939)* the last of Mann's novels, was written in the but Is obviously in setting and characters a product of his sojourn on the French

Riviera between 1933 and the fall of FranCe. The dialogue is a strange mixture of French and German,

If the subject matter of Mann's creative works indicates a great interest In France, the essays express an even greater interest in that country. Of a total of one hundred and forty- nine titles, at least forty-seven deal specifically with French life and art, and in the others there sure abundant references to

France. The subjects most frequently discussed are French democratic political ideals, always praised at the expense ocf ideals (or the lack of them) in Germany; the necessity for a Franco-German rappr omhement; ahd the social novel In France,

Kann as "activist* was so such concerned with trying to Improve 66 -

the relatione between France and Germany that six of the essays

(some of them were speeches made In France) acre written in the

Trench language. Still other essays in Trench appeared in Trench periodicals* Descriptions of Mann's frequent journeys to Trance in the interest of Franco•German relations form a considerable bulk of the essays.

The names of many Trench novelists or political figures are mentioned incidentally. Tor Instance, a list of Trench names occurring in the volume Sleben Jahre. includes Henri IV, Racine,

Corneille, Bossuet, Voltaire, Napoleon, Chateaubriand, Musset,

Stendhal, Balzac, G. Sand, Flaubert, Napoleon HI, Maupassant,

Michelet, Talne, Dumas fils, Zola, Hugo, Jaures, Anatole Trance, Glde, Barbusse, Morand, Duhamel, Proust, Henri Poulallle, Albert

Touchard, Barres, Mauri er, Riviere, Poincare-^, Barthou, Herriot.

Certain periods in Trench history are of particular importance to

Mann. He most frequently refers to the Trench revolution, the Napoleonic conquests, and the Dreyfus case. Personal experiences are recalled again and again; his participation as the first

German to be invited after the war to an International meeting of writers in Trance in 1925; the friendly overtures made to him by a schoolteacher from in the Interest of Traneo-

German amity; his emotion when he saw the cafe where Jaures had been assassinated. Mann's activities as lecturer in Trance ought to be mentioned. - 67 -

Hn wae frequently named as German nspresen tat Ire to international writers' conferences In France, the PEN Club, and the International

Society of Writers. In 192? he spent a month under the management

of his friend Soupault lecturing on the subject of Franco-German 14. understanding. The Revue d'Allen&gne of January, 1928, announces six such lectures. 15 M&nn was one of the delegates

to the colonial exposition in Paris in 1931. was the first

German to be received officially at the Sorbonne by the faculty of letters and to make a speech there.^ After the death of

Barbusse, and while an exile In France, he was made president of the League against War and . 17

He often contributed to French periodicals. Twelve such contributions ( of excerpts from Mann's writings) appear between 1923 and 1935 In Europe. Les Npuvelleji / 18 19 Lltteraires. Houvel Age. Lg Mol s. and La Revp.g. ft'AUsmaghg .

Mann also stated that he made regular contributions to a "French newspaper" between 1933 and 1939. contributions which the German 20 foreign office tried vainly to have suppressed. - 68 -

Part Two

French Ideals

To Judge from the essays covering the period between 1910

and 19^3* Mann's admiration for France remained constant throughout the years. A« has been indicated, this interest

represents primarily a shift from amoralism to an ethically determined Tiew of society and the part writers play in it.

It ia combined with a new admiration for rationalism, an admira­ tion which increased as Mann £rew older. It led him finally to

take an attitude of tolerance, doubt, and scepticism which was

lacking earlier. The earlier essays are characterized, rather,

by a militant, partisan attitude. In general, however, the ideals personified for Mann in France were little different in

19^3 from what they had been in 1910* Mann saw In France more than elsewhere the triumph of

Intellect over nature. According to him, this is proved by

the fact that, in contrast to the Germans, the French are motivated by humanitarian, democratic, and international ideals.

In regard to the problem of the artist, the conditions which he finds in France, in contrast to Germany, are these: first, the artist actively participates In public life; there is an art form which Is socially conditioned (i.e., the social novel); and finally, there is a high degree of artistic perfection. - 69 -

Mann regards Qelet as the absolute value from which all other good come*, fly Gelst he usually means intellect or reason; sometimes he substitutes for it the word Vornunft. jfijnong those who are the servants of this special faculty he Includes priests,

-philosophers, and poets. 25 Reason ought to triumph over nature,26 although this is an almost impossibly difficult task. "1st ea 2? ?.n denken, dase irgendwo in der Welt der Geist herrschen sollte?"

The man of reason bears the burden of upholding human dignity, 20 and he must always sacrifice expediency to absolute truth.

Therefore he is superior to the statesman. Men have always known that the aoul is more important than the actions of the state. Wlr haben lsaaer und zu alien Zelten behauptet, das hftchste, Ja, das vahre Leben sel das des 0*1*tee. Auf die Seele des Menschen konune ea an, nicht auf die Taten d®® Staates.n29

Das Allgemeine, Ewige ist das Reich des deletes, denn er will Wahrheit, derechtlgkeit und den Menschen schlechthin. 30

One of Mann*s last statements reaffirms in milder form what he had proclaimed with ardent Intensity thirty years earlier:

Das Oelstige eracheint mlr als das Rrimflre, es hat in der Geechicbte den Tortrltt. flies behaupte ich mlt Klnschrflnkomgen und blelbe auf ein vernrflnf tlges Bntgegenkommen bedacht. Kftnnte es Bein, dass Intellektuelle nur bestimat sind, die Wirklichkeit im voraus zu erraten? 31

Menn regards reason sb being Ipbq facto concerned with freedom. - 7° -

ethics, and humaneness. Because of this It must Inevitably

lead to democracy. In a state dominated by reason, it is the

people who will rulo. Sle soilten herrschen, der Geist sollte herrschen, dadurch dass das Volk herrecht. 32 Dean der Geist 1st nlchts Srhaltendes und glbt keln Vorrecht. Hr sersetzt, er 1st glelchmacherlsch; und ilber die Trfamer von hundert Zwingburgen drftngt er den letaten Erfdllungen der Vahrhelt und der Gerechtlgkeit entgegen, ihrer Vollendung, und sel es die des Todes. 33

The same Idea was restated In 1919* In a long essay, "Kaieerrelch und Republik", in which Mann attempts to explain

to the new German Republic that democracy Is the political form In which reason Is expressed.3^ "Der tiefere Sinn der Republik"

(1927), praises democracy as the only political form in which

thought and Idea are given full recognition.35 Not only

knowledge, but goodness, is the concomitant of reason— the

awareness that everyone is responsible for everyone else; and 36 this goodness is formulated only by the thinkers. Love for

one's fellow men and love for one's country grow out of love for reason and spirit.'37 The spirit of freedom that was still alive in 1869 had ceased to exist in the Germany of 18?0. The extinction of

truth. Justice, and humanity was concomitant with the growth of materialism and power for power's sake. The ideal man was an unfortunate combination of bourgeois and Junker.' The - 71 - increase In authoritarianism meant that Germany's might was based on the people's servility,

Mann's opinion of the Germans in this respect was not much more favorable in 1925 than it had been in 1919* The essay *Dio deutsche Demokratie" is ironic rather than vehement, but the charge Is still mode that the Germans prefer order and authority at all costs and that they are still materialists..

They consider it an honor for the entire wealth of the country to be consolidated in the hands of a few men who have as much power as an absolute monarch, Stinnes is their great man. "So berdhrt sich die bisher vorgeschrlttenste Form des Staates mlt

Jener altertflmllchen, als einon l*flrsten persSnllch das Land gehBrte." 39 The Germans are so conservative that they are the only people who have a history consisting only of reactionary periods. Although no one suggests that it would be desirable for the emperor to return, the people elect the imperial commander-ih—chief as president of the republic, "Die musika- lischen Deutschen akkordleren lieber. Das Kalserrelch was nicht mehr haltbar, aber der kalserliche Oberbefehlsh&ber wird President 41 der Bepublik.“ Deal revolutionaries are always destroyed in

GermanyJ thus a dictatorship like that of Napoleon will always be impossible, especially a dictatorship whose head, like Napoleon, Is literarily inclined. One of the traits which endeared Hindenburg to the Germans was that he was not convinced 72 - of the usefulness of literature.

The was doomed to failure because It either oppressed or ignored the thinkers who lived in it. A* far as intellectuals were concerned, there existed a vicious circle.

The people and the state ignored them, so that they were forced into isolation. On the other hand, the thinkers Ignored the state and the people, or worse, supported the authoritarian elements, Germany's famous men nourished themselves at the expense of the nation:

Kein grosses Volk: nur grosse Mlnner... Seine grossen MannerI Hat man Je ernessen, was sle dies Volk schon gekostet haben? Wlevlel Talent, Entechlieseungskraft und adllger Sinn underdrAckt worden 1st, wae an Demut, Neid, Selbstverachtung gezVLchtet ward, ni^ was vers Aunt ward in hnndert Jahren an der Nivellierung, der moralischen HJJher- legung der Hation, damit in unermesslichen AbstAnden Je ein Manneswunder und An.sbund aller Herrlichkelt erschelnen konnte, dbermAstet von der Entsagung ganzer Geschlechter und dem lebenden Dflnger der Nation entsprossen wie elne tierisch fette Zauberblume. ^3

Such thinkers betrayed reason,although It was their duty to foster it. They can be excused, Mann believes, because the people did not accept them; the result was a feeling of i+c unbearable isolation. How else can Goethe's bitter scorn of the Trench Revolution be explained than by his position among a people who subjected him to a life of Ineffectiveness 1+6 and a feeling of being tied to a traditional system! Mann - 73

thinks It shameful that throughout his life, Goethe was reduced

to a feeling of Inferiority upon seeing a mere lieutenant in 47 uniform, Even more desperate was the position of Nietzsche,

at a time when it wee impossible for an intellectual to be heard

in a society ruled by generals Instead of an academy of sciences.

In the empire writers were pariahe. About 189°, the naturalistic

movement made an attempt to wring some spiritual advantage out

of materialism, but the "backbone" of a belief in idea (such as

supported bgc Zola) was lacking, and after the failure of this 49 movement, every intellectual stood alone,

The low esteem in which reason was held in Germany also

meant that nature, or irrationality, prevailed. Goethe, as the nation's greatest writer, represents nature rather than <0 intelligence." The music of Wagner hid much that was

questionable in German life and unleashed evil impulses in men."*- Irrationalism eventually led to the ruin of the German nation under Hitler, In an article published in Die Heue

Bundurihim. Just before his exile. Mann explains Hitlerism as the 52 complete triumph of the Irrational over the rational.

Mann insists that the French are, on the contrary, a rational people. Their belief In the power of the intellect has made it possible for freedom. Justice, and human dignity to exist in France: - 74 -

Sie haben nlcht gefragt, diese Franzoaen, wohin der Vernunfttraum elnes Dichters, elnes fragwllrdigen Kranken, sie fflhren werde. Sie halier nach ihm gehandelt, well er ihnen auf elnmal die Welt erhellte; haben alleB durch ihn erfahren, Schuld. Sieg, Buses und sind, arme menechllche Tiers wle alle anderen , well sie den Mut hat ten, sich zu begeistem, dennoch der Vergelstlgung heute nflher ale andere: haben in ganzen der Nation einen Ausgleich und Gewinn errungen an Menschenwdrde und eittllcher Kraft. ^3

The Golden Age of France comprises the period of the encyclopedists, the revolutionists, and Napoleon, because of the dominance of reason during those periods."^4 mThe people were prepared by forty years of revolutionary thought for the upheaval which put their ideals into action. "Sie hatten vierzig Jahre

Knzyklopfldle hinter sich, anstatt vierzig Jahre geistwidrigen

Kaiserturns^ Voltaire is the antithesis of Goethe in that he represents the conquest of nature by reason. The words of Goethe have no force among the Germans today, but Voltaire lives on among the most lowly of hie countrymen.^ Mann quotes Michelet to the effect that there was no need for powerful figures or great leaders during the French -Revolution, because faith in reason had permeated the people. 57 The Ideals of the

French Revolution are so strong that they have come alive again in the founding of the German Republic.

Their faith in reason enabled the French to attain for themselves a moral probity in defeat, and Mann hopes that the Germans will copy their example. 59 The Dreyfus case proved that - 75

the nation war ethically sound. Only once does Mann have

doubts on this point, when, at the beginning of ,

he denloree the prevalence of national Ibid in France, which shows

that the era of humanity and Justice, that of Dreyfus, is perhaps 60 over. Between„ the two world wars, the idea continued to engage

Mann that a belief in freedom, equality, Justice, and humanity pervaded all classes in France. In 1931. Mann makes a fictitious

Frenchman criticize modern Germany because, unlike France, it Has no consideration for higher principles and is without morality.^

The difference between Napoleonism and Hitlerism is an ethical one. Napoleonic France has meant liberation to Europe; Hitler’s Germany has meant enslavement. 62 was always 6*3 directed toward training cltlxens for the republic. France has consistently had a leftist government, and her common people are socialistic. 64 A completely free exchange of Ideas has been possible only with Frenchman.^ Even after the fall of Fraj!cet

Mann still pointed to the ideils which that country has brought to the world. "Das Frankreich, das mit selnem Kaiser antrat, brachte den Vfllkern das Beste, die Menschenrbchte, die Frelheit— gesichert durch kaiserliche Feetungen... wie anders hat es sich fflr 66 die verhassten Deutschen gewendet." Ho continued to believe in the service her writers have performed for humanity. 6? He explained the fall of France, not as the result of a fundamental weakness, or of a loss of democratic ideals, but as the consequence - 76 - of betrayal by a few industrialists and the avarice of a few politicians. 68 ^e did not think: Trance would long remain conquered, because there had been no fundamental deterioration in the French social structure. "DaB frankreich des KfJnlgs

Henri ^uatre and des Generals de Gaulle is durchaus das gleiche... Frankreich bleibt nienals lange weder verkauft noch verraten."1 * 6 9

Literature, the art requiring greatest intellectual mastery, 70 71 is predominant in Trance, The French have "literary instincts,1 7? and nost Frenchmen read, admire, and honor literature.

Bonaparte's soldiers read Voltaire, because they understood that 73 as the champion of reason, Voltaire was no friend of tyranny. Kapoleon, bad he been a contemporary of Corneille, would have elevated the dramatist to the level of ^rince.^ The common people have encouraged writers, and they have insisted that great personalities in Frence should fight, conquer, and make others happy.7'* The people were willing to take the words of their intellectuals seriously, as they did those of Rousseau, whose ideas of Justice and truth were translated into action and who was such a glorious fighter that bis people have continued the fight:

...der so gerecht und wahr in seinem Roman vom Staat 1st, dass eln ganzes Volk von dlesem -Augenblick ab sich ge­ recht und wahr will, und fiber sein arses Leben hinaus ein so verkl&rter Kflmpfer 1st, dass nun eln ganses Volk, das geiatigste und t£tlgste, das Je da war, selnen Xampf weiterkflmpft. - 77 -

It is the duty of writers, as representatives of reason,

to fight actively for democracy. This is what French writers

have done: Voltaire, Flaubert, Victor ffago, Salnte-Beuve, Lamartine, Bochefort. Even Balzac had his share In furthering

democracy, for the novel is equalizing by nature. "Las 1st die Wirkung dieser Bomane, dieser Gedichte: sie haben die Demokratie erzogen.The impact of great novels proved that democracy 7ft could make use of literature. In the Dreyfue affair writers

became protagonists and changed the course of history. This is why, during tfc^ first World War, Zola became Mann*a hero. The

eulogistic study of this writer, which caae?\n 1917* and the play, Madwma Legros. which Mann had produced during the weir, were, he says, a way of talcing refuge from the frustrations of the time and of criticizing Germany in a form that would pass

the censor, 79 Mann admired Victor Hugo, because he opposed

Napoleon III; and that part of Anatole France's life during which he turned socialist and Joined forces with Zola, seemed to

Mann most admirable.

During the first World War, Mann was disappointed that literary men had ceased to take the lead in France, but he 80 implied that up to then they had always taken It. After the war, he was glad that the slogan of French writers had become 81 that of "activity and construction". *n 1931, France was still for him the country that had had the most active literature.82 Even - 76 - after the fa-11 of France in the second World War, Mann Insists O') that events in France are determined by the will of intellectuals, and that the French intellectuals have put up a better fight then Sh- their colleagues in Germany,

After the German Republic had been instituted, Mann thought that it was the duty of German Intellectuals to make themselves felt, especially since the German Revolution was economic and not Of based on philosophic theory, ^ nevertheless, he felt that

Intellectuals did, to some extent, prepare the way. 86 The nation

Itself is the outgrowth of language. It was born in the mind of writers and had first to be "idea". (In 1928, Mann seems to limit the degree to which the intellectual ought to participate in affaire of the state. If intellectuals did more than act as a challenge and a reminder, they would degrade reason, which is 87 far above the state in absolute value.)

Not only does Mann advocate personal participation in public life by writers, but he feels that literature itself must deal 88 with society. "Literature is a social phenomenon." It represents the soul of society 89 and its chief aim is to present 9O man as a member of society. The social novel is primarily a French form. Because it portrays society, the French novel of the nineteenth century is primarily one of action and movement, _ oi like life itself; the writings of Balzac are a prime example.'

The representation of man as a member of society is the chief - 79 - characteristic of branch novels fro* Stendhal to Anatole

France; and the great wonder is that the *ost perfect example of such a novel , B p y a r y . was created by a 92 nan whose real inclinations were "romantic".

The novelist ought not to stop at the mere portrayal of society, Mann continues, for it is his duty to improve and teach at the same time. This is one of the chief virtues of Zola and his contemporaries. 93 It is also a characteristic of the French novel at all times, so that moderns like

Some of the best novels, like Lob Miserableb . are novels of purpose. 95

The social consciousness possessed by French writers does not prevent them from being artistic, however. The best example is Flaubert, an artist to whom form and content 96 were synonymous, whose aim was to create a "temple of form" and whose style should be a model for all writers. 97 There is no dullness or lack of taste among French reiders. 98 The components of the artistic faculty of the French, Mann believes, are a la tin sensual intensity (which also had attracted Mann to Italy) combined with clarity of Intellect. They are a race of Northerners, permeated with the blood and culture of the South. Their intelligence, unlike that of the Germans, is not ethereal, but it Is life itself 1 - 80 -

Nordieche Menschen, van Blut und noch nehr von der Kultur dee Sdden durch— drungen. Die Syuthese Duropas. Dae Geschlecht m&chtlg wie Ira S-flden, aber die ganse K&nstlerschaft, die es ver- leiht, auf den Geiat geworfen. Der Geiet let hier nicht das luftige Gespenst, das wir kennen, — und drunten trottet plump das Leben welter. Der Geist let dae Leben selbst, er blldet es, auf die Gefahr, ee abzukdrzen.99

Alia grossen Franzosen Bind, wie ihre Hasbo, im Gleichgewicht zwischen ihrer elnnllchen Intansit&t und dem Eifer >utid der Klarheit ihres &eistes. 100

Thought alone cannot form and shape the materials used by the artist when he tries to reproduce life. The combination of the sensual and the spiritual attracted Mann to Zola, of whom he says, "Hat er denn die sinnliche Beherrechurg des Lebena aicht mitgebracht bis in das Land Aes Geistee? Nur durch sie wird der Gedanke vollkommen, die unslnnlichen Danker wiesen dies nicht.This must be what Mann means by the "feeling for life"^°^ which he finds present in Frenchmen but woefully IO3 lacking In Germans, especially the German Romanticists. Not only is the social structure in France proof of the dominance of reason in that country, but her attitude toward other countries is another important manifestation of the rule of reason. It is in France that the European idea is most advanced. A continuing thread in Per Hass (193*+) I® the theme of Europeanism in France, especially in the chapter •t entitled, "Das Beksnntnls rum Dbernationalen". Europeanism - 81 -

has thrived there because reason must by definition be inter­

national. From the philooophical of the eighteenth

century to the Intellectualism of Anatole France, France has

demonstrated that she Is internationally minded. Even In 1932

she was broad—minded enough to hold a ^oethe celebration. Such a

celebration for a great French writer would have been impossible 10h in Germany. The necessity for understanding among European nations and most particularly between France and Germany was one

of Mann's fixed ideas. A considerable part of his energy after

1925 was devoted to that cause.*°^ Hie campaign, as usual, took

the form of holding up France as an example.*°^ As early as 1916 he published an essay called "Der EuropAer", in which he states that France recognizes to a greater degree than other countries the values offered by cultures foreign to her— those of

Russia, for instance.*0^ He points out that some of France's greatest men, notably Napoleon,*0® Victor Hug©,*°^ Harriot,**0 and Briand,*** have worked for a united Europe. French writers, wishing to strengthen the advantages they themselves have enjoyed, have taken the lead in organising and participating in inter- national congresses. 112 Even the French theater is inter­ national. In an ordinary revue one can see impersonated

Englishmen, Americans, and Germans, with the recognition that 113 stereotyped ideas about each nationality are inaccurate. As far Franco-German understanding, France has made more - 82 -

progress in this respect than her neighbor. One of Mann's

chief arguments here is his own experience in France, where 11^ he waB always warmly received. An incident which he

recounts several times is that of a special visit made by a schoolteacher from Bayonne, who wished to tell Mann how much

he appreciated the latter's efforts toward an understanding 115 between the two peoples. In 1931 Mann pointed to a great

contemporary interest in German literature, economy, and public 116 life on the part of the French. His thesis is that there

has always been a certain spiritual affinity between the French

and the Germans; even war, since it is a common experience, has 117 sometimes led toward common understanding. High—minded Germane have always expressed an admiration for French genius.

The attracted the Germane, as it did the rest of the world.Goethe acknowledged the debt he owed the French 120 and showed his admiration for Hapoleon. In the firBt half of

the nineteenth century, the Influence of Germany on France was great, particularly that of the philosophers Kant and Hegel, The

French admired German research methods. German writers, Heine for

instance, could feel at home in Haris. German Romanticism attracted the French, and they reworked its personalities Into

their operas— Verther, Mignon. Margarets, and Hoffmann. Speakirg

of the opera figure of Werther, Mann says, "Deutscher Traum 1st

in ihr franifisische Wirkllchkelt geworden, und f ’•ansdsischer “ 83 **

Traum bed!ant sich deutechor Geschicbte. Diese Vereinigung

_ ''321 let erstrebt und errelcht, sie lebt— in einer Oper.

Althou^i French interest in the Germans declined after 187°» a like Renan, in the hour of France's defeat, called the

122 >. Germans a "superior race". Later, Suares spoke of "our

Goethe". 123 Nietzsche and Wagner have played an Important IgZf part in the spiritual life of France, Until the time of the Hitler regime, it was Mann's thesis that this spiritual affinity was manifested by the younger literary generation, whose productions, French ocr German, all followed the same lines of thought. In both countries, a large number of writers described their war experience in much the same terms. Roth had a revolutionary literature. Restlessness, an unwillingness to accept the great works of preceding generations, and a questioning of previous values characterized the literature in both countries. In spite of the fact that there was no communication between the two peoples during the 125 war, the books show that their experiences were the same. 84 -


Chapter III Parte One and Two

1 Ztltr.. P. 201.

2 Hiller, Kurt. Pae Zjel. Mftnchen und Berlin: Georg Mftller Verl&g, 1916. (Note in Table of Contents)

3 Harm, Heinrich. Bias flffentllche Loben. Berlin-Wien-Leipsig: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 1932, p. 3^1* 4 ftoergel, o£. clt.. p. 80.

5 Ztltr.. p. 590.

6 Mann, Thomas. Hetrachtungen eines LTapolJLklftS« P. 586.

7 H«ho, 00. clt.. p. 327. 8 Mann, Thonas. Betrachtun^an eiuen UTOglJtlqcfafta, P. 56l.

9 Lefevre, qd. clt.. p. 29. 10 Bertaux, Felix. "Heinrich Mann et lee lettres franc a lee s.* lUEfiBS., 1£ (15 Ja».* 1926), p. 61.

11 Lefevre, £i£. , P. 29.

12 Mann, Heinrich. Sleben Jahre. Berlin-Wien-Leipzig: Paul Zsolnay verlag, 1929, P. 439.

13 Bertaux, op. cit.. p. 62. 14 Ztltr.. p. 272.

15 fltmfl d'All enema. 1-6 (Jan., 1928), p. 28?. 16 Lefevre, on. clt.. p. 36.

17 Gross, P. "Heinrich Mann.". Contem>orarr Hevlew. 160 (1941) , P. 120.

18 Notice in Lee Npurelies Lltteralres (2? dec., 193°). P* 4. - 85 -

19 Mentioned by Hirech. Charlee-Henry. "Lee RffTU#*". Hercure de France. 232 (15 dec., 1931). P. 659.

20 Ztltr.. p. 172.

21 S.J^. pp. 938-939.

22 l b id. ■ p.

23 Ztltr.. p. 231. 29 Ibid.. p. 269.

25 g-J.. p . 5°°. 26 Mann, Heinrich, Macht nnd Menech. Mfinchen: Kurt Wolff Verlag, 1919* PP. 13-16.

27 M*M*. P. 10.

28 Ibid.. p. 7.

29 .. p. 500.

30 i£ii.. pp. 5°0“5°i. 31 m t c . . p. 207. 32 M.M.. p. 8.

33 IbifiL, P. 9.

39 l b id., p. 177*

35 S*J., P. 359. 36 Ibid.. p. 361.

37 Ijlld « » P . 363 »

33 UJ!., P. 185. 39 * P . 223 * 90 ibiA.* p. 220.

91 Ibid.. p. 229.

92 lili. * p. 229. 86 -

43 MJi,, P. 6.

44 Ibid.. p. 7.

4 5 Ibid., p. 8.

46 Ibid.. p. 14.

4? 1111.. p. 14. 46 Ibid.. p. 194.

49 Ibid.. p. 194.

50 UtLid., p . 13.

51 Ibid.. p. 195. 52 Ztltr-. p. 203,ft, (Per Hfrse. p. 18, ff. )

53 P. 4. 54 Ztltr.. pp. 540, 541.

55 P. 222. 56 Ibid., pp. 15-16.

57 Ibid.. pp. 221-222. 58 Ibid.. p. 234.

59 1111., p. 161.

60 Ibid.. p. 24.

61 Heinrich Mann. Das flffentllche Leben. Borlin-Wien—kelpsig: Paul Zsolnny Terlag, 1932, pp. 3°3-3°4.

62 Ztltr.. pp. 25-29.

63 S.J^. pp. 422, 433-434.

64 ruid... PP. 220-221, 2 2 5 , 336.

65 Ibid.. p. 432.

66 Zjltr.. P. 242.

67 lUil.. PP. 403, 406. - 87

68 Ibid.., pp. 438-441.

69 Iki&.. P. 436.

70 M-*.. P. 11.

71 11111.. p . 3.

72 3 . 4 . . pp. 2 5 0 - 2 5 1 .

73 M.M.. p. 146.

74 S.J-. P. 228.

75 M -M . . PP. 4-5.

76 Ibid.. » p. 1 •

77 Ibid.. p. 11.

78 Ibid.. p. 207-208.

79 Ibid. , p. 442.

80 * U U . p. 3 2 .

81 p. 338.

82 3.4.. p. 247.

83 Ztltr.. p. 413.

84 Ibid.. p. 453.

85 H.M.. p. 213.

86 S«J.. P. 357.

87 Ibid.. p. 501. 88 p. 268.

89 3*4*,. P. 55. 90 S.J. . p. 2 O8. 3.L. . pp. 6 7-7 0.

91 liiA.. pp. 3 3 0-3 3 1. 88 -

92 pp. 3 5 . 3 9 , 40. . PP. 148, 1 4 9 , 1 5 0 .

93 p. 411.

94 — . P. 338*

95 ■ PP. 80-81. 96 p. 39.

97 Ibid.. p. 41.

98 » P. 11.

99 Ibid*. P. 3.

100 Ikid., p. 1 1 .

101 p. 260.

102 z n i x . , p. 2 , ff.

193 Ikid,.. pp* 2 1 -2 3 . lOii Mann, Heinrich. Der H&se. : '^aerido Verleg, 1933, P. 52*

105 Lefevre, jffi. £it-• P. 36.

106 S*iLu. pp. 416 , 422. P. 161.

IO7 M*M.. P. 135.

108 S«J.. P. 258.

IO9 Ikld... pp. 3 2 9 , 4 5 0 .

110 Ikia., pp. 3 2 9 , 4 5 1 .

111 fl-D-. p . 286.

112 Hill., p. 252.

113 . PP. 225-226. - 89

114 S ^ , pp. 3 3 9 -3 4 9 .

1 1 5 JJaii*. pp. 4 2 1 -4 2 3 .

116 p. 430. U.# pp. 2 8 0 , 2 9 1 . 2 9 2 . n e pp. 138-139.

119 I b id. . p p . 333 ,Wi.

120 Ibi,4. » p. 125.

121 iDltU . p . 334.

122 Ibid. • p p . 125. 335

123 I b i d . . • p. 124.

124 l.bll. . p. 332.

125 1 ki d . . p p . 111-112. - 90 -

Part Three

French Ideals Exemplified in Literature and Politics

The longest essay- in G-elst und Tat- the volume in which

Mann collected hie essays on French novelists, is that on Zola-*

It had previously appeared in Hacht und Mensch. along with the

other essays marking Mann's new attitude toward society and the

role of the artist. The first impression of the reader,

however, is that Zola is another of the strong men who play such

an important part in Mann's early works. The strong personality

is no less attractive to him here than it was earlier. If Zola

had been a mild and gentle philanthroplst, it is certain that he

would not have meant to Mann what Zola the fighter did. The

same is true of the attraction which Napoleon has for Mann, It

is as If there were a fatal attraction about power which Mann Is at the same time impelled to resist. This resistance takes the form of insisting that power ought to be synonymous with right. 1 Power not founded on truth will never endure, says Mann. Zola, himself a powerful figure, opposes the wrong kind of power, that wielded by the royalists, militarists, and capitalists; and any litterateur who knows the truth is obliged to resist those same power figures.

Power, energy, and action are again eulogised. The style of Mann's essay has a fanatic, rapturous quality which, reminds - 91

one of the Storm and. Stress period in German literature.

There is a frequent use of expressions like "g&rende

Demokratie", "Ddmon der Vernunft", "Vernunf tBrausch", "Leiden— echaft fdr das Leben”, "triumphieronde Menschheit", "heroisch", and "WeltflberwindungThomas Mann is probably thinking of such expressions when he speaks of the style of the

Zivllisattonsllterat (Heinrich Mann) as having the dash and 2 verve of oncoming revolutionary troops.

Zola is for Mann, a modern Caesar; he belongB to the lineage of conquerors stemming from the Mediterranean, conquerors who spread not only physical power, but the power of ideas. The young Zola's Insight into "reality* is compared to that of a 3 young God. As such he is conscious of his mission as a leader.

Even his physical appearance is that of a hero:

Er lAnst die Muskeln seines starken Kflrpers spielen. er stemmt die viereckigen Scirultern gegen elnon Druck von oben, seine breiten H&nde greifen zu, wie nach dem Inbegriff des Lebens; forschend und planend umfasst er mit den Augen nochmeJLs dort unten das welte Gebiet seiner Zufcunft... Hier let der Typus jener Menschenf-flhrer. die vom Mittelmeer herkomman. Cfisar, Napoleon, Garibaldi. Diese sind stark, wenig heiter, aber von warmer Seelo. Ihre Taten sind raachtvoll, und ihre Phantasle elIt limner flber Ihre Taten hinaus. Sie legen der Wait ihre Macht acuf, gewiss urn der Macht willen, aber auch rum Ruhm elner Idee. Sie sind Eroberer, und dann Zivilisatoren. ^

Mann's new emphasis on social usefulness is apparent In his discussion of the direction Zola gives to his God-litas energy. - 92

In hia ability to understand the people around him and to use his insist in creating characters, he resembles Flaubert.

-Like Flaubert and Stendhal, he criticizes the social order.

For him, as for Stendhal, the Ideal Is action and his novels are novels of action, "Bewegung, das 1st Ureprung, Haupttugend und Endziel der franzSsischen Humane, die er schrieb.". He too is inspired by the eighteenth century end the Revolution. The difference lies chiefly in the fact that Zola is a fighter.

Hie life consists essentially of work and struggle. He not only looks back to the revolutionary Ideals of quality and perfection on earth, but he reenacts the revolution itself.

He combines within himself the attributes of Rousseau, Condorcet,

Danton, and Robespierre:

Die Revolution schlen auferstanden, vlelmehr, man Bah, sie war nle tot gewesen, und sie war aus einem Stdck; .. ,"Er hatte, seln eigener Rousseau, eein elgenetr Condorcet, den Verrtunf tsrausch erlebt von Q-leichhelt und unbegrenzter Vervollkommming, und glng nun Jenen bitter ekstatischen Wag, auf dem man begreifen lernt, warux Danton fallen musste, und wie Robespierre ward. ^

No longer does the artist merely sit back and observe. Zola's books are written for the express purpose of inprovlng mankind, to better the life of the poor* to preach the downfall of a corrupt government, to show the horrors of ; to champion the cause of Justice for the unjustly accused. All this - 93 - is don® out of a love for mankind, a deep sympathy, a feeling of oneness with the people, an understanding of their work, and a belief In the possibility of their progress and growth, "Eln. Idealblld des Volkes, der wahren Menschheit, wird

Ihn heimlich begleltsn durch seln ganzea Work, bis in seine n hoffrrungslosesten Schilderungen des Wirklichen". Thus he fightB not only for the ideal of freedom, which attracted

Stendhal, or for the ideal of Justice, which attracted Flaubert, but also for that of fraternity and equality, Zola's activity Is intellect or spirit translated into action. It Is as an artist, who is at the same time an intellectual, that Zola has to Justify himself to society,

"Geistige Liebe 1st hler die Wahrhelt, gelstige Liebe, und der 0 Tatwllle des Geistes In ihr schon heschlossen.* He retains the superiority of the intellectual while achieving the positive virtues of actively participating in society. Like other artists he portrays the truth, however unpleasant, but for the purpose of saving society; and he writes the social 1 history of the empire with the purpose of building the republic.

How different from FlaubertI Flaubert created reality only out of a (concern for form. He had no deep interest in human beings, except to show their stupidity. In him one finds not a fight for new ideals, only a contempt for mankind:

-Denn Flaubert hat nicht gek&npft, er hat verachtet; und die Idee erwuchs ihm - 94 -

nicht aus der Arbeit, sondern aus der Form. Kr stellte nicht die er— arbeitende Menschheit dap, nur die Dummhelt der Menschen... So wart war ihra nienelb die Wirklichke it, die er doch meisterte, dass er ihr die Hervorbringnng neuer Ideale zutraute. An solchen aber schuf Zola... H

As If this type of activism were not enough, Zola

takes another step, that of personal participation in politics—- namely, in the Dreyfus case. In so doing he is conscious of trying to close the gap between the intellectuals and the government. He comes to see that politics and literature have the same aims and treat the same subjects. "Geist 1st Tat, die fdr den Menachen geschieht; — und so sei ter Polltiker Geist, 12 und der Gelstlge handle 1H Zola feels himself committed to a holy mission. In carrying it out he reaffirms the Ideals of the revolution, works for progress and happiness, relives the 13 lives of the revolutionaries. The pattern for Mann's own activity in Republican Germany is apparent.

The essays on Victor Hugo and Auntole France were written much later, at least after the death of Anatole France in 1924. They have a calmer, more settled viewpoint in regard to the position of a writer In his nation, Zola represents what Mann has before felt was impossible for an artist, someone who belongs to his age. He belongs by virtue of actively fighting it most of the time. Hugo, while representing more or less the same values, belongs to his age in a narrower sense. He was essentially a bourgeois and spoke for the bourgeoisie. His contemporaries were receptive to him; he did not find it necessary to defend himself against charges of immorality, lik-e Zola, Flaubert, or Stendhal, This is not to say that

Hugo does not see the faults of society. Hie aim, too, is to 14 better mankind. From hie humanitarian viewpoint, he writes novels which assail social abuses. These novels are deeds as well as works of art, useful as well as beautiful. Thue Les

Hlcerablea is one of the great novels of purpose.!-*’

Important in Mann’s admiration is that, like Zola, Hugo takes an active pert in the political life of his day. Not only that, but. Hugo is an active republican, so that eighteenth century revolutionary ideals are reaffirmed. Like Zola, Hugo is for Mann a heroic figure of great energy and strength. Only unuBual strength could afford to become so deeply embroiled in world events without injuring itself.1-^ The central theme of the essay on Anatole France is that this writer and his nation understand and respect each other. he Representing the best virtues of his country^ is smother author 17 who belongs to his age. Ho is not afraid to speak unpleasant truths, but neither are his countrymen afraid to hear them. From isolation of the artist, as exemplified by Mario Malvolto in

PIptjq Spunn. the pendulum has made a full swing in the opposite direction. France is an author with real status among his contemporaries.

Diese traniosenj fdhlten rum mindesten, dass seln Name mlt Recht der des handes war; dass die Hundert— tausende seiner Bficher, die Jedes «*ahr - 96 -

in die Veit glngen, ihr hand verkfJndeten und fflr es werben; dass nur or allain unter den Lebenden vollgflltig die Gsben Frankreich'a vertrat angeslchtu eller dem Unbekannten ihre Oaben bringenden VSlker. 18

Otherwise, the basis for Mann'e interest in Anatole France Is generally the same ps that for the other writers discussed in this volume, France is © critic of society, for instance; he mercilessly dissects human motives; he intervenes in political affairs (the Dreyfus care again); he recognizes that literature 19 and politics are inseparable.

The factor most conspicuously absent in Mann's discussion of Anatole France is that of personal energy. The emphasis is rather on the skepticism, which, to be sure, is another characteristic that can be traced back to the eighteenth century.

However, the skepticism of the eighteenth century was combined with a certain militancy. Quite rightly, Mann does not see the letter in Anatole France, The attraction of a non—militant writer for Mann, after his conversion, is explainable on the grounds that Anatole France is nevertheless a social critic and thet Mann himself grows less vehement as he grows older,

A minor point of interest in this essay is the emphasis on unusual or queer characters preferred by France. Often they are not quite acceptable to society, like the Abbe Coignard, who is 20 simultaneously drunkard, thief, scholar, and skeptic. In view of Mann's own preference for such characters, this seems like an - 97

important point of contact between the two writers.

The literary critics see Zola and Hugo somewhat differently 21 than Mann does. Zola's passion for human!tarien reform receives due attention from all the critics, as does hie power of deoicting mane scenes, the life of the poor, and the life thnt exists in inanimate objects. His lack of artistic nbility is generally deplored. Zola's pretensions about having: found a fool-proof method for depicting "reality" are ridiculed, although the theories are rather thoroughly discussed. Mann*6 essay, on tn*3 other hand, begins with a statement about Zola's great ability to reproduce reality. "Der Schriftsteller, dem es bestimmt war, unter alien das grfisste Mass von Wirklichkeit zu umfassen,... " 22

Aside from this, Mann seems to be chiefly fascinated by the drama of Zola'B life, particularly hie fight against injustice, a drama

Justly given secondary importance by the critics.

The same ie true fcr Hugo. Here again the criticb give

Hugo's human! tori an ism and republicanism their due, as does Mann.

The difference lies rather in Mann's over-emphasis on Hugo'e human qualities. Hugo's poetic achievement receives rather cursory treatment by Mann, in contrast to that by other critics.

Hugo's faults, such as his lack of originality and psychological penetration, and hie exaggerated style, which are censured by the 23 critics, are almost considered virtues by Mann.

Mann's treatment of Anatole France, on the other hand, does - 98 -

not deviate much from the accepted interpretation, except

perhaps for the emphasis by Mann on the repreeentative

character of his work,

The omission of Baisac in a book largely devoted to

nineteenth century French novelists 1b puzzling, particularly

since he is among those named as having most influenced Mann'c

work. Furthermore, was not Balzac one of the first "realists”,

and was it not hr who Intended to depict the entire social panorama of a century, divided according to classes, occupations,

and types? Moreover, Balzac was the kind of energetic

personality for whom Mann hae a predilection. In one of the

frequent references to Balzac, Mann calls him the literary successor to Napoleon, This means that Balzac's works are

characterized by action, strength, and love of adventure. For

Mann, he is one of the chief representatives of the novel of

adventure, and of something approaching the modern detective

story, 25 His novel®, like Stendhal's, are novels of plot, in

contrast to the leisurely tales of the preceding era.

Moreover, Mann thinks of Balzac as a sociologist who

always places his characters within the framework of a 26 certain society. He is equally attracted toward criminals aid. saints, with a preference for the criminals because they furnish a better occasion for the observation of movement and

strength. Not only Is he interested in individuals as - 99 -

conditioned by society, but alno in the laws of society itself. 27

3alzac may thus exaggerate reality, but he never gets awry from

it. In fact, Mann thinks it is probably a fault of Balzac's to

be so bound to reality that he lacks a certain loftiness of 28 imagination. His world was a transitional one between two

orders of society, the old regime and the republic. -Because he portrays this world so faithfully, Mann thinks Balzac's books

rre timely for readers of the post-war period, the period when,

the formerly stable social world having disintegrated, young

people find it necessary either to behave as if they were living

out an adventure story or to resign themselves to suffering in silence. They are the type represented either by Balzac'« 29 Hastignac or by his Louis Lambert. The reason why Mann did not choose to make an extended study of Balzac may perhaps be found in an essay called “Her hundert- 30 j&hrige Flaubert*. Here Mann notes that Balzac, while depicting

the social order of his time, also accepts it and turns it to good

use. He does not protest against the suppression of civil and personal liberties, for instance# he only uses it as material for

exciting adventure stories. Flaubert’s attitude toward his era

is, in contrast, critical. Thus the uncongenial times make him a pessimist, while Balaac is not troubled by them. Flaubert's attitude is therefore closer to Mann's own than that of Balzac,

even though Mann, less pessimistic, believes that one ought to - 100 -

make some attempt at reforming society. Balzac's political

ideas, which were monarchistic rather than democratic, probably

explain in part Mann's failure to write an essay on him. To be

sure, Mann says that Balzac, like all French novelists, trains the French for democracy! hut he qualifies this statement by

adding "in spits of his prejudices", and goes on to say that

the novel, ae an interplay of all human relationships, is by

nature equalizing, in contrast to the aristocratic narrowness

of the drama. 31 Mann's hesitancy is doubly understandable if

one remembers Balzac's implied acceptance, exemplified by his

toleration of an entrepreneur like Rastignac, of the materialistic

goals which were becoming widespread in hie time. What is the relationship between Mann’s interoretation of

the French authors JuBt discussed and the more generalized views

of the other essays? The original attraction of French novelists,

namely Choderlos de Lac 1 os, Flaubert, and Stendhal, war. not their democracy or their homanitarianism. There are points of

identification with Mann's resentment against German society in Flaubert's contempt for his environment and Sola's forthright accusation against it. Along with Mann's resentment went a strong desire to feel that he belonged somewhere. In this respect, France and Hugo are even better models than Zola, because

they are integrated with their society. They represent a whole nation, while at the same time carrying on the "activism" so dear

to Mann's heart. In addition, these men were perpetuating the - 101 -

tradition of their eighteenth-century predecessors, who were

able, as intellectuals, to leave lasting effects not only on a

nation but on a continent. This achievement wsm so foreign to

Mann’s own unpleasant experience as to he attractive to him. One

suspects, then, that the democratic and humanitarian Ideals advocated by Mann grew out of a prior admiration for certain writers who happened to have those views. Since their

Philosophy can be traced back to eighteenth century rationalism,

Mann became interested in this period also. -t* second consequence of Mann's acquaintance with French writers waa an admiration for the nation which was perspicacious enough to honor them. Thus, in the end, the whole nation, along with its government and customs, waB held up as a model for Mann's own.

Hot all the Frenchmen who make up Mann's world were novelists.

Since, in his eyes, the French Revolution was a sign of the ability of the to carry reason into public life, it is not surprising to find Mann referring frequently to certain men who played an important role In that upheaval. Of these,

Robespierre has the most significance for Mann. Is this because

Heinrich Mann is a man of extremes? Berlin society is rejected in toto in Schlarp-ffsoland: and the Duchess of Assy, in Die

'IQttlnneq greedily grasps at everything life can possibly offer.

The French nation is for Mann like the little girl who when she wae good was very, very goodj the Carmens are like the same girl who when she was bad was horrid. - 102 -

Robespierre was the same kind, of extremist. It was he who most consistently followed to their ultimate conclusions

the revolutionary theories. The early Mann was attracted to others who in one way or another possessed an a11-or—nothing attitude. Flaubert was such a one in the aesthetic sense.

Like Robespierre, he could not be bribed and he world not soften his Judgements regarding the French bourgeois. Mann is rrobnbly not wrong, then, when he says that If all modern

Frenchmen have ancestors In the revolution, thoee of Flaubert would be among the strict, constitutionalists, those who demanded justice and freedom but who were not much concerned with equality.

Justice in art and elsewhere was also important to Flaubert.

Equality only irritated him. 32 Mann too was concerned with Justice.

The worft i# often used in those early essays which deal with 33 retmbHcanism or European!bid. He evidenced his concern by continually reminding the Germans of the Dreyfus case. Zola Ib another emample of an extremist. He was the man who offered to repudiate everything he had ever done, everything he had ever written, if Dreyfus were guilty. This man, in Mann's eyes, crucified himself for the sake of Justice. So Zola came to 3U understand how it was with Robespierre.' In Mann's play. Pgr m r Macht- although the action of the olay takes place after Robeepierre's death, the shadow of the "incorruptible one" hovers over his euccesBors as a reminder - 103 -

of their weakness. At one point it is his spectre-like widow

who appears before the Convention, The tragedy of the play lies

in the fact that the purity of Robespierre's conception

has disappeared and that the new leader (Napoleon) must compromise. His compromise began when he refused to lead his forces into

Paris in order to rescue Robespierre. 3 5 Now he begins his

political career by executing the only upright member of the

Convention, Thureacu, the follower of Robespierre. The rogues 36 in the play, -Barras and Talllen, are portrayed as those who were

responsible for the death of Robeepierre. And the populace is

horrified when it hears Madame Tallien slander the "incorruptible

one*,» 3?

A continued interest in Robespierre (or at least the

Jacobins) appeare in the last of the essays. Clemenceau is mentioned as the last of the Jacobins, the representative of

republican and free Prance, in contrast to the Petains and the

I*avala. 39 For the poor, Robeapierre is still the symbol of the

revolution. For the common people, he is the savior of the

revolution, not its bloody executioner. There is no monument

erected to the executioner, only to the savior. 39

Talleyrand, on the other hand, is a symbol for Mann of the undesirable trends of the revolution; he is one of the few French

characters ever portrayed by Mann in an unfavorable light. It

is not the man of violence who repels Mann, but the man who _ 10J|. -

conroromiseB and. engaged in political and economic

machinations -for personal gain. In the essay, "Gesprdch

mit Talleyrand1*, Talleyrand io described at a period when he is affiliated with the corrupt financier Berra?, .just after

Hanoi eon has taken over the Directory. The conversation with tha deposed president of the Directory, Larevelliere, dramatizes the differences between the desirable and the evil forces of the revolution. Talleyrand believes that mankind is intrinsically evil and that it cannot long endure the

humanitarian idealism of the early revolution. Sconer or later it wants to be oppreesed and betrayed by powerful rulers. The

implication is that it is now being oppressed by France under

"apoleon. The opposite view, that of Larevelliere, is that of Mann's new-found philosophy: a belief that society ought to strive

toward a world in which the only dominating power will be that

of reason. Some of the misfortunes which men seem to desire hi are designed to hasten the day of universal hanpinoes.

The second figure of the French Revolution having special fascination for Mann is Napoleon, toward whom his attitude is ambivalent. Generally speaking, this ambivalence shows the same characteristics as Mann's attitude toward power. Mann is continually drawn toward people who possess it. At the same time, at least after 1910, his convictions force him to say that power must not be used immorally. Not only that, power iauet be - 105 used democratically.

Thorg is no doubt that Mann is an admirer of Napoleon.

There are three esenys and a play devoted to him, in addition to shorter discuss lone within other essays. In "Dor bflrgerllche Held", (1921X Mann has misgivings about some of Napoleon's methods. de admits that Napoleon was the great parvenu, making use of methods which verge on vulgarity in order to insure success for himself. The countries he conquered were plundered and deceived in the name of freedom, and he allowed his projects to be financed by war profiteers. He was the firat to make use of press propaganda. Under the necescity of being practical and in order to be successful with the common people, he compromised. His actions came to be dictated by expediency rather than reason. 4 2 On the other hand, the very fact that Napoleon was a parvenu blazing trail for hio talents meant that he represented the new bourgeois class, vulgar, to be sure, but also liberal and 43 enlightened. He was the carrier of new ideas, as such his conscience troubled him, because as a son of the revolution he had had a glimpse of the worth and greatness of the human race.

Once he had dreamed of being a liberator; once he had conceived of a united Europe* Hie true goddess was not power, but human dignity. His tragedy, therefore, consisted in being ruined by the necessity for action, which cannot always conform to the dictates of the spirit and which must work with Ignoble weapons because people are ignoble. Perhaps, after all, Mann doubts his great thesis. Can the cleft between spirit and action really - 106 - be bridged? Mann goes eo far as to compare Napoleon's downfall with the death on the cross, except that the blame is put on Napoleon himself for having forvaken his ideals. "Vergebliche

Liebe, und Tod am Kreuz. Auch dieser Sohn deB Menschen kronnte fragent Herr, warum verllessest du mich, tmd musste antworten: well ich selbst mich vorliess. By 1925 Mann's estimate of Napoleon had become more one-sided,

Napoleon has now become a kind of Wunschblld for the Mann who has been disappointed in , a republic which Napoleon would have despised because he knew better what democracy was, Napoleon is now the savior pure and simple, the only leader possible in modern timest

Er selbst ist der Eflhrer von haute, der Intellektuelle, der zur dewalt greift... Seine Memoiren nind unser Handbuch, wir verstehen uns mit ihm von selbst. ^

Ich lose das Memorial, well es gleich das Oanze 1st, das danze dieser Welt und des delates in ihr, woreus all anderen Bdcher Auszdge geben. Ich leBe es als die Passion des deletes, wle Jener zuletzt das neue Testament las. Er floh nicht von Sankt Helena, sooft es ihm angeboten wurde, und er sagte: 'WAre Jesus Christus nicht am Kreuz geatorben, er wire nicht Oottea Sohn1. 4-7

If Napoleon were to return, says Mann, he would be surrounded by the kind of awe which, Stendhal says, was felt by those who accompanied Napoleon, - 107 -

A comparison of the two essays reveals inconsistencies

in interpretation. In the later one, Napoleon no longer

represents the bourgeois but the proletariat (das Volk).h8

He hates the rich. He is the protector of the poor against the

power of vested financial interests. The republic needs only

one strong man like Napoleon— not many men. He has not been aidbd in his ascent by money, only by his own greatness. The

money-makers he hated as he hated the Jacobins. (Mann'*

interpretation may be colored by the fact that he too hates the money-makers) . Hecaure of Napoleon's sympathy for the people and their love for him, his dictatorship and his dislike for h9 parliamentarian!am can be overlooked. This is a strange statement to came from an avowed champion of democracy. It

(and other things) moke one wonder whether Mann is really a democrat In the generally accepted sense. It is not so strange when one remembers the evolution of Mann's ideas, i.e., the early admiration for the superman and the dislike for the respectable middle class.

To Mann, Napoleon as a man of power is justified because he is the man oof intelligence or spirit (Geist). In the second essay, Mann has forgotten that he had previously criticized

Napoleon's plundering of other nations. Now he thinks that the wars had the aim of transforming the world into a single realm of reason and peace but that the nations were not ready for such - 108 -

a. TJtopla, Mann no longer complains of Napoleon's temporizing

between spirit and practical it y. Napoleon felt that he could

appear at the last Judgement with a clear conscience, because

he had never committed murder in order to maintain his authority.

He maintained his integrity to the end. The implication ia that

the acts Napoleon actually committed were justified: fir hat seelisches Grlelchgewicht und Verantwortlichkreit bew&hrt in st-ftrmischer , einziger haufbafen. Das 1st unvergleichlich, nichte hat es gemeln mit Charakteren Jedes, auch hflchsten Hanges, die auf der gegebenen Ordnung der Welt fussen. 5® A further indication of Napoleon'e Intellectuality is the affinity he felt between himself and the great French tragedians. He would hAve liked to make a prince of Corneille, and felt himself akin to the heroes of the great French plays. Marn considers Napoleon to have been an artist in that he was a kind of actor. In the essay of 1921, Mann had already stressed the comedian in Napoleon, the man who himself puts on a play. It is a characteristic with which he also endows Napoleon in the play,

P-sr. weg .gut M&sM. The advent of Hitlerism gave Mann ample opportunity for comparison between it and Napoleonism, and a considerable portion °T Nln Zeltalter wlrd beslchtigt is devoted to such comparisons.

The dislike for Hitler's Germany is linked with the dislike for the Germany of Mann's youth, and both are compared with Napoleonic - 109 -

France.^* Germany has meant only disaster for the world,

France only good. Napoleon has now become the representative

of France as a whole Instead of a certain class. France under

him was a blessing for the peoples of Europe. 62 He was the

deliverer, the messenger of freedom. 53 Whatever mistakes

he might have made arose only from fear. Hot until other

countries realized that Napoleon knew fear did they forsake

him. Had it not been for this, his dream of a united Europe

might have come true. Other countries honored him because he

did not try to destroy national entitles or to incite civil

war. The French under Napoleon, says Mann, were able to live amicably with their emperor's fellow-subjects in foreign

countries, ae witness the Rhineland. Therefore the enthusiasm

for the wars of liberation was artificially aroused, especially

in Germany. The German victory carried within itself its own

chastizement, and Goethe was right when he said Napoleon wan 54 too great for the Germans. In contrast to the Germans of this era, the French under

Napoleon possessed what Mann calls a feeling for life (Lebens-

■P-efdhl) - Mann draws this conclusion from reading Stendhal's novels, which always describe the vitality possessed by the people under Bonaparte. Mann expresses contempt for the German

Romanticists, as well as for the leadere of the wars of liberation, - 110 -

because they noet consulcuously lacked such a feeling for

life. Haim's thesis — that It Is the duty of storytellers

(Romanclera) to present social fact to their readers as they

did in Prance and Russia — reappears here. 55 It Is the

greatest fa’ilt of the German Romanticists that they, on the

contrary, sought to flee from the reel world. Not their

French contemporary, the Napoleon-worshipper Stendhal.*^

He faced facts. The Germans took refuge either in obscurities

or in weariness. Not so Victor Hugo, who exudes brightness,

youth, energy. 57 Strange phenomenon of a German writer preferring

a French Romanticist like Hugo to those of his own country! Even less vitality exists among Hitler and his aaoclates, who act only from motives of revenge and hate. No revolution has preceded them. They have no conscience as had Napoleon end

those who worked with him. Germany has become responsible for universal disaster. "Der Veranstalter elnes universalen Debacle let Deutschland, mit selnen missverstandenen napoleonischen Krlegen-- ohne Napoleon, ohne Revolution, ohne dae Gewlssen einer echten Revo­ lution.

Less understandable is the attraction for Mann of Napoleon III, with his weakness of character and his monarchical philosophy.

Perhaps it is partly the attraction of the name end the legend.

It may be that Harm's predilection for adventure and intrigue colored his feelings for a monarch under whom adventures flourished. The literature of the period of Louis Napoleon he does find attractive. Ill

Flaubert la quoted as saying that there was something light

and spiritual about the second empire, thanks to its feeling for

literature." Perhaps it was too light; elsewhere Mann quotes

Flaubert again as saying that Sedan was the result of Offenbach.^

At any rate, the second empire was a period of social change,

and this kind of period Mann always found fascinating. To Mann, one

manifestation of such social change was the new attitude toward

women, when the inequalities between men and women began to

lessen. Even courtesans won for themselves a kind of recpect

they could not claim at the time of Balzac. There were fewer prejudices all around. This was a kingdom in which all kinds of

adventurers abounded: courtesans, speculators, political intriguers.

Lessening of prejudice in general meant that literature too achieved

more respect. All these types of tolerance are bound together in

Mann's mind. "Venn die Vorurteile f&Hen, kommt es beiden zugut.

dem G-eist uJad dem Oeschlecht. If this was a period favorable to adventure, it was especially

favorable to speculators, big money men who took daring risks. For

these Mann has no sympathy. A common dislike for this class is

one of the things which draws him to Zola as well as to Flaubert.

But for Louis Napoleon himself Maun has mixed feelings: half pity and half admiration. According to Mann, Napoleon had no respect 6? for the speculators. H® had a kind of shy love for the people.

Mann imagines that in the end Napoleon Bust have realized that - 112 -

Franc® was basically democratic, that the time for emperors

liad passed. He must have realized that the w p t b which he

felt obliged to carry on were completely useless. Mann often

uses violent Invective, but not against Louis Napoleon. In

his discussion of Zola's description of the battle of Seden, for

instance, he expresses a kind of admiration for the desperate 64 courage shown by a non-courageoue man. He admires the love for

his soldiers evidenced by Napoleon's surrender of his person to

the Prussian king in order to cecure better terms for the soldiers. 65 Napoleon— even he— is depicted as a dreamer, son of the revolution! J

The same equivocal attitude toward Napoleon III appears again

in Mann's novel Eugenie oder die Bflrgerzelt. The speculator who,

in amateur theatricals, plays the part of the emperor, is depicted as alluring In contrast to the stolid but honest Germans, as possessing a kind of personal charm in addition to his business

senHe, In real life his fatal attractiveness lures the simple- minded citizens to their ruin. A certain sympathy is aroused for this character by the exposing of his checkered, past, which resembles that of Louis Napoleon. In Mann's novel, Napoleon's love for Eugenie is shown in a most romantic light.

Napoleon III marks the end of an era in France. Of more modern statesmen there are two who receive Mann's special approbation.

One is Clwenceau. Although there is never a very extended dis­ - 13 3 -

cussion of this man, he 1b often mentioned with Zola as being a

fighter.^ Clemenceau too Is a son of the revolution. One reason

for the downfall of France in 19^0 1b that she had forgotten

about Cleraenceau,1 His Intransigent attitude at the time of the

German surrender in 1918 Mann regarde aa fully Justified. Mann

is probably thinking cf either Ciemenceau or Briand or a composite of both when, in the novel Per Kppf. he allows the French foreign

minister to be the only statesman to recognize fully the danger presented by military industrial ism to the whole of European

society. The character in the book lias a lion-like head, which

tip;- indicate that Mann had "The Tiger" in mind, although

Clemenceau was not foreign minister during the period described.

It ie this character alone to whom Terra, (one of the heroes of

the Novel)even though he ia a German, is able to speak frankly.

The other contemporary statesman *o whom an entire essay is fn devoted is Aristide Briand. Mann had an interview with Briand

in 1930, for the purpose of discussing Franco-German under­

standing. The essay turns into a denunciation of German lack of

relf-discipline and the failure of the Germans to curb their

industrialists, but the beginning gives a flattering picture of

Briend. Here is a serene and assured personality, motivated by human sympathy and understanding— therefore tragic. Mann shows that although Briand did not overlook the dangers presented to

France by Germany, he nevertheless had a great sympathy for the - 114

Gemans, It Is one of Mann's fixed ideas again which attracts hin to Briand, the necessity for a united Europe*

Among French thinkers, as distinct froa novelists, Voltaire and Montaigne are the two who had most significance for Mann. Hie interest In Voltaire began early and increased rather than decreased. H® interested Mann chiefly as a thinker rather than an an artist. Voltaire as the symbol for French intellectualism in contrast to Goethe as the symbol for German "nature" has already been discussed. Mann was Impressed by Voltaire's influence on European thinking and on French political life. as always, the Influence of the intellectual in France was some­ thing of which Mann as a German was envious. He often thinks of

Voltaire when referring to the encyclopedists or the pre- rcvolutionariee or the materialist philosophers. Mann often uses Voltaire as a point of comparison with other writers.

He cannot discuss Lessirg, for example, without comparing him with Voltaire. H® thinks of Voltaire in connection with LacloB, when he wishes to describe the unmetaphorleal, incisive style of

Haclos, which is like that of Candida. They are both novels of

Ideas, But by the time he reaches the age of seventy, Mann admits 68 that Voltaire Is not as universal as Goethe. Also, by this time Mann recognizee that Voltaire himself did not always think he was right. It is significant that Mann makes this admission when discussing the intolerance of his own youth. 69 oSome of

Voltaire's skepticism in regard to questions of right and wrong - 115 -

had evidently conuaunioated itself to Mann. 3y this time

Mann has also become interested In what might be termed

theological questions. Some Bpace in Eln Zeitalter wird beaichtlgt is devoted to discusBing Voltaire's concept of

J-od. It is significant for Mann that Voltaire believes in a rJ-od, but not in one who interferes with human affairs. Man 7 0 is responsible for his own actions. This concept of uan'c responsibility for hia own conduct is consistent with Mann's belief in democratic processes. When Mann wishes to support democracy and inveigh against tyranny and oppression, he Is fond of quoting Voltaird. The dangers of the superman theoty— he is thinking of Hitlerism— snyn Mann, were recognized by 71 Voltaire, as they wore not by Nietzsche. Voltaire could recognize evil, whereas Nietzsche did not; he had a healthy regard for it and knew when to fight it. So, from first to last, Mann praises Voltaire not only as a thinker but, like

Zola, as an active fighter against evil. For this reason

Voltaire is for Mann the most modern of thinkers! Dieser praktische Denker— den Neman eines Philosophen sprachen deutsche Systeiamacher ihm ab, als ob dan Wissen schwitcher vflrde, wenn das Leben e« ern&hrtlet der beeter- haltene, ®r 1st, mit selnen zwei— bondert Jahren, der modernste, uns nflchste. Kr weiss, wie keln spflterer, um alle Schflndliehkeiten der Unvernunft.

Just as there is a shift, with Mann's growing age, from interest in the Voltaire who is the champion of republicanism to the Voltaire who believes in a God but who is not too sure about other things, so there appeals a new interest, in Bin

Zeltalter wird beslchtjgt. in several thinkers who have not previously been mentioned, One of these is Montaigne. Here is a man who admits that it is impossible to know anything with certainty. He is the enemy of all fanaticism, even to the extent of mistrusting martyrdom or an excess of courage. Surely the militant admirer of Zola and RoLo3pierre has moderated his thinking when he can unqualifiedly admire Montaigne. It seems to have been partly the fanaticism of Hitler's Germany which was responsible for Mann's change in attitude. 73 How he can say that one ought not be dogmatic in one's estimate of right and wrong. He agrees with Montaigne that one can even go to extremes in acquiring knowledge,1'75 How he equates reason

(Varmmft) with doubt (Zweifel).^ H© ie willing to make allowances for people’s frailties, H© is willing to admit that a passive as well as an active resistance to evil Is desirable. One cannot always be right. This is not to say that the difference between evil and good has ceased to exist,

Helther does it mean thatMann's values are any less humanitarian.

He interprets Montaigne's doubt (qua aals-Je?) as including pity for the weak who are at the mercy of the powerful, as was 77 Montaigne hlMelf. Skepticism also inAides a belief in progress, "Rlchtig veretanden, gelangt er (der SkeptizisamsJ 7fl zur G-ftte und *u einer Tatkraffc, die G-flte will," "Wir kflnnen glauben, daes die ntenschllche Lege der Verbeeserung zugflnglich 7° set, mflsBon allea tun, damit eie wirklich sei," '' - n e -

Part Pour

French History In Two Plays

Not long after Mann had become convinced that the aims

of the writer Bhould be ethical as well ac aesthetic, he

wrots two plays based on the history of the French Revolution,

Kprifma Legros was written in 1913* therefore midway between

the "Geist »nd Tat" essay and that on Zola, *t was not

performed until 1917. when it became a great success, as it was

later to be in foreign countries. The purpose of the first

production was to recall the German people to an awareness of

their better selves. The effect of the production, says Mann,

was what had been hoped for; the public felt rebuked when it

saw the high-minded characters on the stage. It felt that the 80 heroine of the play was Human Dignity,

On the surface, Madame Legros is the etory of justice

and humanity triumphant. It is the story of a noble person

crucifying herself to save another human being. The theme of

the play occupied Mann’s mind concurrently with the Dreyfus

affair, another instance of "innocence saved", Mann was first

Inspired to write the play after reading Michelet*s history of 81 the French Revolution, a history which interprets the revolution in warm and enthusiastic terms as arising in the honest and generous impulses of the common people, oppressed - 119 -

beyond endurance. Michelet'a account of Madame Legros and the

prisoner, Latude, usee the sort of extravagant language which

Mann might have approved. According to Michelet, it was Madame

Legros who (though indirectly) was really responsible for the

fall of the Bastille— her indomitable efforts of three years'

duration resulted in the freeing, in 178A, of the prisoner

who had been forgotten there, and whose pitiful fate contributed

greatly to the sense of popular outrage against the existence of 82 the prison.

Mann's story follows Michelet's outline. Latude, one of

those persons Imprisoned at the request of some noble tin this case, Madame Pompadour, whom Latude had offended) and then conveniently forgotten, has lain in the Bastille for forty—three years. Madame Legros and her husband have a draper's shop at the end of one of the streets over which the Bastille towers.

One day, while returning from an errand, she finds in the street a note written by the prisoner, imploring assistance.

At once Madame Legros is turned into a raving fanatic. At first she triee to induce the mob to storm the prison but meets only with ridicule. It is only by the intervention of a few Interested members of the nobility that she is saved from arrest herself.

She defies her husband and neighbors in order to tell the etory to vrhoever will listen— shopkeepers, soldiers, nobles, the Queen herself. Unfortunately, the intereet of the noble ladles who take up the cauBe Is based solely on a desire for sensation. The - 120 - gentleman who supports her cause, the Chevalier B'Angelot, does so only because ha hopes to become the lover of

Madame Legros. In the end, the >^ieen orders the prisoner freed, because she believes Madame Legros to be carrying on a strange love affair with the orisoner, and such a situation piques her curiosity. &t the ‘-iaeen's command, Madame Legros is given a medal for virtue fy the French Academy because she had not requested anything for herself.

In Act HI, Madame Legros returns to her home after receiving the award. Now she is regarded as a saint by the same people who had previously elandered her. But they do not really understand. Besides, as a conequence of Madame Legros* notoriety, the shop business has been ruined; Madame Legros' husband has been unfaithful to her; and she herself has been exhausted by the long struggle. The price has been too hig£.

Only one of the academicians realizes th« social Implications of the struggle. The Chevalier, too, hac come to realize the true nobility of Madame Legros* soul, but he Is assassinated on the threshold of the shop by one of the mob. Friends and neighbors are now really on their way to the Bastille, Inspired by their friend*e example. In their common fear of retribution by the police, Madame Legros and her husband come to an understanding, and she prepares to finish sewing on the cap which she had put down before leaving home three years before.

In )csr fervent efforts to free the prisoner, Madame Legros - 121 -

hfis the energy and strength of Mann’s favorite characters. The

fanaticism with which Mann endows her resembles the fanaticism with which he endows Zola; and she has the same sense of a sacred mission, one which has forced upon her. "Du wirst mich lessen, denn du slehst wohl, d&as es mir nuferlegt ist", 3 he tells her husband.^ There may be a subtle reference to the Biblical story of Mary, because two weeks before being seized with the daemonic energy which the letter unleashes in her, Madame Legros had lost her first child. The sainthood ascribed to Madame Legros by the people of Paris is consistent with the sacredness of her mission. There is something like religious conversion about the suddenness of the heroine's transformation from a meek housewife Into a single-minded fanatic and the equal suddenness of the return to her original stati*.

The language she uses toward the citizens in the street or to the Queen when she really becomes aroused has a vehemence like that of the Zola essay:

Befreit ifcnj — oder lhr seid seine GrabwAchter und seine Hyflnen, Ehrloser seid lhr, als die, die am Galgen hflngen* Eine stinkende Pest seid ihrj ... Zerrt an mir, ich stehe feat! Ich habe Kroft f£Lr euch allej lhr werdet sehen, wie ich den Turin des Unscbuldlgen SffneJ Dann wird die Walt schftn seln!®^

The Chevalier is like the Machtmenechea Mann found so fascinating in the Liaisons DangerBuses. He wishes to gain - 122

possession of Madame Legros pb a test of strength, became Ehe

Is his enemy and because she Is "wild and dangerous ”, It Is

long before he realizes that she is not playing a part a3

ruthloss as his own, The Chevalier already nances in himself

the violence of the coming revolution:

Ich gehe durch dlese Stadt, die nach unvergosseneia -Blut riecht, Ich eauge den Da.mpf der Begierden ein und das Gift der Gels ter, Gerechtigkeit» Ver« ixunft und Tugend: Ich glaube nicht an ale and trage ale dennoch, ich, den sle niederwerfen sollen, im eigenen Herzenj TAglich rdngelt eine Hevolte scuf: Ich geniesse den felndllchen Augenblick, in dem ich atme... Ich llebe meine Zeit, dies Feet der Messen, Nie wueete ich es □o gut wie heute, in der Gaese hier, els eine Frau nach Blut Bchrie, Wax* es nicht meines, wonach sle schrie? Sie soli ee haben* Du bict wild und geffthrlichj Ich llebe dich, und ich will dlchi ^

The heroine of tho play puts into action the moral ideals

of virtue. Justice, human kindness, and love, She insists that.

Just as she loves the prisoner, so must avoryone alee. Not

only individuals, but the entire populace has a responsibility

fcr the good of each member, "Vtr sind alle Fchuldig", Madame 05 Legros keeps repeating, the end It appears that the Ideals for which she has fought have triumphed. Justice has been done

the "innocent”, Madame Legros has been publicly rewarded, and

the people are about to free others unjustly punished. The academician formulates the thought that others after her will 86 transform into deede what reason has dictated* But the play is not as simple as that. In order to

achieve virtuous ends, Madame Legron commits what to her are

crimes. She becomes deceptive, ready to say what she think-*

people will want to hear; she liesj she appeals to the baser

instincts of her public; die is ready to commit adultery when

:he promisee the Chevalier anything he wants if he will help

her; and she betrays the Chevalier by acting as a spy for his

enemy, upon a promise of help from the latter. Indirectly, she

causes the death of the Chevalier. In spite of her success,

therefore, remorse for these acts causes her to be sorrowful

rather than triumphant. Madame Legros Implies that any action

must lead to compromise, a thes1b which we have already seen

Mann apply to Napoleon. "Und von HandsIn bin ich nun wohl schlecht


This part of bis plot Mann did not find in Michelet. The

same kind of duality, however, characterizes more than one of

Mann's heroes. In the early period, it was impossible for Mann's

artists to act at all; his Machtaensch was not concerned with morals. Now Mann has decided that everyone must not only act but direct his action toward moral ends.

This play would indicate, however, that there is doubt lr his mind about the practicality of such action. In general, though, the play Incorporates Mann's new philosophy, and the critics have accepted it as such.: strength directed toward morel ends. Ideas - 12h -

turned into action, collective responsibility for individual well-being, and political revolution.

The Napoleon play* w e;r zur Macht. assumes the same ambivalent attitude toward the emperor as does the essay of 1921.

The reader is not certain whether power Jn this instance is

Tieant to be approved of or condemned. One is not sure whether

Napoleon is supporting or overthrowing the republic. One is left in doubt, too, as to whether Napoleon as a personal character is to be admired or rejected*

The thesis of the play seems to be that power is always gained through deceit and ruthlessness, regardless of whether these evils are Justified by individual circumstances. Napoleon's rise to power is inevitable. Hie single-mindedness is like the single-mindedness of Madame Legros, except that his is directed towards personal success. A general with, an army at his back 88 „ can think of nothing else, says Napoleon. He, too, is marked by destiny. Even in the beginning, he knows that hla decisions 89 „ can chnge the history of the world. He will let nothing stand 90 „ in his way, either in lovo or politics. Success is his duty, oi Madame Hourienne tells him,' The last line in the play makes one think of the beast of prey* "They Cthe opportunists} have 92 been satisfied. We are hungry."

Napoleon's success is attained by using for his own ends - 125 -

the three factions within the Convention: the Royalists,

the Jacobins, and the opportunist financiers. By promising to aid all three, he secures their votes bo obtain for himself the poet of military protector of the republic. Not only by promising aid to all three factions, but also by carrying on love affairs with the wives of influential men in all three factions, his rise to power is assured. It is not 93 onnxigb to conquer people, it is necessary to dupe them. His first official act on receiving the appointment is the execution of his old friend Thuresu, one of the few upright members of the Convention, The Royalist loader, Bourienne, is imprisoned, and his wife, who loves Napoleon, Is rather cruelly cast off. The money-makers who have helped Napoleon are then duped in their turn, forced to appoint Napoleon to be

Commanding General in Italy, and their profits confiscated,

One is forced to admire the ease with which the coup is executed.

On the other side of the picture, when Napoleon is speaking truthfully, the reader is given to understand that the general regrets the necessity for such means to success. He wishes he were es virtuous as he had been at the age of fifteen, when

9 4 . he wee ready to die for freedom. He takes revenge on the up­ right Thureau because the latter is a reminder of what Napoleon - 126 -

once waB. 95 He admits to himself that ha liee and betrays too

much, thus losing virtuous supporters for himself.

He still thinks he is the b e B t republican of all.^ The

republic lives only in him, he says. It is for hie country

that he wishes to succeed, He will wield power in the name of qg qq reason and intelligence,' He will fightt for humanity, Hia despotism is Justified because it is to be a despotism of

love. Men are worth more than their deeds might indicate, he

insists. And he kells Josephine that hie invasion of Italy will 100 return to that country her freedom and her former glory.

It Is only the weaknesses of the people that force Napoleon to compromise with his principles. The needs of the country are worth more than principles. Men do not want that which is good.l0? Who can be fortunate enough to draw advantage, not IO3 from his base actions, but from his good ones? That is why at the end of the play, according to a stage direction, his face takas on an expression of tragedy. "Seine Miene, zuerst unheilvoll burleek, spielt, lndes er eich aufrichtet, gradweise ins Tragiscbe.

Mann's hatred of the financiers appears in the play,

Everyone else is represented as acting from honest convictions, whatever their methods may be. The financiers, Callot, Tallinn, and Barras, on the other hand, are merely interested in making - 127 - money while the populace starves and the army marchec without shoes. It is they whom Napoleon really hates and whom he wishes to dupe.

Ab is so often true in Mann's works, an actor appears.

This time it is Napoleon himself. Sometimes when Napoleon is telling tie truth, he conceals it by putting on a burlesque manner. Madame Tallien actually calls him a "play-actor”.

Of course, most of the time Napoleon is acting & role in order to deceive those who stand in hio wsy. The relationship of the actor. Talma, to Napoleon is almost that of an alter ego.

He too is bent on fame and success by unscrupulous methods.

The verses from Corneille’s Clnna as recited by Talma prepare hie listeners in advance for the Napoleonic coup. Maro's treatment of Napoleon as a lover is characteristic.

The hero is represented as being unusually susceptible to the charms of women, so much so that even though his affair with

Madame Bourienne has been carried on chiefly for political reasons, it still can move him to release Bourienne fro® prison. Part of Napoleon's reason for executing Thureau is that the letter's wife scorns Napoleon's advances. He seems to have a fondness for women of doubtful morals. He tsllB Talma that he is able to love only "wenches". Josephine, whose questionable past io apparent, is such a onej but Napoleon overlooks it in asking her to marry hi®. This is not the only work of Mann's - 128 - in which prostitute® and courtesans are considered to be more admirable than respectable women.

Mann's interest in energy and eroticism are evident in this play as are his dislike for the financiers and his conviction that France lwm a mission toward other countries, manifested in this instance through the character of Hapoleon.

The cleft between action and intellect still exists in that the moral dictates of the spirit cannot be followed when action is necessary. 12V -


Chapter Three

Part Three and Four

1 G.T.- pp. 211-212.

2 Mann. Thomas. Betrachtungan elnes UnpolitlBchen. p. XXXXI.

3 p. 157.

u IJ&fl. t PP. 164, 165. 5 Ibid.. p. 18^.

6 Ibid.. p. 235.

7 Ibid.. p. 196. 8 laid. , p. 181.

9 Ibid.. PP. 173. 215, 223, 224.

1C Ibid.. pp. 174, 221.

11 Ibid. • pp. 176, 177.

12 Ibid.f P . 227.

13 Ibid. • pp. 235. 236.

14. Ibid.. pp. 78,-79. 15 ibid., g* 8Qr31.

16 Ifeld., P. 01. 17 Ibid.. p. 265.

18 Ibid-. P. 265. 19 Ibid.. PP- 268-269. - 130

20 Ibid., pf. 268-269.

21 Oreen, Frederick, q p . clt.. pp. 248-251, 120-123. Laneon, Gustave, pp. 3 6O-.3 6 2, 340-345. TTlatze and D&rgan, 222. clt. , pp. 623-62?, 534-543, 554-^54, 569-570.

22 OJLi-, P. 155. 23 O.T.. np. 82-36. 24 S*i., p. 35-

25 Ibid.-pP- 69»70. 0. I*.. pp. 64-65.

26 HiiA.. p . 330.

27 IkiA. * pp. 6 9-7 0.

28 OJL. p . 132. 29 s.J., p. 70.

30 Ibid. , P. 35.

31 P. 11. 32 O.T.. pp. 130, 131. s.J.. p. 209. 33 E X . pp. 135, 163. 34 o.T.. p. 236.

35 Mann, Heinrich. Per Vflg nir Maeht. Mflnchen: Kurt Wolff Verlag, 1919, PP. 16, 19, 20.

36 IiLU., P. 71. 37 p. 68. 38 p. 437. 39 Ibid.. p. 434.

40 H.M.. p. 156, - 131 -

41 Ibid, . pp. 1 5 6, 157.

42 PP. 32, 33.

43 Ibid. . p. 39.

'+4 Iblcl.. p. 31.

45 M , , p. 33.

46 Ibid.. p. 263.

4? J&ii.. P. 26b-.

45 liii. , pp. 259. 2 6 0 , 263, 264.

49 Ibi_4.. p. 260.

50 11 Id.. p. 2 6 2 .

;11 Ztltr.. p. 242.

52 iSiisl., P. 242.

53 m & . » pp. 16-18. 54 IfcU.. p. 1 8 .

55 XUiX.» p . 23.

56 Uiid.. pp. 22-23.

57 Xfeid.* pp. 2 0 , 2 1 .

58 Ibid.. p. 2 6 .

54 O.L.. p. 251.

60 Ibid., p. 9 8.

61 X b H . . p. 97.

62 S .4.. p. 1 0 7,

63 z.Ute.. p. 7.

64 O.T.. p. 2 0 9 .

65 Ibid... p. 2 0 9 . 2 1 0 .

66 Zili£.. pp. 188. 406. - 132 -

67 S-L .* P. 285.

68 . P. 193.

69 Iili., p. 200. 70 H I M . , p. 216.

71 I M 4 . » p . 183.

72 Ibid., p. 179.

73 Ztltr.. p. 206. 79- Ikil., P. 210.

Oi D lb11. • PP. 208, 211.

76 Ibid., p. 208.

77 1 bid. , p. 2 0 9 .

78 Ibid.. p. 211.

79 Ibid.f p. 208.

80 S.J.. P. **42. 2Ui£.. P. 251. 81 Michelet, J. dfi la Her glut Ion fxancalee. Paris: Libralrie Abel Pilon, (»o date), pp. 7>+-79, 161, 187.

82 Mann, Heinrich. Madaae Le^roe. Leipzig: Knj*t Wolff Verlag, 1913. P. 57.

83 Ubisl.. P. 33.

8L liid., p. 5 1 .

65 I M 4 . • PP. 56, 68.

86 ibid., p. 136.

87 Ibid., p. 70. 88 Menn, Heinrtch. Per Wflg jpxr Macht. Mflnchen: Kurt Wolff Verlag, 1919, p. 20. •Ctrl •d '•TOT 1/01

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If a presentation of the social world ir. its effect on individuals, as in 3alzac or Flaubert, combined with the aim cf social betterment, ec in Zola or Victor Hugo, are the distinguishing characteristics of the nineteenth century

French novel, as Mann thinks they are, then Mann's new trilogy. Das Kaiserreich. has resemblances to French proto­ types, The ambitious aim of the trilogy is to present the entire life of Germany during the Wuhelminian era. The first volume, Dey Unt.n-tap. presents the bourgeois world; the second.

Die Armen, the world of the proletariat; and Dpr Kppf that of the ruling classes, Mann tellB us that at the age of twenty- five (about 1896) he determined that it was necessary to write social novels so that the German people could see thmselves, since German society was divided into classes which were scarcely cognizant of each other,^ One of the chief aims of any novelist, he says elsewhere, is to bring the various worlds of a society together and to show how they are united by desire for gain. This materialistic interpretation of society 2 Mann traced back to Balzac. Because no novelist has as yet made such an interpretation of society for Germany, Mann determined - 135 -

q that the writing of it was to be his o « particular mission."

He belietos, however, that literature must not only take

a positive stand on social questions but must also improve

society, after the example of Zola: "Dean Dlchtung 1st

Gericht sowohl wle Trost. Darum droht auch kelne Gefahr, dass

sie Jemals unnfltz wird.. . "War Tendenz nicht will, iet

immer nur gegen dae vorwllrts Gerichtete." Insofar as the

three novels of the trilogy are propagandists, then, they

will express the spirit of opposition existing in Germany

among certain writers like Hauptmann towards the imperial

regime. Mann insists that fuel for the opposition came from

France, particularly from the events of the Dreyfus case,^

Mann does not fail to point out the resemblance between his

own situation under a die tasteful monarchy and that of Zola:

both pictured the corruption of the Imperial regime end fore-

7 saw its Inevitable dissolution. Per Untertan. finished In

191^» ends with the premonition of war} Die Armen, written

in 1916, ends with the beginning of war; and Per Kouf. begun a few months before the Armistice In 1918, shows the breakup of the entire system.

The bitter criticism of the Gersmn bourgeoisie which had begun with SahiMwfcontinues in Dat Untertan. and the same things sure often satirised In both books. First, there is the matter of bad taste In food, dress, and furnishings. - 136 -

Although the people who populate the Berlin salons are richer than tnose in the small city of Netzig (which forme the setting for Per, Untertan). they are not basically different. The importance of over-eating is not altered by the fact that it is chiefly beer and sausages which are consumed in the circles of Plederlch Hessling, the hero of

Per Untertan. and lobster and wine In those of Andreas Zumsee.

Many of the characters in both books are unpleasantly corpulent.

It is the fleshiness of women like Adelheid and Guste Pjlmchen

(dessling's beloved) that attracts both heroes. And dessling's favorite fraternity brother. Belitxsch. is so fat he can scarcely walk. Mann seems to enjoy describing the odor of a large number of such bodies in a warm room.

In Dor Untertan the ostentation in dresa takes the form of ribbons, crosses, and military decorations, or imitations of styles affected by the ruler, like Piederlch's mustaches which turn up In imitation of the emperor's. Sometimes ridiculously bad taste is satirized; tJuste's honeymoon hat, with its superfluity of ribbons, veils, and flowers is one example.

The esteem in which literature is held in Per Untertan is even lower than in Plederich Hessllng mistrusts anyone who can write good compositions in school or. - 137

indeed, anyone who Is Interested In reading. Such people are

jpflp facto suspected of subversive, socialistic tendencies.

Such was the generation of 164-8, composed of democrats who

wrote books‘

'Sentlmentaler Umeturz. Gesinrrung verd&chtig und Haltung schlapp. Da stehen wir, Gott sei Dank, anders da,* 'Das wollen wir hoffen', sagte Diaderich, 'in der Verbindung haven wir wannhaftig- kelt und Idealismus gelernt, das gentigt, da erflbrigt sich das Dichten.1 ®

Diederich's love is music. In times of stress he soothes

himself with folk songs, Schubert, and Beethoven. **or instance, he decides not to mail a sentimental letter he has written to

Agnes Gflppel, preferring to relieve his feelings by spending

the evening alone at the piano. Music is so much less

incriminating than words. The performance of Lohengrin which he and Guste attend means to him that the rights of the emperor and the German nation have been upheld against subversive 9 elements, Diederlch even arranges the arts in a hierarchy, according to whether they foster nationalistic feeling.

Portrait painting is the only kind of graphic art admissable, and the novel does not count at all, since it is not a German form: 'Die hSchste 1st die Musik, d&hsr 1st ee die deutsche Eunst. Dann kommt das Drama.' 'Varum?1 fragte Guste. ■Veil man es manchmal in Musik setzen kann, und well man es nlcht zu lesen braucht, und dberhaupt.1 - 138 -

'Und was koaunt dann? *

'Die Portrfltmalerei, natflrlich, vegon der Kaiaerbllder. Das ttbrige let nlcht so wichtig.1

‘Und dor Homan? '

'Der iat keine Kunst. Wenlgstens Gott sel dank kelne deutsche: das segt schon der Hame.'

This conversation reflects Mann's view that literature

tread "prose", preferably "novel”) goes hand in hand with

democracy in France, and that the lack of it in Germany Is

both cause and result of public apathy to politico, Germans

have in ithe past escaped from reality through Wagner'b music,

instead of facing reality in literature.^

In a less extravagant way than in 8chlaraffenland. money

is power in Diederich Hessling's world. Anything which inter­

feres with increasing one's income is immediately branded as

socialistic. One's aim in life should be to expand one's business, and any means to further this end are justified.

Diederich goes into politics on the side of the "nationalistic"

party so that the district governor, a nationalist, will bring pressure to bear on the owner of the rival paper factory in

Gausenfeld. Ihe result is that Diederich acquires the rival factory.

Every aspect of life, including personal relationships,

is governed by money. This is the determining factor in Diederich*s 139

refusal to marry A^nes who loves him end has had. a child "by

him. Chiste 1b chosen because of her large dowry. He does

not hesitate to swindle hit sisters and mother out of their

share of the proceeds from the sale of the old factory. He

•nakes a pact with his ostensibly political opponents in order

to savu money. Mann's indictment of materialism which over­ rules all considerations of humanity and honor is expressed by old Wolfgang I*uck, a revolutionist from the days of I8h8.

It was the- desire for material gain which defeated the idealists of his day too: 'Schon dsunals', rief der Altef 'gab es solchs, die statt der Ehre den Nutzan w3hlten und denen keine Herr3Chaft deraAtigend schicn, wean tie sie bereicnerte. Der slclavische Haterialismus* Frucht und Mittel jeder Tyrannei, er war es, dem wir ^ unterlagen, und auch ihr, Mitbtirgei*...'

If one is to judge by Der TJntertan. the thing which Mann dislikes most about German* is their submission to authority.

Politically this means emperor-worship; economically it moans the submission to the industrialists; personally it means spineless subjection to any kind of authority, a complete lack of 1 ndividuallty. Diederich demonstrates the reprehensible nature of emperor worship. He is a coward and a sneak, with an inborn compulsion to submit to authority* while he in turn imposes his authority on his inferiors, his sisters, wife* - iho -

mother, servants, and above all hie employees, whom he

charges with hlu own inefficiencies, Though he derives

satisfaction from being whipped by hie father and punished in

school, this does not prevent him from deceiving hie father and

acting as an informer in school. He is happy in hie university

fraternity because he can completely lose his identity when

the comrades drink in unison, sing songs to the fatherland in

unison, and live by a strict set of roleB. Diederich also has

a great passion for army life, especially for the discipline.

However, this passion does not prevent him from securing a

discharge on false pretenses, Diederich’s devotion to the emperor and to the cause of

natibnalism is limitless; he even spends his honeymoon following

the Kaiser about lourope. He causes the imprisonment of one of

the liberal-minded citizens in Netzig for X*** Wkjwtji he causes the defeat of the liberal party in the elections by forming a secret coalition with the radicals; and, in order

to build a monument to billies the D-reat, he diverts money left

:o the town for a foundling home, thereby securing for himself an official decoration.

The didactic cnaracter of the novel, in contrast to the earlier ones, is apparent in that there is a counterpart to

Diederich, Wolfgang Huclc, a veteran of the revolutionary aovement of 18h6. Duck stands for reform, humanitarianism. - 141 -

leniency* democracy, freedom: all the ideals which Mann

aditires in French history. He is the protagonist for spirit

and intellect (.hence &1bo for art and aestheticism), ao

opposed to tyranny and materialism. The last scene in the

novel shows Diederich gloating over the deathbed of Buck,

h scene symbolizing the death of intellect and the triumph of

power. Diederich thinks to himself:

£r hatte limner nur auf Flugsand ge- standen, da er nicht auf der Macht stand. Nichtige Ziele, die fort- f-flhren von der Macht! Fruchtloe der Geist, damn nichts hlnterliess er als VerfallJ Vprblendung jeder Ehrgeiz, der nicht Fftuste hatte und Geld in den Fdusten.1 13

Buck's ideas come from France. The courtroom speech of young Buck is reminiscent of Zola's courtroom defense of Dreyfus,

Young Buck tells Diederich that the nationalists will have to reckon with the internationalists. 14 He calls Diederich*s attention to the French tricolor warn by the figure of the

Buck ancestor which is painted on the wall of the town c.ud it or iu»— the tricolor, once a symbol not of a country, but 15 a new dawn for all nations. Young Buck points out that the attitudes of the privileges classes in Germany are similar to those of the nobility in pre-revolutionary France,

Conversely, Diederich accuses the free-thinkers of working in the interests of French leaders who desire revenge for I87O.17

And Diederich gives as the reason for the downfall of H&poleon HI - 142 -

the fact that he received his crown, not from God, hut from 18 the people. One of Diederich's arguments against the

building of an orphan asylum is that there is no immorality

tmong Herman women, as there is among French women,

consequently no illegitimate children. Only the French, with

their democratic lack of discipline, have a need for asylums. IP '

Diederich’s suspicions are aroused against hie machinist,

Kapoleon Fischer, as a probable Insurgent even before he knows

anything about him, because his first name ic Napoleon. A few speeches by toe Buck fanily, who speak for Mann, will

illustrate the propagandlstic character of this novel. In the

interest of freedom, old Buck tells the voters!

’Wir haben es nicht Gdas elnlge deutsche HeichJ1, sagte der alte Buck und stand ungewflhnlich rasch vom Stuhl auf. *Denn wir arftssteal, urn unsere Einigkeit zu be- zeugen, eiaem elgenen Willen folgen kdnnen; und kdnnen wir's? I he v&hnt Such einig, well die Feet der Xnechtschaft sich ver— allgemelnert...1 20

'Ess Folk, wir alls haben angesichts der uns abgeforderten Heeresvermehrung die viellelcht letzte Helegenheit, unsere Freiheit su behaupten gegen Barren, die uns nur noch rtfs ten, damit wir unfrel sind. Wer Knecht 1st, soil Knecht bleiben, das wird nicht nur such A£beitern gesagt: das sagen die Barren, deren Macht wir immer teuerer bezahlen sollen, uns alleni1 '21

At the same political meeting he speaks far humanity as opposed to nationalism: - 143 -

*Ihr Freunde der Menschheit und jeder gutem Zukunft, weltherzig und unbekannt mlt der dttsteren Selbstsucht elnee natlonalen VetternbundesJ Weltseelen ihr , kehrt wieder' 22

•Si© slnd eehr mftchtig geworden, aber durch ihre Macht let In der Welt weder mehr Geist noch mehr Odte gekomxnen... • 23

Young Buck presents the aesthetic point of view when

he says:

'Und mlt dem Xsthetiechen, meine Herren Hichter, sinkt oder stelgt das Moralische. Urlogene Ideals zlehen unlautere Sltten nach slch, dem polltischen Schwindel folgt der B-flrgerllche. 1

He accuses Diederich and his emperor of being only sham


1 Ich werde also nicht t o d FfLreten spreehen, sondern von Untertan, den er slch formt; nicht t o o Wilhelm dem Zeiten, sondern t o o Zeugen Hassling, Sie haben fthn geBehen! Sin Durchschnlttsmensch mlt gewBhnllchem Terstand, abhlngig von Umgebung und Gelegenheit, mutlos, solange hier die Dlnge schlecht a±ad fdr ihn standen, und von grossem Selbstbewusstseln, sobald sie slch gewendet hatten.' 25

'Und da es In Wirklichkelt und im Gesetz weden den Herrn noch den Untertan gibt, erhfilt dan Bffentllche Leben einen An- strlch schlechten koaddlantentums,' 26

Although the negative side of power, expressed as tyranny, is the chief theme of Per Untertan. there is nevertheless an expression of Mann's admiration for energy, or strength, or - 144 -

feeling for life (kebeneg-ef-flhl ) which he finds in France,

Young Wolfgang Buck is an example of frustrated energy, in

some ways he is a Stendhalian character. Trained to be a

lawyer, ne cannot decide between this profession and the

theater. It is his idea that the times, and most particularly

the government, are totally lacking in any reel will for action. The government, in the person of the emperor, is only

a sham, the emperor merely an accomplished actor.

Since there is no real outlet for energy in Germany, the

only career of consequence open to a young man is also a career

of sham, that of an actor. The actor is the representative

type of the times. So another of Mann's earliest characters reappears, the actor who is the type of character most consistently found in all of Mann's works. After the trial,

Buck joins a theatrical troupe for several years, returning to

Netzig, he says, only out of vanity. He has been disillusioned, because he had played idealistic parts on the stage, but the audience had not taken them Beriously, Afterwards the same listeners went out to make war on revolutionaries and strikers,^

The situation of the young man of his times, as conceived by

Buck, is not too much different from that of Julian Sorel, who, in order to assert himself adequately, finds himself reduced to practicing hypocrisy in a hypocritical world. Die Armen continues with the same setting and characters. - 1^5 -

in the manner of the Bougon-Maccmart, The paper factory

has now grown to the proportions of a large industry, the

Hassling children are grown, Volfgang Buck has married Xmmi

Heesllng; and Buck, as a result of a mortgage held by Diederich

on the family estate, is forced to assist Hassling,

But the role Buck is forced to play as assistant to the

industrialist is only one role. His real feelings appear when he offers to help one of tm> workers, Balrich, regain the money Hessling’s father had appropriated from one of Balrich*s relatives when the Netsig paper factory was in need of funds.

Buck's adolescent son represents activism. He is only too willing to assist in an insurrection against Hessling, even though it involves lying and trickery. At the end, his injury from & bullet shot by one of Hassling*s hired soldiers is one more example of young energy gone to waste. His mother realizes the basic love for truth her husband possesses and the ability of her son to put truth into action, when she says:

'Das 1st die Leldenschaft Wolfgangs', sann die dattln, 'die Wahrheit zu denken, Dann fdgte er sich doch, lfisst slch getei, auch venn es nicht rech wftre, und bleibt im Nest, Er hat es frflher wohl zu schwer gehabt; vie sollte er noch die Kraft finden, zu ver- hlndern, dass die vielen anderen leiden'.

Nun aber Hansf

'Mein Hans', sann die Mutter gramvoll, '1st sehr gefflhrdet. Denn er, cr will die Wahr­ heit nicht mir denkenj ich f-flhle es voraus, er will sie auef'fihren,..1 28 - l*+6 -

The main theme of the novel, however, revolves around

the efforts of the workers in Hassling1b factory to improve

their conditions of work and of living. Their chief hope

is Balrich, wno undertakes to earn a lawyer's certificate and

thereby plead his own case as relative of the man whose money dessling has put into the business. In this way he hopes to

gain for the workers a chare in the business itself* Thfe

project is bound to fail* as is the final strike, because the

hole of the industrialists ie too strong to be broken. This*

too, is a didactic novel, in which the "good" characters are all white and the "bad" ones are all black* so that they give an impression of unreality. The emphasis is on the thesis which Mann wisnes to illustrate, and it focuses on the social scene as a whole rather than on the individuals.

The energy which Mann admires in tho Trench novelists is represented by Balrich, who makes superhuman efforts to combat the existing order of thingi, Kis opponent* Hassling, is fundamentally a quietlst* too cowardly to talk to the workers himself, hiding behind doctors* foremen, the radical representative Napoleon Fischer, and the military, Balrich* on the other hand* becomes a student only so that he can make his actions more effective, and in the end he throws his bookx sway, Since it is now impossible to act* intellect is worth - 147 -


Das Wisoen, da*j nicht hilft, let eitel und ecklecht. Der Geiet, der nicht handelt, 1st etrafoam-alB die Tfltung keimeuden hebens. Wer denfct, soil auf* das Qlflck der Menechen denken, 29

There are certain similar1ties in plot between this

book and Zola ' S Qerminftj. The miserable living conditions of the poor, who dwell in company houses; the existence of spies among the workers, including women who are the mistresses of certain foremen; the inevitable degradation of even the best

/ of the women, are similar in both books, Balrich, like Etienne, is motivated by high ideals of humanity and an all too idealistic dream of a better future. As a result of their Btudies, both came to feel themselves gradually growing apart from the people they wish to help. To them the student is a "bourgeois who

/ reads", -Like Etienne, Balrich comes to feel the necessity of dressing himself and his sister Lena like the bourgeoisie and securing better living quarters. In Die Armen, the trick of the management in offering a share in the profits along with lowered wages is similar to that of the coal operators in

Germinal, when they offer to pay for the structural supports in the mine, but lower the wages at the same time. The originally moderate views of Balrich, then his final decision to agree to a strike and finally to violence is similar to the / change in attitude of Etienne, - 148 -

The d o g t conspicuous difference between the two books is that there is lacking in Pie Armen S1*y description of the work done in the factory, or of installations or machinery, which

Zola almost turns into living creatures. There Is no very adequate portrayal of the life of the poor. This is one of the few books in which Mann attempta to treat the proletariat, and here he is more interested in presenting a conflict of ideas than in reproducing the life of the workers. The life of the bourgeoisie he understands better; this is natural in view of iiann's background. Also Mann's novel lacks the long descriptions of mass scenes or of settings that characterize

Zola's fiction. Mann's style had always been brief; in this novel the lack of explanatory passages, the Incomplete sentences. and tne sudden Incoherent outbursts of feeling have become almost expressionistic. The description of the storming of Hessling's home by the workers is an example:

...Das Tor aufj Wir kSnnen nicht warten. Wartoten zu lange. Wir sehen das fitter nicht, stossen una blutig, zerstechen uns beim Hlndbersteigen an den Danzen. In den Garten aprIngen wir, stanrpfen in den Beeten, ashmen Anlscuf.. .Auweh, SchiessenJ Migeln um uns her schlagen In die Gartenerde. Geteilt den Haufen, und jeder einzeln tappen, kriechen, rennen wir. Auweh, SchiessenJ... 3^

Mann's novel ends on & less hopeful note than that of Zola.

In spite of the strike failure and the cruel death of some of - 149 -

the characters, the reader of terminal is left with the / impression that Etienne has not lost his hope and that he

will begin anew in Faria, Halrich is left with nothing,

wnri the novel ends as he seizes the opportunity to go off to

war, finding It the only way out.

It 1b more difficult to find a prototype for Per K-oaf .

This can he accounted for by the fact that much of the book

is based on actual events; some of the characters represent

real persons in the German ministry under Wilhelm II, Count

Lannas represents von BtLlov, and Tellheim is Bethman-Hollweg.

fhe emperor himself plays an important part in one chapter,

Per Konf is a more complicated and more ambitious novel

than the first two in the trilogy; and it must be admitted

that, perhaps because the canvas is larger, the characters are less one-sided, Perhaps in retrospect Mann could view

the personalities of the rulers with a certain amount of

tolerance. Count hennas, for instance, is a complex person.

In spite of his faults, mostly those of hypocrisy, he 1b shown to be a person of refined taste. He is at times troubled at having to steer a middle course among all parties and at not being able to follow a policy which would be consistent with his humanitarian instincts. He has a genuine love for his daughter and a benevolent Interest in the young people viio come to his notice. Unfortunately, all of this does - 15<> -

not prevent him from following a policy strictly calculated

to maintain himself In the seat of power.

The complexity of character and motive in this novel

does not preclude a didactic purpose, however. As the

introduction Indicates, it is avarice and tyranny which destroy

the empire. The book has an Introduction, which describee the

battle of Sedan. Two merchants, wishing to sell grain to the

army, each try to secure a higher bid, with the result thAt

they eventually kill each other for money. The army officers

are shown as equally grasping, since they swindle the merchants.

Thus the beginnings of the German Empire are rooted in greed

and inhumanity. In the end the empire destroys itself, Just as

the grain merchants have destroyed each other. The villains

are again the industrialists, this time the great armament

manufacturers, chief of whom is Knack, obviously meant to be

Krupp. The higher ranking army officers are criticized for

nationalism and war-mongering.

The bizarre nature of the modern promotional and advertising

business Is savagely satirized. "The General Agency for

Everything" promotes all conceivable projects, manipulates the rise and fall of stocks, and undertakes stupendous swindles.

The director of this concern acts and talks like a dummy pulled by mechanical strings. He is deaf except when money is mentioned, and he always looks at the hands of the person - 151 -

entering hie office to see whether the visitor has brought


On the positive side, the life-long aim of one of the characters, Claudius Terra, has been to fight against death and war and for humanity and internationalism— in other words,

French humanitarian ideals. Leath and war are the result of the system of power, of the misdeeds of an entire generation, and of the Inertia of the (lennau people, who prefer to discuss metaphysical questions. The debacle begins the morning after the suicide of Terra*s sister Lea. War le declared. Her death begins a series of mass deaths. What does it help in such circumstances, Terra thinks, to debate questions of the universe? ffhe general disaster is in any case inevitaole,

Lie (Lea) begann das Lterben; ihr erst sollten alle nach. In Massen, in Massen, — aber Jeder starb doch nur sich. Und alles begleitet von W o r t e n . V i e l welters ZuBamnenhilnge hatte er ru denken vorgegeben, ala Seinesgleichen konnte. Hatte sich mit Weltanschauung gebrtistet; sSin Geschlecht aber scheute die W©it nicht an, es legte aie in Trtbmner. 31

Mangolf, the other noet important character, horrified by the prospect of so much bloodshed, recognizes that it is the result of mass will. The people have acquiesced in a corrupt system which kills the weak. War is their means of freeing themselves from the enervation of such a civilization: - 152

Aber Scbuld? Er (Mangolf) kannte keine. Ferantwor tung? Kr lehnte sie ab. Er handelte Ik Auftrag hftherer Gewclten, — hdher nur, well all© in Grunde an ihnen mitwirkten. Alle, die auf dem Flat 2 noch inner kein Blut sahen, waren doch innerlich ganz einverstanden, dass es fliesee. Nep erfcflmpfte Tatkraft sollte mie reinigen von Entnervung und ’Jnzucht der allzu langen Frledenszeit. Mangolf kannte sie; echte SBhne oiner Zivillsatlon, die Mord am Schw&cheren und gehobenen Menochenfrats war... 32

It is the social and economic system which is indicted, but the characters are viewed within the framework of something approaching a metapnysical pessimism. Consequently, Mann can malt# allowances for human frailty, whereas, in the first two volumes of the series, he could only reject certain characters altogether. One even feels a kind of sympathy for the old dying Knack.

In this society, hollow and riddled with sham, even those who work for good ends are forced to make u b s of evil methods. Worse than that, young people must deny all natural love and friendship in order to force an outlet for their talents and energy. Sometimes their energy is expressed in adventure. Adventurers are on the whole admirable members of society. Terra when he works for the circus. Lea in her position in the demi-monde, Alice when she wants to be a bare- back rider, are at leaet being sincere.

All ether aspects of life depend on being successful. This - 153 -

is the dominating motive of all members of the society— a StendhalIan theme again. Those characters who are too weak

to attempt asserting themselves simply live in a dream world*

like krwin Lannaet or ere entirely given over to moral and sexual perversion* like Mdrser. The only character Jao is completely herself Is the prostitute* the "-Duchess" U l i , and she can afford to be so because she has no conscience.

It is she alone who has retained her feeling for life.

Claudius Terra, like Stendhal’s heroes, lies* cheats, works for swindlers against his better principles* works xor the munition industry and for peace at the same time, supports causes he does not believe in as member of the keichstag, attempts the political ruin of his only friend Mangolf, and gives up his only true love, Alice Lannas* because it 1b necessary for each of them to seek success along different paths. Like

Wolfgang Buck* Terra i3 an actor. H© is happiest during tho period of his employment in. the circus. Terra's sister is an actress by profession, ab actress who does not shy away from any method of achieving success. She and Mangolf* although lovers* cannot marry because the marriage would interfere with both of their careers. Alice* the daughter of Chancellor Lannas, is so much determined to succeed that she conspires with hor husband*

TolHeben* to usurp her father's position. The accomplishment of this goal had been her only reason for marrying her husband. - 15^ -

Terra, Lea, and Alice are par a one of Intellect and

feeling, Terra at least has an ambition to reform the world,

'i'he methods he 11303 are farced on him by the times:

Ich habe gelogen und betrogen, urn die Menschhelt vor sich selbst zu retten; ich will nicht auch noch morden. Endlich habe ich «8 sate, mBgen ale einander urn— bringen, venu es denn ihr Glflck 1st, — wemn sle zu ihrem Glflck Katastrophen brauchen and die kurzen ertr&glichen Augenblicke ihrer Geschichte nicht andera erleben und bezahlen kBnnen, als um den Preis vertierter Zeiten, 33

Terra*s friend Mangolf is all intellect. With the handicap of having been born on a lower social level, it ie necessary for him to be more consistently ruthless, A man in mono— maniacal pursuit of position and money, he reminds one of

Balzac*s heroes, Unlike Terra, he has no convictions which ne consistently upholds, -by virtue of his ruthlfcssness, along with his marriage to Knack's daughter, he eventually arrives in the position he has long sought, that of Minister of State,

The untenable position of Terra and Mangolf as intellectuals and idealists in s society which has no ua6 for them is stated in their last conversation. The only possible antidote for thl3 situation would be to feel complete contempt for the society end good will toward the oeople in it.

(Terra) 'Wir sind vor allem geecheitert, well nicht einzusehen 1st, varum irgend Jemand, der Talent hat und - 155 -

os d**r men.schlicb.en Gesellschaft vorsetEt, nicht 3cneitern sollte, Sle will Talente nicht, — . und ausschliosslich 2>uf£lle, die ihr eolbst am peinllchsten Hind, bewegen ale iianchmal, eine durchzulasaen. Wir im -jfceonderen cind noch daran geacheitert, dass wir von unseree- glcichen zuviel verlangt habon'.

(Mangolf) 'Du wohl. eie beasern gewollt. 1

'Du, mein lieber Wolf, hast von ihnen in dor Richtung dea Schlechtseins eine geradozu dbermonschliche Opferfreudig— Ice it verlangt. Du warat noch ein grflsserer Idealist als ich.' 3^

TUnd wir sterbenj1 Mangolf emp5rte sich, •Wir sterben, well wir gelstig ehren- haf t eind^*

'Nein1, sagte Terra. 'Sondern veil wir nicht auch Gegenglfte In uns tragen fflr unseren anapruchavollen Geist.'

'Welche Gegengifte?*

'Verachtung und Gflte. Du hatteat nur die Verachtung.'

'Du nur die G-ftte.1 35

It would seem that Mann himself had arrived at this viewpoint — starting from contempt and progressing, under

French Influence, to human itarianism.

The mood of the book suggests impending disintegration and doom. There is a constant mention of death, one of the preoccupations of both Terra and Mangolf, culminating in the mutual suicide of the two friends. Death for the individual, - 156 -

for the state, and for society Is presupposed from the

beginning. The death of the main characters or their retreat

into a nun-likre existence, like that of Alice Iwmnas ,

coincides with the collapse of Germany at the end of the war.

The lack of realism in the novel is heightened by the

style, it has now become abrupt and non—transitional, full

of fragmentary sentences, so that the reader is often left

to fill in the gaps for himself. There is no longer so much

detailed portrayal of the appearance of people, clothing,

furnishings, or food. The method is less direct, the emphasis

lather on intangibles. In addition, the personalities are

extremely complex, and there Is a very intricate plot,

A notable feature of Per Kopf. and one which forms a point

of contact with Stendhal, is the theme of father—hate, &rwin

Lannas dislikes his father, and Terra and Mangolf are both

hated by their children. The most conspicuous examples of such father-hate in the earlier novels are those of Claude

Mahren and Ute £nde. This filial hatred is not the result of

tyranny or suppression, as in the works of the young expressionists, but the result of contempt. In the Jagd nach.

Lj'ebq it is contempt for bourgeois standards# in Per &onf it is contempt for hypocrisy on one hand and tack of success on the other,

In summarizing the possible French influences on the - 157 -

Kaiserreich. it is apparent that they are of a rather general nature. As novels depicting the social scene and showing chiefly the interaction between the individual and society, they more closely resemble the French social novel than the typical German Entwlckiunp-s roman. The laboriously traced development of an individual, characteristic of the latter, is lacking in Mann's novels. The characters are initially presented as social types and their behavior is then dictated almost mechanically by circumstances.

In such novels, plot and action will almost inevitably take precedence over analysis of feeling, philosophic discourse, or authorial comment. It may be argued that this 36 13 a general modern trend, and Mann recognized it as such, however, he seems to have found support for hie method in

French authors, because he stresses the importance of plot 37 and movement in their works. Certainly this characteristic of Mann's novels, along with the abruptness and brevity of hie style, is quite different from the method of his brother

Thomas. As for finer points of style, it 13 difficult to see that the balance, musicality, and harmony of some of the authors Mann most admires, like Flaubert, France, or even

Stendhal, are reflected in Mann's nervous sentences. It may also be bald that Mann's criticism of society Is more venomous than that of his French models; in contramt to the verisimi11tude ~ 158 and impartiality of the preat French novels, Mann is more often e* caricaturist. 159 «


Chapter IV

1 p. 267.

2 p. 69.

3 S. J. . PP. 940, 441.

4 Ibid. ■ P. 267.

5 Ibid. , p. 268. 6 Ibid., P. '4+0.

7 Ibid. • P. 44-1.

8 Psx liAHeciaa.. p. 136 .

9 ib!4 .. PP. 354, 359. 362.

10 Ibid.. p. 363.

11 M^L., pp. 11, 195.

12 . p. 422.

13 Ibid., p . 495.

14 Ibid.. p. 324.

15 Ibid., P. 324.

16 Ibid., P. 471. 17 Ibid., p. 421.

18 Ibid., P. 484.

19 lbid., p. 3 9 2 .

20 Ibid., p. 2 1 .

21 Ibid., P. 420. - 160

22 I M 4 . , P. 329-.

23 IMA.» p. 971.

24 IjlliU , p. 29-8.

25 .Ibid.. p. 2-96.

2b Ibid., p . 24-7.

2? ibid.. p. 9-71.

28 Mann, Heinrich* Die Armen. Leipzig: Kurt Wolff Verlag. 1917, P. 115.

29 P. 291.

30 Ibid.. p. 275.

31 Mann, Heinrich. Per Koof. derlia—Wie»-L©iozlg: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 1925, p. 597.

32 Ifcu. > P. 597.

33 IMA.. P. 598.

39 IbU,. pp. 632-633.

35 I M A . . p. 639-.

36 S.H. - p. 596.

3? JLiu. PP. 330-331. - l6l -



With the completion of Dae Kaiserreich. Mann had cone to term with the Germany of hie younger days. In the four novelB which follow, Mutter, Marie. Ernoewle oder die

■Bflrgerzeit. Die grosse Sache. and Ejn ernetee Dehen, the characters and settings are German, but the bitterness of the earlier works has disappeared. No longer is there an

Indictment of a specifically German political system (the political system is not treated at all), specifically German cultural attitudes (like that toward literature), or unpleasant

German characteristics such as grossness or stupidity. He is still concerned with the social scene, but now it Is more of a portrayal than an attack. The Implicit social criticism could be directed toward life in any modern country* for, with the exception of Enyen

Even the changing social life described in this book might have belonged to the France of Napoleon III as well as the

Germany of Wilhelm I, Furthermore, the German characters are treated with a tolerance which is lacking in the earlier novels.

A more tolerant attitude also appears in the essays of this period. Of course part of the time Mann is a propagandist - 162 - for better Franco-German relatione, and thus is almost forced

to take a conciliatory attitude on all sides (although this attitude disappears as Mann becomes more and more disappointed in the Bepubllc). He is now more interested in noting the general trends which are common to literature in both countries. Young writers especially, and the question of youth in general, are subjects which have an enormous Interest for

Mann at this timm, Six essays are devoted to this theme, and it receives frequent attention in others. Mann himself was known during the as a writer more congenial to younger readers than to those of hie own generation,

Mann*s early attitude of rejecting the social order seems to have made him sympathetic toward the spirit of revolt expressed by the young people of the generation following his.

He frankly admits, however, that he does not always understand them. He fdels that their criticism of the older generation is often too severe, and the cold factuallty of the young people he sees about him, as well as their cynicism, sometimes disturbs him.*1

His attitude is in general sympathetic, however. He finds the situation of post-war youth tragic, their courage admirable,

Disillusioned by the war, which was not really fought for any cause except money. Borne of them are still looking for an idealistic cause for which to fight. Hence, they Join - 163

organizations like those of the extreme nationalists or

the communists. Others throw themselves into large

enterprises, play at being speculators with a reckless

courage unknown to their fathers. Or they throw them­

selves into sports as one way of using their energies in 2 an activity where they can at least see the result of practice.

Characterized by complete uncertainty, their existence is like

that of an adventure story. In an unstable world they are if farced to evolve a new morality. like the new morality of

the sexes, for Instance, or new standards of dress and of behavior toward their superiors.

Mann is fond of pointing out that these trends, when depicted in literature, are not peculiar to Germany. There are the war books, which In both countries expose the uselessness and horror of the war and the feeling of brother­ hood possessed by comfcattants for those on the other side. 5 ti Barbusee interests him especially in this connection. Henri

Poulaille's exposition of the disillusionment of the post-war period, as well as Poulaille’e socialism, particularly attracts hlm.^ A more despairing attitude is taken by Albert Tauch&rd, who thinks there is no hope for the intellectual; the world 7 is characterized only by selfishness and degeneration.

While finding these novels Interesting examples of the - 164 -

post-war psychology, Mann has no especial fondness for

them, tfhen asked to name his favorite authors, he

mentions a preference for Andre Gide, whose acquaintance

Mann had made at the Pontigny Writers' conference. He

Is Intrigued by the paradox of Gide's preoccupations with

moral questions and his presentation of the "questionable- Q ness" of modern existence. He is drawn to Gide because 1C both, although older, are favorites of the next generation.

Of Gide's novels, Mann prefers the Caves du and the

Faux Monnaysturs. The former he admires because of Gide's

new playful method of treating serious questions, his dis­

regard for national boundaries, and his easy transfer from

tenderness to ridicule, from comedy to profundity.^ The 12 latter he admires partly because of its romantic qualities.

As a contemporary novelist, Philippe Soupault is the

subject of the last essay in GRjst und Tat. This essay on

a French post-war writer turns into a discussion of the

younger generation. To the young people in Soupault*s books,

the world is one in which the inhabitants feel no ties either

to the past or to the present, nor do they wish to feel any.

They wish to feel nothing at all, least of all love. Any

sort of attachment is anathema to them, hove is replaced by

courage, for it takes courage to live independently of ties.

Otherwise their attitude is completely empirical, so much so - 165 - that the Ind.lvldualk will has become a thirty which no longer shapes his objectives bat is merely a motor propelling him to motion. His guiding principle is movement, any sort of movement, in order to escape from the terrible boredom of existence in general. The most desirable place to live is therefore a sleeping car, both because it transports one from place to place and because one does not have to remain in it for very long.13 Perhaps the source of his admiration for writers like Soupault is that Mann considers the goal of constant movement a modernisation of his ideal of energy and strength. ■And the dislike of emotion sounds very much like that of the characters in the Liaisons Dpiw«rmigeg. The energy of this generation, however, is one by which the individual hopes to destroy himself, in order to escape growing old and in order to escape a natural death. Escape sometimes takes the form of travel— to Greenland, for instance. In one book the author imagines himself a Negro; or he plays at being director of a large firm, but this he takes no more seriously than anything else. Sometimes his energy expends Itself on sports. This is really the only thing approaching a real value for the hero, and It has the additional virtue of offering something behind 14 which one can hide one's real self. Politically these young people are passive and fatalistic. They are willing to allow tomeone else to make their decisions. - 166 -

Thi* la why they like to gamble— there is no necessity for making a choice.^ Thus the typical young man of this generation is like the characters in Soupault's books. H® is without direction or goal, having within himself the possibility of becoming anything imaginable: entrepreneur, gambler, escapist, writer, man of fashion, Negro, revolutionary.

Mann's special fixed ideas come to light when he asserts that the behavior of these young people proves them to be the first generation of real Europeans. Becauae they are at home nowhere, they are equally at home everywhere, profeesionally and socially, as well as geographically. The very breaking up of the old society means the beginning of a new one. since these people sire still only the forerunners in a new world, their existence is painful, and they try to escape. But the very mobility of their existence gives hope for the destroying of national boundaries and the buildir^ of the new Europe.

"Nach ihnen die europ&ische Greeun&heit, die angepassten, be- ruhigten Ueschlechter und ein Kuropa, das vielleicht gl^cklich zu oein gelernt hatj"17

The psychology of post-war youth in Germany plays an important part in Mann's own works of the period. The social criticism which is still apparent is directed against the uncertainties and general unpredictability of modern society as it affects young people; against the too prevalent materialist, or, more specifically, against the power and the - 167 - methods of big business, The aspirations of the citizens under the German Bepublic may be said to be defended by

Mann and the dangers within its society pointed out. All four novels affirm In some way a moral view of life.

f Unlike the other three novels, Eugenie oder di e Mrgerw zei t has as its setting the Germany of 1873. It describee the very beginnings of modern economic uncertainty. The older, more stable bourgeois order Is just beginning to break up, an order which In retrospect Mann does not seem to find so bad after all, if one is to judge by the remarks he makes 18 about "our fathers" in some of the essays. The representa­ tives of the old order. Consul Jdrgen West and his friends, living in a self-governing North-German city, are shown to be honest and kind, if somewhat too conventional and unimaginative.

Consul West is the very soul of integrity. Although he disapproves of the frivolity of his French wife, Gabriele, he nevertheless genuinely loves her. He is even inordinately proud of the qualities which make her different from her neighbors.

The disturbing element which comes into the pleasant life of the town is that of speculation, of the desire to

"get rich quick." It enters in the person of Pidohn, a wholly - 168 -

questionable character with a past which includes shady

business dealings and a prison record. H© is an adventurer of the first order, who affectB disguises, likes to act in plays, and frequents the more disreputable sections of town.

Pidohn induces Consul W©et to speculate and thus ruins him financially, de almost loses his wife to the apecuieicr too, for Gabriele is attracted to Pidohn, a more interesting person than her staid husband. The plot is allegorized fay a ulay in wfiieh Gabriele takes the part of impress Eugenie of Prance, and Pidohn nl&ys Kao ole on III. i'he two meet after Napoleon's capture by the Germans. l-o longer triumphant,

f Napoleon and, to a lesser oxtent, Eugenie, realize that her excess of frivolity and her desire to rule have been oartly the cause of misfortune. In the midst of her scorn at / Napoleon's downfall, Eugenie nevertheless realizes that the two

Hie bound together by love. This is exactly the situation of

Gabriele and Jflrgen at the end of the oook. Pidohn, like

Napoleon, is arrested.

doth West and Pidohn are regarded as victims of the coming order, as victims, almost, of fate. 19 mThe misfortune which enters the l^est household is in the end considered ealutory because of its maturing effect on the personalities

Involved. The whole novel is done with a light touch that - 169 -

makes this one of Mann's happier attempts. The style is

clear and less agitated than usual, and the personages are

not caricatures, Tho descriptive method has been compared _ 20 to that of French impressionistic painting,

A more condemnatory attitude toward businessmen ie found

in Mutter Marie (19^7). The Baroness xiartman, the "mother''

in the story, is an adventuress who began as the illigit.imate

child of a peasant women, Vhen the story opens, she has

become wealthy, cult tired, and charming, while retaining her

beauty. The prospect of old age, however, makes her aware of

her loneliness, and she gives up her wanderings to look for

the infant son she once abandoned in Germany. She believes

she has found him in Valentin von Lambert, whose family still

lives in the house opposite the whero she nad placed

the child. Playing the role of a mother, however, results in remorse for her past life. After undergoing spiritual agony, she decides to give up Valentin (who has become half lover, half son), engineers nis marriage with an impoverished princess, aids the family instead of duping them, and encourages Valentin to give up his semi-criminal activities,

The only really evil character In Matter Marie is the industrialist, Seeheee, Hie unscrupulous business dealings began during the war, when he sold materials to both sides; and - 170 - he has made use of the post-war inflation to amass a large fortune and thus acquire control over the lives of people who 'nave lost their money, such as General von Lambert,

The baroness Hartmann's love for money ie not as despicable as that of Seehase. Her grasping for money aud striving for social position are understandable when we know what the deprivations and suffering of her childnood have been, Lhe, too, is an astute business woman with a goodly Fhare of deceit and rutalessneee in her past. At first she tries to buy the love of the man she believes to be her b o h , as vrell as the acquiescence of the entire Lambert family in her neu relation­ ship to Valentin, Part of her "convei3 ion" consists in realizing tliat money will not buy all things.

The power of money and the evil nature of big business is even more pronounced in Die Grosse Sache (193°), The centr-d. theme, namely that work, courage, self-reliance, and affection are of more value than being rich, is in itself an indictment of the all-too important role played by money in the modern world. The engineer Birk attempts to teach this lesRon to his children by pretonding to have Invented a powerful explosive. After he carries through the farce of having been seriously injured in an accident, his daughters

Inge and Margot end the latter'b husband, Emmanuel Happ, try by high—pres sure methods to sell the invention at an enormous price, Ihis is the cause for numerous rather far-fetched

f.u^nturesi various businessmen, by fair means or foul,

try to secure the invention for themselves. i'he plot is

complicated by the love affairs of the young people. In

tne end it is discovei od tnat there har been no invention,

’irk aaving wishes to show that the chase for monoy is


fhe gigantic business concern which has under itc

control the members of the -dirk family, because they are all

dependent on it for a livelihood, is directed by men who

have a total lack of conscience. iVarl August Scnutticu,

once chancellor (deposed because ho diverted too many

gcvernmont funds to industry) and now ouolic relations

representative for tne firm, has no real ability except a

talent for making "contacts" for his employers.

Ilann seems to be warni.ig tne republic, when he describes the power wielded by large Industry over the iives of people with greater Intelligence and training like Birk.

Ihe power exercised by industrial moguls is no less criminal and oppressive than that exercised by the autocratic rulers of yesterday, Happ tells Schattich,s wife:

'Wenn einer alles hat und der andere nichts, dann kenne ich keinen Kampf. Ale wir mal nicht aufpassten, weil es - 172 -

hierzulande tfberhaupt kein fee tea Deld niehr gab, de ii&ben Industrie und -bnnken ulles, was o-eldwert bat, an sich gebracht, Es war wie der Einbreciier, der im Dunkeln Ihre Perlen klaut, w&nrend Sie schlafen... Jetzt fehlt lhnen nur noch der 1-nteil an der polltiechen Hacht, den wir ue- halten haben. Nach dem glepern sie, DafAr bezahlen eie bewui'friete KAubor- bonden, und daf-flr richten sie abeicht- Ilch die rieichefinanzen zugrunde, damit sie nachher die Hotter spielen kBnne®, baa wird ihnen auch gel ingen, Die paar reichen Loute warden In Deutschland noch mal die ganse N'ncht haben, wie fHiher die paar F'firsten,. . J '21

The idea that big business is beued cn sham anu pretense

is jlIso the theme of Kobe a. a satirical hovelle which 22 appeared in the tieue Rundschau, in 1925. *fugo Stinnee is

the prototype for the title character, I'he huge number of men who manage Kobee1 enterprises, which reach into all levels of life, have no idea what the director is like or indeed whether there is such a person. In the story a former scholar, who has bean reduced to a nonenity in the vast financial enterprise, conceives the plan of having an actor impersonate Kobes at a mass propaganda meeting, The project is a gi’ea.t success and the echo.tar is advanced to a position of importance.

It is not the evils of the modern industrial system which are attacked in Sin ernstes Leben (19^2)i rather it is the injustices suffered by the poor in a world of unequal - 17 J -

occupations and unequal classes, Here, morality and

innate goodness, in the person of the heruine, win out,

Marie Lehning i'j the daughter of impoverished parents. Her

efforts to better herself are constantly being nullified

by circumstances beyond her control. She has to give up her work in Dflbeck in order to return to tne land and carc for

her Drothers and sistersj she has an illegitimate child by

Hurt Meier, a fugitive from justice; she is unjustly accused of complicity in the theft of the jewels which &urt has taken; she is blackmailed by hurt’s sister Viktoria into accepting employment in a high-cle.es brothel. Finally it is she who indirectly instigates the murder of the brothel owner, adele Fuchs •

The book cannot be said to have any specifically didactic characteristics* it represents rather the lot of the poor

(much more convincingly than Die Armen). and portrays a "good" person, The lack, of personal guilt is stressed.; the social order is so constructed that people cannot help themselves,

The police commissioner who at the close of the novel assures harie that she and her lover Mingo will not be accused of the murder has some such thoughts:

Noch sah er ihnen nach, er bedachte, daas kelne Marie unschuldig geweBen wire, wenn man von dero Geheimnis, das Bie alle sind, nur so viel gekannt hAtte wie ttblich. #ufAllig wueste jemand, er selbst, mehr von dieser,

Er stieg in aein Holiaeiauto, schwerfAllig - 174- -

und verdrossen. ftut, dase man nicht von Jedesi alias weissj Joder wAre unechuldig. 23

The greatest uncertainty in the world of these novels

ie economic. Respected and well-to-do families like the

Lamberts end the Birks have lost their solid economic

basis. In order to live as they have been accustomed to living, it would be necessary for them to engage in

speculative adventures or trickery. Or they can gamble, as

does Valentin. But the members of old families are much

rore naive than those who have recently made their fortunes, the adventurers, the unscrupulous, the unmannerly, the un­

educated. Even these people, in spite of their newly—won

riches, are beset with the f ear of the uncertainties of

existence. (The essay, "Ber Roman", discusses this point in connection with Die groane Sa,che. ^ ) It Is one reason

which impels Schattich to pursue greater and greater financial

successes. When he knows that the position of president of

the heichsbank has been refused him, he thinks he may as well give uu living all together.

Nun hatte der Bosten des Reiche bank— prAsidenten fAr Schattich die Ver- sorgung bedeutet, er war das Ende der Existensangst des Reichen, die end- gdltige Befreiung von dem fiberlebens- grossen D&non der Chance. EiniLal ein Ruheklssen, — das dann auch wieder keins gewesennArei aber der opekulant Schattich eah ea noch dafflr an. 25 175 -

A symptom of the uncertainty of life is the constant movement of these persons from place to place— what Mann 26 in the essay just mentioned calls a "running for one's life."

The princess, Valentin, and all of the 3irk children have a passion for automobiles, airplanes, and anything else which can go fast. The wandering about iron country to country of the baroness and of Seehaee, as well as of the characters in the tale entitled Llliane und Man! . the. etreiruous travelling of hundreds of miles in two days in Die. groeae Sache are symptomatic. So aro the frequent changes in occupation.

Emmanuel Dapp has had twenty different jobs; his sister-in-law

Inge turns easily from secretary to actress, Valentin is by turns a gangster, a gigolo, and a clerk. Marie Lehning goes through four transformations of existence.

To counteract the uncertainty of the "real" world, these people find an increasing importance in more or less unreel worlds, such as that of sports. Here one can escape and at the sane time have a sense of accomplishment. In one of the essays Mann calls sports activity a substitute for 27 success. Moreover, it gives one a use for one's energies.

Margot-Birk says:

1 Spielo ich rum Vergnflgen so echrecklich viol Tennis? Setze ich une Jeden Sonnt&g den furchtbareften AutorunfAllen b u s ? Das 3fl.ro 1st nun so drflckend, man b u s s wAder Duft bekommen,' - 176 -

rUnd e8 ldest uns zu viel Kraft •fl/brig1, erkl&rte Emanuel. 'We* scllte die Arbeit anspannen?*28

The prizefight described in Die grosse S^che is an

example of the all—importance of this sort of thing. In

the ossay just referred to. Mann says that in the ring one

ases a T)icture of one's daily life. It is like the fight for 29 existence. The prizefight is more important than love.

Love is only one more way of making time past? quickly. The

affair between Emanuel and Inge fades in importance when tney are engrossed in watching the match:

Llebe was es nicht, und es war nlcht Freude. Sie hilt ten es nicht nfttig gehabt. auch taten sie es n u r , um schnell vorwfirts zu koimnen und mit ihrem Leben. wle mit dem leichtesten lepSck. nur in Bewegung zu seint was gespannt sein helsst. nie aber an elnem Ziel. wo man sich elnmal freuen kann,^^

The uncertainty of life extends to personal relation­ ships. First of all. one must take an extremely practical attitude. Individuals Cannot be counted on. No great and irrevocable love, no tragic affairs are possible or de6ireable.

Inge Birk typifies this attitude with her rapid shift from one lover to another, the last being the one who can best help her on the road to success.

The identity of friends and enemies is not at all sure. - 177 -

Like Mangolf and Terra in Der Kppf. various pAirs of

uersons love and hate each other at the earno time: Marie

s-nd Viktoria, for instance, or Emanuel and his friend i-hman, Emanuel re&Iizes that Lhman spies on nira, but at

toe cant time he feels that Ehman is his best friend,

Even Birk rnd Schattich are friends as well as enemies,

One cannot tven rely on personal identity. The

Baroness Hartman thinks Valentin Lambert is really her son.

Or does 3ne? At the end she tells Valentin tnAt it was all h delusion, but the reader is never sure, Even Valentin's father is not oure. There is even some uncertainty about what constitutes a human being at all. In Die ^rosse Sac he,

Schattich has set up a life-sizs puopat in his office in order to make people think there is a client there, He attaches it to Margot 3irk, his secretary, so tliat she can move its limbs. In the Hoyelle. Llllaae na£ Paul (1926) much is made crt the almost identical Appearance of modern women end men: Bhort hair, slender, supple bodies, and an approach toward the 3ame type of clothing.

Uncertainty about human existence is further emphasized by the introduction, for the first time. In Mann's books, of the supernatural. In Liliana und Paul not only do the hero and heroine move about rapidly from pflace to place, they are transported by supernatural means. Just as they win uncannily - 178 -

in gambling casinos end live in an enchanted castle where

the positions of servant end artist are miraculously

interchanged,. The person responsible for these changes

remains a mystery, much £ b the all-powerful figure behind

the giant indus try in Die groese 5ache. "Chariot. the Cr^at," remains & mystery. In Die groese o&.che. the father, wno is surely lying on his hospital bed, suddenly appears in far­ away Berlin in tiiuB to save his son-in-law from being killed,

Dike wise, Margot sees in her mind's eye the exact course of

-he boxing match and the behavior of her family as they watch it, The NoveH.e, Die Tote (192l) represents the power of

the spiritual world, when there appears to bo a communication between Leo Cromer and hlB dead wife. The conversion of the

Baroness haxtman Is not rational, but she is saved by grace, which enables her to out aside all sin ana oe reinstated in the .

What has become of the Btendhalian energy principle, of the strong personality? The restlessness and continuous notion of the young people is as much a manifestation of energy— which does not find sufficient outlet——as it i6 a manifestation of uncertainty, Certainly in the four novels under discussion, it is the adventurer who continues to be admired. In Mutter Marie it is the baroness, with her checkered past, who not only assists materially in the

economic rehabilitation of the lamberts, but also gives

Valentin the courage to be a man again-—some thing he had

almost, forgotten, ao much had he been oppressed by


dnbriele West is Justified in entering on a questionable adventure with Pidohn, because ahe is the character with the greatest eagerness for life. Engineer dirk, the man who manages the events of Qje grosse Sache. feels himself drawn

to his children^ adventurous way of thiruclng, rntner than

to the conservatism of his own generation. he doec not hesitate to move them to action— any action. his ideal of constant work is an energy ideal. In Ejn ernates Leben. as in Per Kppj. the prostitute is the person who holds most tenaciouely to the life principle. I'hose young people who find themselves with connections in the underworld, like the rteitr twins or Vaientin, are acting from self —assertion. It is the very energy of Marie I*ehning which leads her into questionable paths and which finally saves her. She has great reserves of Btrength and an unaccountable influence over others:

In der Mprgenkflhle des 15» Mai* wflhrend ihr minutenlang niemand begegnefce, spdrte sie auf einmal die Kraft, die durch sie arbeitete, wenn sie nur fiel - 180 -

und slch nur &uffing, i’dhlbar wurde ihr a&er auch rum ersten Mai, was sie anrichtete unter Menschen— nicht, well sie vollte, wahrhaf tig nicht, well sie darenf auBging. Bondern sie holten sie: warum? Sie veradndigten eich an. ihr ■and hflngten ^ich dann erst recht an sie: wie kam es? Sie sail, dastj Vicki eine andere wurde und 4a.es Kurt den Boden verlor, Inzwischen schritten ihre eigenen featon Beine schneller aua, Sie spdrte die hraft, die durch sie arbeitete.31

Mann must be thinking of these lives with the energy

principle in mind because in discuss the ycnung people of

the post-war world, he says that the Germany of 1 9 2 2 is H x e 32 the France of Stendhal and Balzac, Thus, liko the

characters in Balzac, modern young people are divided into

those who undertake large projects and those who have more conscience, 33 To illustrate how theee young people experience a frustration of their energies, Mann translates a sentence from Lon^s. Igynbqpti M,ntfarum fcabe ich ungeheure I'&higkeiten ohne sie nutzen *u k8 nnen?'"3^ This is substantially the same complaint expressed by Claudius Terra and V/olfgang Buck,

Although the characters in the later novels are happier and more good-hearted than the cold-blooded schemers of Balzac, and although the general effect is more shadowy and unreal, the chasing after riches and advancement is not too much different from that of Bastignac and the daughters of Fere

C-oriot, fhe polarity between Germany and tne Latin countries

is still apparent. Gabriele West is a French woman brought

to Germany as a girl after the death of her mother— -a

situation substanti&lly the earao as that of Lola In Zwlscheq

.4 ®n ^aseen. rfhe differences between Gabriele and her German

neighbors are never forgotten, either by her or by the

Germans, Her dreams, when she wants to escape nnpleaeantnesc

of her family, are always of her childhood in Bordeaux. In

contrast to the slower and more stolid ways of the Germans,

Gabriele is light, graceful and frivolous, with a talent for

being happy. Her mobility shows itself in her unexpected

acting ability, Pidohn is not French, but he is for all

practical purposes an expatriate. Both he and Gabriele

represent adventure, which leads to both evil and good, „ / just as Napoleon end Eugenie represented both good and bad

to the French nation, Gabriele , with her frivolity, her

love of dress, and her fondness for suitors, helps bring on

the catastrophe, as did Eugerio. In the same way, Pidohn*e behavior is both condoned and deplored, as was that of

Napoleon III, Carried into the political realm, the allegory may be a reference to Mann's thesis that the French nation achieved nobility through defeat, just as Gabriele and her husband did, Mann's ideas about the role of writers in nubile life and the position of Zola toward the monarchy is reflected - 182 -

In a statement of Heines that a regime not supported by

artists and writers will eventually fail, as did

Napoleon’s regime, which was opposed by the writers. 35

The Baroness Hartman is also of mixed national character.

Of Latin origin (it is not clear whether she is French or

Italian), a wanderer over the face of the earth, she belongs

nowhere. Her mobility makes it possible for her to under­

stand Vaientin and outwit Seehase, She, too, is represented as extraordinarily graceful and beautiful, oi a "different” kind of beauty. Her German acquaintances are constantly aware of her oxotic, sensual charm.

It would be difficult to say what the specifically

"French" influences on these novels have been. The general theme in Sis ornstes Leben makes one think of Hugo1b Lee hjserables. and we know that Mann was interested in Victor

Hugo at about this time. The policeman is something like

Inspector Havert, with his impassivity, his omnipresence, and his eventual sympathy with those pursued. There may also be a parallel between i'iarie Lehning and Hugo's Cosette, with the strength of their mother love. On the other hand, Kann is Interested in the policemen in Balzac too;*^ Mann's policeman may be a composite of those he knew in life and those he knew in literature, opening pages of gros so - 183 -

Sac he are bo different In their expository approach from

kann’s 'usual method, as to remind one of the type of

introduction favored by Balzac,

Other oointB of contact with france In this group

of novela are of a quite general nature, fhe correspondence

of ideas with those of Soupault has already been mentioned,

file general intellectual atmosphere is some times not unlike

that of Gide, especially in the ambivalent attitude toward

good and evil. One of the reviewers of 9ic groase Sac he r

Hermann lesten, points out that the books of Mann and Side

have as a common theme the breakup of the social order and 37 the eneuing chaotic existence if men, Mann’s more

optimistic view of German society apparently corresponds with the hreak-up of the empire which he bo hated. In his eagerness to see the German Republic develop according to

the model of the French Republic, he sees great rese.nbl&nces between his young heroes and those of the generation of

Stendhal and Balzac, who saw the beginnings of French democracy. He suggests that the faults of the young people are the growing pains of democracy, the same kind of growing pains described by the nineteenth century French novelists:

So aehen Geschlechter ecus, lie viel erneuern mflssen, Seine Haltung wird eines I1 ages vielleieht dahin gefflhrt haben, die Welt widder anst&ndiger und fdr verantwortungsvolle Rflpfe und Herzen bewohnbarer zu machen,3® - 184 -

fc»o 1 st dies j-eschlecht der bogirmenden europSlacoen Demokratie. Vor hundert Jahren kttndete die be— ginnende franzftsiache Damokratia dich in handlungsreichen Honanen an. Die heute entstehende Doraokratie hat als neues Ausdruck3 roittel hinzubekonunen das Kino.-^9

-hat NIann le Interested at all in describing this borfc of oerlod, i.e.. that of rapid social change, he again attributes to his preoccupation with Stendhal*

VI'ai toujoura etef / attire ^ pai oet aspect toujours nouveau des generations et des classes. L'interet d'une epoque est dans ses transit 4 - Si clastee et types etaiont imjuuablea, je ne verrais pas la ne'cessite de les ecrire,

*fe crois que cette conception du roman date de Stendhal; c'est lui qui a docouvert l'ambition des nouvexles couches, leure marche olus on moins force vere le pouvoir at comment les anciennes couches a'y prennent pour retarder le mouveraent,^ - 185 -


Chapter V

1 Z-*U, pp. 190. 222* 292, 293, 3°?'-309, 315-322, 536-5+7. Z M t r.. pp. 189-192.

2 S,J. . PP. 59-62, 6 6 , 3 0 7 , 3O 8 .

3 Ip14.. p. 6 9 .

4 I M A . . PP. 65- 6 7 , 300-3 1 1 , 538-591.

5 IMA.. P. 337.

6 PP. 312-319.

7 IMA.. PP. 319, 315.

8 IMA.. p. 3 3 8 . 9 IMA.

10 ^ L l, pp. 138, 169.

11 9oc. c l X . • •a 12 l*efevro, Mi.. P. 37.

13 l.l1. . P. 296.

19 I M A . , P. 289.

15 IMA.

16 I M A . . P. 295.

17 IMA.. P. 297.

18 I L M , pp. 1 0 1 , 102.

19 Mann, Heinrich. Eugeni p oaer Ale 3-flrgerzel t. 8 erlin-V»ien— Leipzig: Paul Zsolnny Verlag, 1 9 2 6 , pp. 292, 293. - 166 -

2U onering, Herbert* c>p. £j._£. • P* 13.

21 Hann, Heinrich, Hie grosse Sachs» Berlin: Gustav Kiepeniiauer Verl.^, 193^. P. 79.

22 :^an:i, Heinrich. "Kobes". Hie neute Rundschau. 96. I (1925), pp. 235-266.

23 ;/ann, Heinrich, & i n e rnatee L e b e n . Ztlricn***fien-jJrag: ■oflchergild Gutenberg* 1 9 3 2 , p. 339,

2^ 0..^, p. 332.

2r groese Sache. p. 371.

26 o. 332.

2? IJSM.. P. 333.

28 D i f :roL.se Sachti* p. 3°.

29 QJu.» P* 333.

3 0 Hisi sn Sadia. p. 2 0 3 .

31 Ifrld., P. 212.

32 , pp. 7 o, 7 1 .

33 ibii.t pp. ?0 * 7 i,

39 Ibid.. P. 7H.

35 Bugeai.e oder die MESer^iLt. P. 93,

36 0.9.. p. 65.

37 hesten, Hermann. "Hie groese Sacho " - Hifl. Weltbdhxxe . Zh, II U930), p. 991.

38 £^J*# p. 979.

39 p. 3 3 1 .

90 Lefevre, op. , p. 33. C&hPTiiR VI


boon after the completion of" ^ln ernetes heben. early in 1 ^3 3 , Mann wan forced to leave Germany. He elected to jpend his exile In France, and during the yearn there he repaid the debt he owed to French culture by writing the two-volume life of Henri IV, Dje ^ugepd c[eiL Hflnigs Henri

(1 9 3 6 ). That he felt it was u debt repaid is indicated when ne says in Hip Zeltalter wlrd beeichtlftt. that no native eon nas done more for France than he by writing this work, which entitles him to a. share in the fate of that country.^ i±e wrote the book out of admiration for the Third -n.opu.blic (in

2 , his opinion the best era in the history of 1 ranee an admiration which lea him to explore the earliest origins of this raTJublic. The book shows that although Mann had spent twenty years writing novels on German life, his Tunachblid continued to be France, The difference between this Wunsch— bild and earlier ones is that this time it is not tho France of the Hevol\ition, but the Franee of a ruler whose ideals

Mann thinks laid the groundwork for both the Involution and the Tuird Republic. It is also a period close enough to the - 188 -

Renaissance to reawaken Mann's early interest in that age—— aioeit Maim now requires that the rowerful personalities whir': had. appeared in the earlier works muct possess a htunanitarinn philosophy.

It is natural that the ■’unBchbil A snould continue to be

-’ranee, in view of the course of political events in ^■ermn.ny .

Antithetical to the career of the French king is that of

Hitler, wnoiu Mann assails in a vitriolic diatribe entitled

Ber iiass. writ ton during the same period. This book was 3 originally published in French.

ihe virtues which are here presented as being so woefully lacking in derm&ny are possessed in full by Mann's Henri IV. king of Ilevaxrt, head of the Bourbon line, titular head of the

-Protestant faction in France, Henri has implanted in him an early sense of nie future destiny. Henri's early schooling in Paris under the supervision of Catherine de Medici is depicted, together with the successful pressure brought to

Dear on him to change faith. His later escape, reconversion, end training as a ooldler in the Protestant armies; his marriage to Marguerite of Valois on the eve of the Massacre of Aaint Bartholomew; his escape from the m&SB&cre as a result of the favor of K-ing Louis I-X-J his euooequont three years of virtual imprisonment at the court in Paris, during which he was forced to conform to Catholicism but also learned 16V -

ail thj tricks of hie enemies; hie rivalry with Henri Cuiee

,-nd the three eons of Catherine; all this fille two-tuirds

of the first volume. '^he h,et third dencribes his escape

fron the court of -^enri III and his slow gaining of ground

fiS head of the insurgent armies, until the succceBful battles

of Coutras again3t the armiee of the king and of Argues

egairict Uie Catholic -Teague (headed by the Guise family) give

him hope of realizing his clcims to the throne, I*egally ho

hecoznes king when the last of Catherine's sons dies, shortly

sfter the ,

The second volume tells of the Teague's final destruction

and describes lonri's rule after no has united the country

by renouncing Protestant ism. Coincident with the greater part

of the 1 b the love affair with Gabrielle d'Estrees,

ending with her tragic death just before she is to be married

end crowned queen, The fight against Hpaln as well as that

against the Catholic Church, the rebuilding of the country alter the civil ware, the institution of humanitarian policies, the establishment of religious freedom, ana the initiation of the "Great Plan" for a confederation of Europe are the preoccupations of henri as a ruler. In the closing chaptero of the book are described his marriage to Marie de

Medici for the sake of money and the prestige of a royal line, and finally his assassination, instigated by the Jesuits on the eve of a campaign against the Haptburgs. - 190 -

'flv.t the book was written at a warning nnd as an

encouragement to France during the Hitlerian periou, the

epilogue leaves no doubt. Henri, speaking to moderns,

reminds them that in him they can find both inspiration for

their fi^it against war and oopre3cion and a warning example

of what hapoens when one is too lenient towards one's enemies.

In him they can find an examole of a life whose mainspring was

love, whose desire was the well-being of all. He ia the

representative of the France which it behooves everyone to

remember: the advance guard of human liberty, the country

whose people are naetere of language as well as of fighting,

the country in which love toward humanity is most manifest—

for the world can le saved only through love. **

further proof of the didactic purpose of this book are the

remarks Kann later made about Henri IV and Hitlerism. France

was overcome by fascism in 1 9 H-0 as she was by the Catholic

League in the sixteenth century. The savior, in the person of he Hauiie, will come from the South, just as Henri came from the South.-' As Henri was helped by his Protestant allies, so is France being prepared for Be Gaulle by his democratic r.llies. Furthermore, the enemies of the country during the time of the League pretended to act from motives of religious belief,

Just as the fascists pretend to have an altruistic philosophy of anti-bolshevism. Honri and the were called heretics; - 191 -

today they would have been called communists.^

The allusion to Henri as the savior from the South

reminds ore of Menu's remarks about Sola's being of the

race of Mediterranean conquerove like Garibaldi and Caesar.

Henri, like Cole, is endowed with a love of humanity, but

he is not a weakling. Mann has not forgotten the man of

power. Like Cola, Henri combines in one figure Mann's

two predominant ideals: the strong personality and the social

conscience. Unlike the studies of power in Germany, which

're all derogatory, Mann in thiB one can allow himself to praise his hero. He says: !,IIenri Qnntre, oder die Macht der

Grtte. Die Hfichte der Dosheit, der Dunflnheit und der leeren

Herzen hattenv^Mpnn) viel frfther bewogen sie darzustellen. 11 (

As an example of the “power of goodness" Henri, like

Madame Legros and old Wolfgang Duck, typifies all the virtues which France represents to Mann: human1 tarianlsm, hatred of the rich and powerful, pacifism, love of freedom, intellectuality, eroticism. Decause of Its clarity and grace,

Henri'6 speech typifies even the virtues of the . The epilogues in French which end each major division in the first book suironarize the didactic aims of the author.

As a representative of the humanitarian viewpoint, Henri i1? the only king of all the kings of France. whoBe memory

ia cherished by the common people. tie he a tnr ability to

uecome one of the populace, to speak their language, to eat

and. speak ac they do, to understand tneir ways of thinking.

Farm shows Henri as a child with peasant children for

playmates, with little difference between his habits and

the ire, so that when he visits his Vale is cousins at the

Louvre, his rusticity scandalizes the court. Henri never

loses Vis preference for unadorned dress, for siinnle fooa,

und for exciu nging blunt remarks with commoners. in his

own province Henri is known as "the miller of barbeet," although it is highly doubtful that he ever actually worked

in the mill owned by him. Henri’s appearance is thus often distasteful to certain people, as it is at first to Gubrielle nerself and to his second wife, Marie de Medici.

In one scene Henri, the day after entering Faris as king, goes to a tanner's shop and asks to be allowed to work as an apoi entice for Italf a day. ^his is to show that ho under- otindb and wants to improve tne> condition of the common

Deople. His announced aim is for every Frenchman to have a chicken in hie not every Sunday; and later he ie liuuc. troubled wnen he is forced to tax the poor heavily in order to obtain much-needed revenue. H© furthers small crafts and industries, investigating now methods, encouraging good work and setting up

'hops in the Louvre. He can scarcely endure having to starve the people of Paris in order to c.'n |uer the cityi so he

secret,!y allows foraging expeditions to the country­

side. In hie own provinces he promises reor1c1trant tuwns

hat everytiling will be forgiven. he makes war against both

Protestant and Catholic plunderers. his lack of

retaxir tion against the stuoborn city of 'f’aa ^ e r,auees him

to be remembered there as the incarnation cf humane net. a

\ & \ i .enscnlichkeit ) .

berri's solicitude for th« lot of the commoner extends

itself to questions of punishment. i‘he inauguration of

Henri’s reign raennB the dicappearrf.uce of the gallows — except

for noblemen who violate decency in their treatment of the

poor. Spies and nsBassin_ henri cennot bear to oat to death,

a leniency wnich sometimes works to his disadvantage bait also

rains him followers. Ag a seven-year-old. n©nri refuses to

avenge nimself on h©nri Cuise after the latter has oummeled

nim. Kven when he knows tha.t the son of his old general,

biron, ie in the pay of the Spaniards, he gives ^iron one

oouortunity ai'ser another to redeem hiicnelf; and when finally

Henri has to have him executed, it is only with torture to

’nimself, H© will not take measures age ins t ’^ueen Marie even when he knows she is involved in a plot to take hia life.

-tari's apparent pusillanimity in sucn matters la a source of irritation to hiR ally, Ulizahoth of England, as ib his vacillation in religious belief.

The King's human!tarian attitude extends to his

unilosophy about war. The great military victories over

which he rejoices in nublic with his troops are a secret

source of sorrow because of the hundreds of ^ranchmen killed

on ootii sides. After the great, bet tie of CoutraB, won against

■--navy odds, the king weeps. He ie indignant at the plundering

and cruelty which admiral boligny allows hi a troops to practice.

•kg a consequence of arl the bloodshed he has seen during his

first campaign, Henri becomes ill. He prefers to take towns

wltn money rather than force (like aouen), even when the

exchequer can scareely bear it. As king he several times fails

to come to the aid of the lowlands against the ^panierds because

of nis dislike for shedding i’rencn oiood.

Hatred of war is tne founding principle of the Mdreat flan",

the plan for u federation of Tiurope which would have as its immediate object the suppression of the Wpsburg rule, out which would eventually lead to permanent pence fuid nunce to prosperity. The references to the plan inipxy that ^enri conceives of it as lowering tax. and duty barriers between countries, an idea dear to the neart of Mann. in -Sin keltalter wird beelchtigt- Mann compares Aenrl'e plan to that of Churchill 9 i rind Hoosovelt for a , 'ThuB France seems again p to fulfil Lemaitre's claim (quoted on several occasions by Mann) that it is always at least a hundred years ahead of other countries. - -

I'he mainstay of the federation is to be campojed of

countries which are either Protestant or republican,

although the miion wirl include all croeds end beliefs,

Ihe federation will include the -itates of I talj considered

as a federation among themuelves, iiweden, the -* ether lands,

and icigland, all countries where parliamentary rule prevails,

•farm's preference for republicanism thus finds furtner

justification, I’he situation bears a remarkable resemblance

Lu thst of Prance immediately prior to the Naai occupation.

“enri emphasizes the fact that the people wno unite In

opposition to the hapsburgs will be free oeopieo:

In oeinem ire is t was Europe aufgelebt 2 'j einer Wirklichkeit, alien erkennbar, sobald der haps ourgische ^hrgeiz einer universalen Monarchic niedergek&npft vrtre, he handelt aich wahrhaftig urn mehr, als gegen H&mmel und Windmdnlen zu fechten. Das tut vielmehr die universale Monarchie, ein Hirngospenst auf ewig, - unser klarer Dedanke eines bundes freier v8 lker wird frflher Oder spflter den Sieg haben,^

fonen Henri thinks of "free people'1, however, he is not thinking so nuch in terms of political forms as of freedom of conscience, freedom from oppression, and freedom from injustice, When he discusses the great plan, henri is emphatic about the useleasaess of fighting wars over religion,

“is own following has always included both camps, and he hint- self changes religious affiliation six times. is the

author of the Hdict of ^antes, an attempt to insure freedoi

of conscience to all subjects. Freedom from oppression means

tic right of every people to live for themselvee, governed, by

reh3 on-' "Mein.e Hache ist, dass die ^fllker leben sollen, und sullen

nicht s&att der lebendigen Vermmft an bfisen frftumen leidan, in den auf^edunsejien Bauch der universalen Macnt, die sie alle ver— 12 scr.luckt nat."

Within iranee herself justice is insured by denri's system of judges, who are free of obligation to anyone, even to tlb* monarchy. Justice is also insured by the free access which tie people have to the kin/;. Feasants and tradesmen are given a hearing. Henri has come late to power, the peotle recognize, 13 so that his power may be all the better used. Furthermore, the power of the rich over the poor is diminished by Henri's laws against the intermarrying of rich families. The rich are

;; special object of Henri *b ire. Heither is he enthusiastic about the powor of the nobility: in the councils governing the

Hrotestant districts he decides that for every four noblamen 14 ther^ shall be six from the third estate.

Money is the great power of the enemy. Through bribery

Hpain makes intrigues felt in France. The leaders of the Catholic

Heague are the rich families, chief of *hora are the Uuises.

■It is ironic that Henri's own assassination should come about - 197 -

through the connivance of Marie de Medici, whom he marries

o n l y because France is ih need of the money whicn sue will

briny into tne country, ■‘•’he application to the France of

193S is obvious: the moneyed classes turn to Hitlerism in

order to save their oroperty.

If all the peculiarly "French” virtues are united in

Henri, as Farm implies, there must be fo'uid in him also the

peculiarly "French" He is t, re well as Tat. Intellect at well

rs ""tion, mind aa well ae energy, The intellectual climate

is that of the humanists. Henri represents not only

human!tar Ianism and freedom, but also reason, learning, and

tolerance. Hie early teachers at the College of ^avarre are humaniG t ic. ■tienri’s favorite reading 1 3 1lutarch; he knows lflicretiua, duvenal, and Horace; he likes to nave editions of

Lstln books printed; he erects a library for the common people, ihe closest friends of his years of campaigning are poets and scholars as well an souiiers: Agrippa d'AublgncT, du Bartas,

Fhilipp Mornay. These are friends whose Froteatantism, white unshakeaole, it of a more reflective character, more questioning than tnat of Admiral Coligny, who has no ability for the subtler aspects of thought. In spite of all the wars he wages in the name of religion, H9nri is a free-thinker like

Erasmus rather than a zealot like Luther, He is not a scholar, but his reason prevents him from following blindly any one - 198 -

theological concept. tie is sunerior to all beliefs, as it

were, seeing in them faults and virtues alike. Thus he is

frequently uncomfortable in the presence of Mornay, who is

the kind ol’ dogmatist who does not allow of compromise and

who withdraws into retirement after Henri's aojuratlon of

Hrotestantism. One of Henri’s great experiences is his

friendship with Montaigne. The views expressed in the

scenes between the two conform closely t<< the beliefs expressed

in the essays by the later, more tolerant Heinrich J*lann. *ne

conversations during which Montaigne develops his idees of the

uncertainty of all human knowledge (que sals-.,1e?) crystallize

Henri’s tkinking. 'The result is a tolerance for all beliefs,

all ection, bad as well as good, for who can know absolutely

what is pood? The stature of Henri's mother is increased

rather than diminished for him when he discovers that she haB

had a secret love affair, fcr whicn she was chastised by the


It is partly this attraction to reason (and hence

reasonableness) which makes the bigotry of the hapgburgs, as well as their lust for power, so repugnant to Mann.

Catherine de Medici’s reliance on astrologers and nacroiaancers is felt to be evil. The League is a manifestation of irrationalism;'^'’ its world is that of killing end being killed, the vforld of the "hero, all hail." The betrayer, laiise, comes - 199 -

17 from outside France and is of ignoble descent. Moreover,

tnoug'a he iiw-s groat physical prowess, Le is weak in

intellect. figures like JTiise's mad. sister, the Duche&s of hontpesier, and the preachers who foam at the mouth when

inveighing against tna heretics are reminiscent of Hitler

:.r.i his coterie, tne modem result of man's abdication to irrationalism, Henri knows that he is t m amoassador of 18 reason, chosen to combat this power. Whoever couiuerr the

Learne will conquer anti-reason. Clod will *"0 on his side. 19 uiE own kingdom lives in the spirit I "lit lebt in Leist and 20 in der Wahrheit oder gar nicht. " -tie knows that his own future will be great because he is allied with truth and 21 nigh reason. His kingdom begins when men begin to oe less 22 st icid.

It is not an accident that Henri's origins are Medi­ terranean, close to the original Mediterranean culture, and that his native tongue is still close to t h e Latin, the language of the humanists. Henri dim self i--= represented ar having a ma3tery of classical Latin. He is also especially skillful in the use of the branch language— not that of the court, but that of the common people. Ho mistrusts those who do not know how to use French * "Na, und die gute o-iciio iat 2h natilrlich dcrt, wo man richtig Franzflsisch nv"ichti” Kenri'a love letters are works of artj his speeches, like tne one before - 200 -

tno oarlinsient Pt ioueti, are na^terplecqe of c or> strict ion

and pcychology. The qualities in whi ch Henri is superior

to his faithful minister Hosny ISully) ©re the inventiveness

and imagination which make it possible for him not only to

concei.e of sometaing like the great plan, out. also to mil

his conception into graceful and effective language,

Fenri iE so much w son of his native lend that lie

dislikes hie Italian wifo end will nod part with his French

mistress, Henriette d'Entraguea. The lrttar h> s whet for

him ere Fr«nch traits: lightness , grace, wit, drTin^*:

Welcbs indere hat ihre.i. lclcaten, hShniachen Witz, die sprunghafte Lauue , und so viel Anmut in dsr gelassonheit, die hunst, alier. zu vragen, oline dees es die Selb3taci.tung kfcstet: welche liat his zur Vollkoimnen— heit, was Ksnri frnnzSsiech nennt,25

"fenri himself is snccessful because ue has the art of

turning everything into a joke, By this means he can take the sting out of not jn] y plots and defejna tionu against aiit— sr. 3If, out also of his own necosuarily stringent jureo

. . 26 against his enemies, H© would like to forgive anu. forget. dy turning horror into wry humor, he 13 able to prevent him­ self from being consumed by hat#* after the ghastly Saint

Bartholomew massacre, "...am -lass wflrdo man erstirken, kfinnte - 201 -

liieht laciien. Henri erlernte in dieser Stunde, zu hassen,

und Oo wb.j ihm dienlich, das £ or 6 ich ttbui1 das v'erhasBtt: 2? lustig ruachte." Thus Henri can make Jokes about the behavior

of the murderers (the cowardice of the Duke of -«njou, for

instancej or those who show themselves alive the day after the

caeBEcre. The wish of Catherine to make Henri appear ridiculous

is not without benefit to h-enrij he willingly turns himsulf into

the court fool, This has the added advantage that he can

sometimes turn the laughter against r.is enemies, as when al ter

the : econd abjuration of the Protestant faith he makes Catherine ridiculous by pretending to be her lapdog. This mt-thod for

getting tne better of a situation goes back, to Henri's childhood, when, in order to compensate for email stature wnen trying to

■Litke an impression on a girl, ne would imitate the clumsiness of nis larger rival, l'o corapense.te for his inferior rank and training in etiquette, he carried to ridiculouB extremes the courtly behavior of Charles IX, bowing to tne right, the left,

End che roar, a performiAnce he repeats as an pdult, so that

^ 28 Claries e*.ys, "Du bleibst cin Narr."

The genius for play-acting, for turning disadvantage into f joke, a theme so attractive to Mann, is advantageous in

Henri’s wooing of Oabrielle d ’&streee, when he has to compete with the younger and more attractive Duke of dellegarrie. One - 2 0 2 -

day the king aupeers before -kbrieile disguised ;.e a

nuuched—over oeasant; the result i3 that in the future she

compares him with the peasant ro.tuer zhnn -dellegnrde.

-tenri as a lover hue that combination of sensual

intensity ^nd intellectual discipline wnich M e m eamires

in t-i'.e French. Henri * c 1o v *b begin at the age of four, and

ris /iffairs are many and various, The sexual drive for

>ienri is fan aas i*= for all uis other jucceesefl, from aie

loves he draws strength for the many tasks which fall to his

lot, After the , when the king's thoughts turn

to love, Mann makes the following statement:

Er erholte sick inzwischen von seiner schweren Selilscht veroittelr der ^agd und dor -Lie be, Diese zweite entbelirte er jetst schon lange. Indessen ist uie die wahre Kraft seines *ecens, wia auch der desundte Venedigs sogleich erkannt hat, ITLr alles, was er tut, ist sain arsprilnglicher nntrieb dac deschlecht und die gestolgerte Kraft, die es hervor- bringt durch seine h'ntzflckung, 2 9

fienri'g love for &abrlelle gives him superhuman strength,

so that he does the work of ton men and does not need to

sleep, dacauB© of dabrielle, he has the courage to make his

third and final leap of abjuring the T’rotestant faith, *itn

the death of uis true love, daorialle, the real life of Henri

is over; the rest is only •pilogue.* "Ix O'kuan} beendet dieae beschichte einer bestftndigen Leidenschaf t, woraue Grttese wird, woraus Schuld wird, denn Henri liess ale sterben, — und auch - 20'j -

der Homan ist auo * 3 o

i'Ot that Houri'e loves invariably oring him good

1 or tune or that he conducts iiimself ethically in the course

A tnfna, us a consequence of nis passion for Mnrguerite of Valois t the drotoiuojit forces are caught in the horror of the batnt bartholemew18 massacre, and Henri is kept a

’ji’itcnor at Catherine's court, -ienriette d'Lntreguos is uart of the conspiracy which ends in the assassination of the king, dabriello's ornaments, dresses, ana furnishings cost the state money sorely noeded elsewhere, and her relativeB, when placed in positions of trust, are incompetent and untnistworthy,

3at from his loves he derives strength, and tne tragedy of his second marriage is that there is no feeling between him— self and liar is ,

cenri1b lores are ono manifestation of his energy. So is his tenacity against the forces of the League and of Spain: the long series of rcemingly hopeless battles against superior numbers and resources, and the patient biding of time at

xike baesar, Napoleon, end Garibaldi. Like them he is ector,

ce pus. It can, anti con peror, Hnlike the modern. Herman heroes

of Munn, lienri ' b energy can expend itself in open fight

apt ins t an r:r.cj;y, in honest construction of s. state end in

.-.•->oing of the opposite sox. he has the strength of the

‘duchess of Agsy tlus a conscience; his amorous successes

remind one of the heroes of "hoderlos de Laclos exceot that

Henri la really in love; he possesses the Stendhalian ener^-y without being iiypocritioi.l, Put into a situation where he cannot act freely, Henri learns hypocrisy soon enough and

Decomes an actor of the first order, 3 ike the modern heroes of Mann or those of btendbal, 1‘he predominance of adventure as o&rt of the energy drive iB present too, as in Henri,s fondncrs for disguises and foolhardy venturing into dangerous

territory. An exploit like that at the battle of Ivy, where he holds back an entire regiment single—handea, by tne power cf his eyes rnd his will, until his retreating troops can raliy to his support, is the mark of a i-achtmenech.

Henri has been marked by destiny to ae king of Lranee, and this h&e been impressed on him from infancy. One scone chows ^ostredumus coming to the boy's bedroom and predicting that he will be the future king. It Is his destiny ss right­ ful king to suunlant the declining power of the H^psburgs, and to represent the forces of tolerance, reason, and

Irumanity.^ Because of his noble ancestry and a sense of - 205 -

destiny, lie follows the preceptr. , not of Machiavelli, out 32 of Mornay, who ie the incarnation of virtue. Montaigne

teaches rim that, like , he owes hie mission

t'" the ancestry of a noble house. 33 ’i-’his sense of destiny

Jeter makes Henri think himself the instrument of the Lord

against the evil powers destroyir^; France, Contrary to

::ie usual custom, he feels no pity for the conquered after

the battle of Ivry because there must be an end to the patience of the lord, and nis enemies have been filloa with a pride and power not fitting to them. -at the siege of

Haris, the emissaries sent out to him, the Cardinal of Haris find the hrchbishop of Lyon, nave to change their attitude from that of mild contempt to ave before reel majesty:

detroffen erkannten die Abgeaandten, dass er elngesetzt war ale Poind ihrer Welt; und gegenftber deni verkrflppelten Eraenbeherrscher Philipp, der un- monechlichen Weltmacht Hapsburg erhob ihren tnapruch eine lebendige Majestflt. Man muss dies erblicken, damit man es glaubt. In ueben yeschieht fast alles ohne Auftrag - das ist die tAgliche Erfahrung hochgestellter, ungl&ubiger Herren, die daher jeden MAchtigen ffib* einen Betrflger haiten und ihn daffix hinnehmen. Ein Schlag durchlief die Glieder dieser Leiden, vor ihren Augen zitte-rte das irdische -Bild, da sie die wirkliche K&jeatAt erfuhren. MajestAt — ein echwachee Wort fflr eine echlechthin Aberwfiltigende Gnade Gotten: — wie schwach und weit- lAuf ig verhAlt man sich zu Gott und Gnade. i?wei f-irchenfArsten hatton eich solange nichts dabei gedacht, bis sie dies er- lebten: ein Soldat, dem die Gnade der MajestAt zufAllt vor ihren Augfcn.3^ - 206 -

When ho nas finally secured the throne for himself, the

kin#; Eiuet combine the attributes of real majesty with his

innate folk-like qualities. Symbol for Henri's majesty is

the Deinting by ^ubens, in which nothing can oc ascertained

lefrly except a blaze of brilliance where the king sits on

r.it throne. As nun of power uenri wishes to be, in Sully*i\

vofda, "the judge of Europe".' "king of Km*ope" they call

him, ne things proudly.

The king seems to be invincible, to lead a cliermed life

in the face of assassins and plagues. his sis ter feels thie

when she aays : "...deine innere i’ostigkeit widersteht den

Jahren, dir kommt im C^-unde nichts nahe, l>u kannst nient 37 we1 ken, musct zerbrechen.n Hut as monarch Henri can

sometimes be ruthless. For instance, he sacrifices the liao dneas of his sister Catherine in order to marry her to a

Catholic for state reasons.

The HacT^tasenach is a martyr too. When Henri is about to firht the battle of , Mann describes the scenes in the Hiaiical valley of Hosaph&t. not frr from Cb thsemane, which gave its name to Henri's camp. The implication is that 33 Henri1 e sufferings are similar to those of Cnrist. yne of the papal legates sent to persuade him over to the Haneburg faction concludes that Henri is «. martyr and a saint. who else would dare Bet himself against the universal world nower? No - 207

wonder that the Elector of Saxony compares hla to David 19 against Goliath.

Henri's very leniencies are a sign of power. Only a

weak: monarch like Jaraes I of England has to use force, says i+Q Rosny. The crumbling power of the Hapsburgs does not dare *fl be humane, as Henri is. True power is that of helping others if2 to live. One does ndt possess true power unless it is if3 acknowledged in the hearts of his subjects.

How much of the biography of Henri IV la based on fact?

Mann claims to have done a great amount of research on his iflf subject, but the fact that he calls it a hovel would indicate

that parts of the story are fictional, The numerous scenes

In which either censor sat ions or the Inmost thoughts of persons

are reproduced must of necessity be fictional.

In the main, however, Mann's account follows that of

reputable historians and biographers. The facts of Henri of

Navarre's life are set down in chronological order. Many

Isolated scenes, like that of the quarrel between Sully and

Gabrlelle, are taken from the memoirs of contemporaries and were also used by historians like Michelet. Other scenes, while probably legendary, were recounted often enough to justify Mann's inclusion of them in his "novel". Such a scene is the account of Henri's throwing sweetmeats to his rival under­ - 208 -

46 neath Grabrlelle's bod. Most writers agree that* in

comparison to the reigns preceding and following his own*

that of Henri was Just and tolerant * and that numerous

reforms In industry and finance were instituted* That he was

a great general is not questioned. Hie leadership saved France

from Spanish tyranny. Certainly he was loved by the people*

even if they did not realize it until after his death. The

king's camaraderie and lack of aleofness are attested often

enough* Hie reputation as a master of the French language is

supported by no less a critic than Sainte—Beuve.^ On the

other hand* most writers* including Michelet* do not leave

one in doubt as to the king's Inconstancy* use of flattery* caprlciousnese* lack of moral scruple* penury, and slovenliness.

Although he was humane, his emotion could easily be summoned to serve selfish ends. He Is considered to have been an auto­ cratic ruler who did not hesitate to consolidate his power by 4 8 assuming whatever mask seemed appropriate.

Where there Is a choice between legend and authenticated fact* Mann is inclined to choose the legend* if it serves hie purpose* or at least that historical version which allows him to enlist the reader's sympathy for Henri. The king who wanted a chicken in every pot and who insisted on knowing the value of a farthing is given his full due. In the matter of whether or not Henri allowed food to enter the city of Paris during the - 20 9 -

siege, Mann prefers to think that he did. Others, like h9 Sainte-Beuve, say this Is legend. As respected an

/ authority as Marlejol holds that he sent food to only a 5 0 few persons, Some of the memoirs of the period tell

of Henri's soldiers selling food to the Parisians,

apparently without the king's knowledge. In exchange for

much-needed clothing. In other versions, Henri sends food

to some of the nobility, and allows women and children to

leave P a r l s , ^

There seems to be no doubt that the king was reared

very simply, tau^it physical endurance, and allowed to play

with commoners. Contrary to the legend, however, this peasant

existence seems to have ended at about the age of three, 53

Mann's version sounds more like the legend. Likewise, Mann

probably exaggerates Henri's extreme courage (charging

single-handed an entire line of cavalry), his omniscience

and perception, and his unselfish love af the people. On the

other hand, the king does seem to have had unusually keen 54. senses, and the ability to make quick Judgments. Except for Michelet, idiom Mann follows rather closely, most writers point out that the king wished to be loved by the people but even more than that he wished to extend the power of the crown,^ It is Interesting to note that when Mann quotes from

Henri's speech to the members of his parliament when they - 210 -

stubbornly refuse to sign the of ^antas, he omits

that section in which the king bluntly says he 1b king and

means to be obeyed.^*

The comparison, in Michelet's history® between Admiral 57 Coligny and Henri is generally to the former's advantage.

Mann subtly reverses this balance, questioning Coligny's

Judgment, and making a fault of his steadfastness and

implacability, Michelet criticizes Henri's treatment of women, although he grants that the customs of the times excuse much.

According to him, the poor relationship between the king and

C*Q his queen was at least partly the fault of the king, but

Mann never fails to lay the blame at Marie's door by always portraying her as unattractive, stupid, and ridiculous,

Michelet's appraisal of the "Great Mian" agrees wlth that of other historians, namely that Henri planned a system of alliances against the ^apsburgs, but that other parts of the 59 plan are a product of Sully's imagination. Mann prefers to accept Sully*s version of a federation of .

Wot even Voltaire, who is so eulogistic where Henri la concerned, believes this.^

It also seems clear that Henri had almost no interest in books, that he never read, and that his knowledge of X>atin came from the basic resemblances of his dialect to I«tin, rather than , 6l from any books he might have read. 211 -

Where there are differences In opinion between

Michelet and other historians, Mann usually follows

Michelet's version if It adds to the case against Spain

or the Catholic Church, Thus he ascribes to Queen Marie

and the Spanish ambassador complicity in the plot ending

in Henri's assassination. Willert, for example, places 62 no credence in this, and the other writers ignore it.

Then Mann, following Michelet, goes into detail on the

subject of the nlot of the Duke of Tuscany, the usurer

Zamet, and others, to poison Gabrlelle, He also intimates

that Sully knew of it, thus enlisting our sympathies for

Gabrielle, About this there seems to be some doubt, since

the account of Sully himself cannot always be trusted.

Michelet's evaluation of Henri's reign as a kind of Golden

Age corresponds closely to Mann's own portrayal, which even

uses entire phrases from Michelet's history. Sully Is called

a "revolutionary*,^* Henri during his last love affair is

compared to Don Quixote Leonora Gallgai la a creature who

shuns the light and has "bewitched" the q u e e n ; ^ Rubens only reluctantly puts Marie into pictures otherwise filled with

6 7 heavenly beauties. Both writers agree on the significance of the Gunpowder Plot in England (the result of Jesuit plotting). Both writers agree that during Henri's reign 68 fry as a principle enters government for the first time,

Mann does not omit any important details mentioned by Michelet, - 212 -

as far as can be discovered.

Is possible that the Idea of Henri's having a

predetermined destiny sensed by himself at an early age

comes from the heroic concept of the king in Voltaire’s

Hear lade. In view of the attention Mann gives to Voltaire

during this period, such an influence Is not Impossible.

Voltaire’s conception of Henri's reign corresponds, too.

In the main outlines, with that of Mann.

On the other hand, Mann has made rather free use of his imagination with respect to the details of Henri's relationships with Montaigne and Rubens. We know that

Montaigne was probably at the court of Henri III and that he tried to act as intermediary between Henri of Savarre 69 „ and Henri Ouise. However, there is some doubt about the accuracy of De Thau's memory, who places Montaigne at the 70 court during this period. Ieiter, Henri twice visited 71 Montaigne eventually offered him a post In the government.

Several letters written by Montaigne to Henri indicate that 72 Montaigne admired the latter. It is not known what influence

Montaigne might have had on Henri' s thinking. There is no basis in history far the colloquies between the two at the siege of let Rochelle. Michelet elaborates on what he calls the moral indifference of both (to Mann it is humility and tolerance), but he makes no mention of the two ever having met. Similarly, the matter of^Hubens drawing seems to be

based on rather sketchy evidence, As Mann describes it,

the king is on his throne, the outlines of his face

obliterated by rays of light, which in turn cause

dabrlelle sitting next to him to appear naked. Above the

rays of light are numerous cherubs, in the Btyle of Bubens.

It was supposedly painted from life. In the first place,

there is no record of Hubens ever having been in France

prior to Henri's death, Burckhart says it is unknown whether

Bubens ever saw the king. If he did, it must have been on HQ the Journey either to or from Italy ( 1 6 0 0 or 1606). hater,

Bubens planned a gallery of portraits depicting Henri's life and "triumphs1*, but we have only a few of these; and it is not likely that Marie de Medici would have sanctioned such a picture as the one Mann describes. The one entitled

"Triumphal entry into Paris" contains some of the elements of such a picture, as does the one called "".

However, Mann says that Bubens planned to paint it over and give the figures allegorical names» hence Mann could have acquired the idea from any one of a dozen pictures.

Of peculiar attraction to Mann are, no doubt, the uncertainty, the eternal danger, and the melodrama Inherent in a period rife with plagues, massacres, assassinations, and disguises, Michelet, following Montaigne, speaks of the age - 214 - as a comedy and of the characters as actors In a farce.

Henri is the "great Gascon actor". Elsewhere Michelet 74 calls the epoch "grotesque"• The king as an actor and pretender* Indulging In self-mockery. Is a familiar character,

the only one Mann knows who has been able to find a modus

vend! in an intolerable world. Mann is not content to use the melodrama already found in the history books, however.

He manufactures nightmarish scenes, like the one between ■N the Chicot and the assassin Barrie re. Their talk of pickling the corpse, the Jester's fall into the cess­ pool, and such details, are reminiscent of the bizarre scenes in Mann's novels. Equally grotesque is the chapter in which Gabrlelle's would-be poisoner disguises his hideous face so that it looks like that of a cherubic kitchen boy. Gabrielis's page-boy William plays the part of Zamet's chief cook, and the two of them struggle, hanging from the rafters, for possession of the poison. Equally grotesque is the scene between Marie de Medici and the

Spanish ambassador, wherein the knowledge of the king's approaching death by violence induces acute visceral disturbances in both. Of course, Mann could draw on the rumors and tales prevalent among the superstitious people of the sixteenth century, and since he calls his work a novel, there is no reason why he should not use such material. In the erotic side of Henri'b life as well. Harm finds

a subject ready-made for himself. A subject of criticism

to many, Henri's eroticism is interpreted by Mann as being

the "root" of his life and therefore his greatness, as

suggested In Henri's letter to his sister Catherine on the

occasion of Gabrlelle's death. It mi^it be mentioned that

Voltaire, in discussing this subject, points out that 75 Tirlllty is usually synonymous with strength and courage.

The king's crudity, coarseness, cruelty, and gullibility in

this respect are dwelt on with extensive documentation by

Haymond Hitter,' Mann does not gloss over these matters, but he accepts them, particularly the affair with Gabrielle, which he treats poetically, following the legends.

To turn the saying about, Henri has for Mann the virtues of his faults In this other respects. The uncertain line of demarcation between good and evil, so dear to Mann, is again portrayed. Even Henri is an equivocal character, as 77 Gabrielle herself recognises. His dangerous leniency, his boastfulness, his ribaldry, and his religious in­ difference are not disregarded by Mann, but they are treated sympathetically and fused into a whole that is a unified, absorbing, and poetic story of a great man. That Mann was able to do this is a tribute to him as a creative writer,

For our purposes, it is only necessary to repeat that Mann 216 - gives corporeality in this life of Henri IV to the ideal world he finds in France. This world has four aspects,

First, there Is the aspect of galty. grace, and wit typified by the ability of Henri and hie friends to make disasters bearable by witticisms and to undertake large projects with a light heart. The next aspect is that of social and political Idealism: humanitarianism, concern far the welfare of the common people, freedom of thought, pacifism, Buropeanism. Third Is the power of reason and intellect, out of which the social ideals grow. He ason finds expression in a superior language, in the use of which

Henri and his followers are masters. I*astly, Mann's ideal of energy and action finds expression in a French figure, this time from the humanistic period. 217 -


Chapter VI

1 Z.tltr. . P. **9°.

2 ISJLA-. P. 404.

3 Ibid.. p. 172.

Mann, Heinrich. Die Vollendung dee Kflnlgs Henri Oimtrw- New Yorkr-Torontot Longmans, Green and Co., 1938, p. 819,

5 Zjfcll£*. P. 436.

6 Uaid*. p . 441.

7 Ifeid.. 991*

8 Mann, Heinrich. Die JurenA dee Kflnlge Henri

9 ZULit.* P. 535.

10 Ifcid*. p. 2 1 1 .

11 Y.K.H.Q., p. 742.

12 Ibid.. P. 335.

13 I b i d . , p. 297.

1^ IM4., p. 423.

15 L. 4 H A . p. 5 1 2 .

16 Ibid.* p p . 533 * 569.

17 l U d . , p. 5 4 5 .

18 ibid.* p . 513.

19 y.k.h.q. . p. 3 4 . f 00 H N I

• • oo • ca n 'A A o ca (A a & (A ft- a • • * * • A • s i « f t - ft- o • ft- A H OO a ^ p VO f t h \o h vo os cv; ,h ft 0- ft- A 0\ • • ft- vo >o CVi 4 • • d

ft ft d ft ft « f t f t ft ft ft ft Pi ft ft o * a I • a • • w • • t3( 4 ■P •P M aH •H 4 A .O ► M M

cm c a ■* A VO oo o (A CA CA i+3 sully. "Economies Royales", "Henri IV et Sully", L'Hjstolre d£ France Racontee bar Con t ezroor alns. Paris: Llbralrle Hachette et Cie, 1888, pp. 26-34 (B. Zeller). \ Quoted in^ VaiBelere, Pierre de. Henri IV. Parle: Art heme Fayard et Cie., Editeurs, 1925, p. 417. / 47 Salnte-Beuve, C.«A. "Henri IV, Ecrivaln, par M. Bugene Jung," Causerlee du Lnnri1. Parle: Garnier Frdres, (no date), Tome onzlfeme, pp. 351-387.

48 Marlejol, Jean H. Hletolre de PjcflBSEfi. Parle: Llbralrle Hachette et Cie, 19°4, Tome S (Lavlase).

Marlejol, Jean H. £ DfffighW s L JfefaS. U lSl Semantic Story of Marearet of Valois, Translated from the French by John Peile. Hew York: Harper axui Brothers, 1929. Michelet, J. Hletolre de France. Paris: A. Lacroix and Co. Edlteurs, 1877* Tone Oneierne, Dottxlene, Treizieme,

Ritter, Raysiond. Henri IT Iml-gmc. Paris: Editions Albln Michel, 1944. Sainte-Bsfpre, C.-^, clt., pp. 351-389. Sainte-Beuve, C.«A., "Hletolre du Regne de Henri IV par M. Poirson", oo. clt.. Tone Trelslene, pp. 2 1 0 -2 3 0 . Vaisalere. Pierre de., pp. clt.. pp. 18, 29. Voltaire. "Essal i u t les Moeurs", Oeuvres Completes. Paris: Garnler Freres, 1878, 12, pp. 538-571. Hillert, P. P. Henrr of and the Sif^ianots In Franca. London: O.P. Putnam'e Sons, 1924. Zeller, B. "Henri III, La Ligue", Hletolre de Prance Racontee lat Xes Conteaooralns. Paris: Llbralrle H&chette et Cie., 1887. Ibid., "Henr* IV", 1888. Lea the e, Sir Stanley. "Henry of Prance", The Cambridge Modern History. Cambridge: at the University Preee, 1934, Vol. H I , pp. 657-696.

49 Salnte-Beuve, C.-A., "Henri IV, Ecrivaln", o p . clt.. P. 371. - 220 -

cO Marlejol, Jean H., clt.- I. P. 321.

51 “Memo ires de la I

52 Ibid.f “Memolres d'Estolle", p. 124.

53 Vais8lere, SLB.. fill., pp. 18, 29. Marlejol, A Daughter of the Medlcia. p. 3 O.

54 Ibid., p. ?0 3 . See also all other works cited above under note 48.

55 Cambridge M&derR History. Vol. HI, p. 695. Mariejol, Jezu& H., ai*. clt.. II, pp. 23-3°, 13^. 135.

Sainte-^euve, C.«A., o p . clt.. Tome Onsierne, pp. 3 7 1. 375. 376. VaisBlere, Pierre de, .ap. clt.. pp. 557-565. Wiiiert, P. 1*., pp. £li., pp. 31*+-315.

56 T.K.H.Q.. P . 5O9 .

57 Michelet, J., pp. clt.. Tome Qnsieme, pp. 2 8 9, 291, 3°3. 3 0 6, 329-33^. I M A * • Tome Trelzleme, pp. 275-279.

58 liii., Tome Treizieme, p. 146.

59 iiid,, p. 1 3 2 .

Wiiiert, o p . cit. , p. 412.

Mariejol, q p . clt. , II, pp. 124-125. The. Cambridge Modern History, vol. Ill, p. 6 7 8.

60 Voltaire, o p . clt. , p. 55^. y 61 Sainte-Beave, “Henri IV Ecrivaln", Causerlee du Lnnri\ . Tome Qnsieme, p. 380. Hitter, .fill** PP. 333. ff.

62 iilA.. PP. 386 , 387. Cambridge Modern Hlatcry. p. 69°. - 221 -

63 Zeller, "Henri IV et Sully", Hjstoire ifi France HftCflBtftS 32S£ iLlfi. Cpntemporalns. p. 18, Note.

64 Michelet, J., be. si£., Tone Trelzieme, p. 1 1 2 , v.k.h.q.. pp. 4 5 0.

65 Michelet, J. , qp. cl t., Tone Treizieme, p, 145. V.K.H.Q.. pp. 741-742.

66 Michelet, J., be. clt.. Tone Treizl'feme, pp. 6 2 , 141. U . K . Q .. p. 601.

67 Michelet, J. , o p . clt. . Tome Treizieme, pp. 42, 43. V.K.H.Q.. p. 816.

6 8 Michelet, J. , an* cl t. . Tome Treizieme, pp. 1 2 2 , 124. J.K.HJ1.. pp. 492, 502.

69 De Thou (Norton, Grace, Ed.) Montaigne. Boston: Houghton Mifflin and^o,, 19°6, pp. 17-19,

70 Tilley, A. A. "French Humanism and Montaigne", The Cambridge Modern Hj»tory. Cambridge: at the University Press, Yol. Ill, p. 6 8. Dowden, Edward. Mjchel de Montaigne. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, pp. 2 O7 , 208. I9O5.

71 Bowden, u b . clt., pp. 348-35°,

72 Ibid.. pp. 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 .

73 Burckhardt, Jacob. Recollections of Hubens. London: Phaidon Publishers. Translated by , M.A., p. 141. 195°.

74 Michelet, J., ee* clt.. To»e Douzieme, pp. 54, 3 3 6, 337,

75 Voltaire, ee. sUfc., p. 5 3 8.

76 Hitter, £E* clt.. pp. 2 2 6 -2 6 2 .

77 p. 4 5 3. - 222 -



The nor el, Her Atean. published in 19^9. la an almost

Incomprehensible book because the manner in which It Is

written makes It difficult to discern the author's intention.

The setting is the town of on the French Rlrlera, and the

time is the day war is declared between France and Germany in

I9 3 9 , The central figure in the book Is an aged aristocrat,

a Comtesse de Trann, an expatriate Cher own country is

presumably Austria) who has lired an irregular life and who for

twenty-fire years has been destitute because her lover,

Fernand, absconded with all of her money. In the coarse of

the story we learn that the heroine has been married to a

Baron Kowalsky, that up to the time of his death the couple

lived a gay and irresponsible life in the resorts of Europe,

and that after hie death him widow continued the same mode of

existence with the rogue Fernand. ve learn that daring the

last twenty-fire years she has refused to ask for assistance

from her very moral sister, and that for a period she supported herself by working in a factory. W® are given to understand

that she has had some connection with revolutionary movements of the workers and has been under the surveillance of the police. - 223 -

At the opening of the book the heroine (now known simply as "Koba.lt”) is presented to us as she walks down one of the streets of the town toward the bank, where she does dally to ask for money, in the delusion that there is a large sum waiting for her. She is dressed in once- elegant clothes of 191° style, now pitifully worn; and she herself is pitifully old and ill. Her illness is a respiratory one which makes it difficult for her to breathe.

Thus the title of the book. As long as her breath lasts, she is able to IIt o , More significant, perhaps, is that Bhe has retained her marvelous speaking voice, which can enchant those who hear her. A special method of breathing, taught her by a physician in Vienna, is partly responsible. She could have been a great singer but disdained to sing for money. One is reminded of the singer in Die Brimetlla. Mann’s of some forty years earlier, and of Lola in Zwlschen dsn Has sen. who also was taught a special method of singing but never made a career of it.

Upon her arrival at the bank, Kobalt becomes involved in the web of plot and counter-plot connected with the betrayal of France by the industrialists. The owner of the bank, Ie. Place, is in league with Germany and has aspirations to become dictator. He is assisted by his bookkeeper and by - 224 -

/ a "philosopher11, Lehideaux, who teaches the worthlessness / / of human life. The bank director, Frederic, does not

realise the true state of affairs until the outbreak of the

war, when Leon Jammes, head of the secret police, instructs

him, For some reason not clearly defined, the betrayers of

France, the synarquee. consider Kobalt to be plotting against

them, and the oppoaite party cones to consider her as their

friend. She seens to be more a ey*bol for humanity and

patriotism than an active spy. To complicate matters,

Fernand returns on this day, in the pay of the synarcmes.

but also from time to time working for the other side. He is

a shadowy figure, and as far as one can tell, another version

of Terra in Per Kopf. deceiving both sides and being described

as an "actor". He is even made up as for the stage, so that

Kobalt Is, until near the end of the book, doubtful whether

or not he really ie Fernand, or only someone like him. Not

only Fernand, but other figures from Kobalt's past reappear, almost mystically drawn by Cobalt's approaching death.

The bank director falls in love with Kobalt, and when

Bhe is overcome by her illness, puts her up at one of the good hotels. The woman who owns the hotel recognizes Kobalt from the old days and treats her like a great lady. Ho does the croupier in the casino at Monte Carlo, where Kobalt goes after regaining consciousness. There, without much effort on - 225 -

her part, the croupier manages to secure such large winnings

for her that she "breaks the bank" and becomes for the night

a celebrated personage. Fernand, whom she still loves,

takes over the protection of her person and her money, as

does Leon Jammes; and the rest of the night they spend at

& cheap nightclub in Nice. Kobalt is honored and feted, but

the proprietor's wife is jealous and combines with Lehideaux

to steal the money from Fernand. He and Mado, one of the

doorkeepers, are found unconscious but alive in a secret

passageway, half of the money gone. The end of the night

(or rather the beginning of the next morning) finds Kobalt

back in the hotel, dying of a lung hemorrhage.

Kobalt*s last day is a kind of apotheosis, with all who

were her friends— -workers, prostitutes, the musician, the

croupier, and others— making pilgrimages to her bedside.

Kobalt draws her last breath as La Place, who has come to

carry her away, Is shot by Jammes. Jammes and one of the revolutionary workers are helped by the commissioner of police to o b cape to Moscow, but Fernand refuses to accompany

them. He is last seen shuffling off toward the horizon In imitation of ,

There is very little continuity in this book, except within Individual scenes. There is little motivation, in the ordinary sense of the word, for any of the action. People 226

appear and disappear inexplicably, and the whole story takes

place in a rarefied, symbolic atmosphere. Incomplete

sentences, Trench or English word order, and sudden

transitions, combined with complex turns of thought, make

the meaning difficult to follow. Most disturbing is the

curious mixture of Trench and German In which the book is

written. The French is used chiefly to reproduce the thoughts

o f the characters, but not exclusively so; sometimes it is

translated into German, sometimes not, Possibly Mann is

experimenting with a view to the future union of Trance and

Germany? If his intention Is only to supply local color,

then it is unsuccessful because it ie not consistent. The following passage is a typical one:

'Aber wird man den Buchhalter Pigeon wert halten neu betrachtet zu warden, wenn Intrigen ihn anf den Flats des Direktora tragen? Hein? 'Par la c'est acquis quo je reconsiders Kobalt^ non ^pas tant pour ses nouvelles qualites, independantes d'elle, - sle hat kelne erworbenen Eigsnschaften, mir lhren natdrlichen Beslts, den man verkannte.fl

The general theme of the book seems to be that of love versus hate, a theme which is carried from the purely personal level through political and social life, Kobalt, gentle, gay, graceful, and beautiful, loves and is loved. She follows the dictates of her heart rather than those of society, thus - 22? -

bringing disgrace on herself In the eyes of her family.

But the sister knows In the end that she herself will not

be beautiful In death, as Kobalt Is. and that she will not

be loved. Those who love Kobalt are the true patriots, like

Leon Jammes. Her death coincides with the temporary eclipse

of the best that was France; thus she draws to her the little

people and those whose "good* days are over. To Leon Jammes

she seems to symbolise the real, the human France. As she

H bb dying, he thinks to himself that it is only fear on the

part of one social class vdilch has caused a temporary

disaster. In the end the country will not be conquered. Of

more consequence than this class is someone like Kobalt:

Pause. Bftckzug ecus der grossen Oeschlchte elner Klasee. der nicht xu halfon 1 st. 'Hous sommes payes pour la connaltre. d'allleurs elle tire a sa fin.* Dann aber stellt von selbet eln einzelnea Wesen sich ein. hat gekfimpft und dberwunden, gelltten und gellebt, alias hQchst gewShnllch. Stirbt, vor alien das OrdlnArste. Aber man teann sich dem gebrechlichen Best der Person ergeben. was die grosse dppige Oeschichte selten verdient. Hoch weniger erlaubt diese. dass wir zittern. welnen. ewigen Abschled nehnen und in uns ein unsterbliches Begehren wilsen. Dm ge— wAhrt dem Mann des Deuxieme Bureau, aHerdInge ein besonders wacher Intelllgsns-Beamter, die bald verewigte Lydia Trann.^

The enemies of Trance are those who hate. In other wordB. the novel expresses the same idea contained in the essays entitled Per Hass. Jammes makes this clear when he and his friends are asking themselves why I* Place wanted to - 228

abduct Kobalt. Jammes says It le because she Is loved,

and dictators rise by means of hate:

'Messieurs, tout en ayant raison. vou8 etes loin d'avolr psnetre le fait reel. Sie wurde gellebt, ▼on Zahlloaen gellebt, wie selt gestern die Stadt welss. Das allein 1st unertrdgllch tAr Jemand, der m i # den Hass besltxt, tub hoch s u kommen.*3

Otherwise, the book contains familiar elements: it le

the Industrialists who betray their country; the powerful

are the unscrupulous; the common people of France lore

their country; It Is often the unrespectable who are the most admirable; the actor ocr artist, who seemB to have a

shifting Identity, plays an important role. Kobalt can be considered an artist, since she sings. She thinks of herself as well as of Fernand as playing a part and as 14, haring several personalities. Thus the problems which have preoccupied Mann for many years reappear In a French setting. - 229 -


Chapter VII

1 Hann, Heinrich. Der M e m . Amsterdam: Querido Verlag 19^+9* p. 275.

2 iMi.. P. 311.

3 liii.. P. 3^. 9 Ik11., x). 170. 230



It would Been that a writer who Is bo enthUBlaBtic

about the culture of a foreign country ought to have

attained some recognition in that country, if he 1b a writer

of any stature. In an effort to make a partial evaluation

of Heinrich Mann's reputation in France, the files of fifteen periodicals between 1917 and 1939 were scanned for mention of his name, This examination was not complete, however,

since some of these periodicals, Europe and the Revue d1 Alleaagna. for example, were discontinued before 1939* and

/ Lfli Nouvellea LitteraIres was not available prior to 1927.

Also, collections of critical articles by, or in honor of, men interested in Germany, such as , Henri Lichtenberger, Edmond Jaloux, Fernand Haldensperger. and

Charles Andler were examined for mention of Heinrich Mann.

/ Also included in the study were Felix Bertanx's history of modern German literature, Frederic Lefevre's collection of interviews. One hsrure avec. and G» Gruau's introduction to

Tves leloy's translation of Mann's essay on Zola.

?he available literature on Mann has been summarised, so far as feasible, on the basis of quantity, source, date of publication, most frequently discussed books, and those aspects of his work which attracted most attention In France.

In the fifteen periodicals scanned, there were three

in which no articles on Mann or reviews of his hooks

appeared; when there was a mention of hie name, it was so

insignificant as not to appear In indexes or on pages where

one might expect to find It, such as the sections on book

reviews. These periodicals were the Revue Critique d'hlstolre

At jia littftraturo* the Revue &£ Paris, and Lg. Correspondent.

Neither was any material to be found in the essays by, or in

honor of, Baldensperger, Du Bos, Aadler, ^ichtenberger, Jaloux,

Smile Henrlot, Paul Souday, Remy de Gourmont, or in the books

of Jaloux and Llchtenberger on modern Germany. In the remaining twelve periodicals, one of them a French language paper published In , seventy-seven articles on

Heinrich Mann were found, ranging in length from a few sentences to ten or twelve pages. Included are notices of translations and news of Mann's personal activities. Thirty- seven authors are represented, seven of them anonymous ones,

Bight more articles on Mann are listed in the Bibliographle lar IrOBfrlPrachiMfl ^eitschrlftonliteratnr. but the seven periodicals in which they occur were not available. In those at hand. It must be admitted that most of the material

Is written by five or six critics who are either German s^ecinlif ts or corresnone1 ents tor tar foreign book PPct->HF

of a i'ev parsers. In addit;on, there '-err found fi f teen

contributinns t by i> Finn himself, to three oublic n tiohf :

Eurone . the Revue 3.* A 1 lemagne. and Lee ITouvelles Li t * era 1 r ep .

Tnr ec more articles by Ron- are listed in ueriodic^lF not

ovnileble. "Even though a translation of S chlaraf f enla rr1 had 2 p—reared in 130", it ve p assumed that the French interest

in M a n -, did net begin until after the first World War, plnce

he hod no i nterna ti or.nl refutation, before that time. Between

1317 end 19?" there are never more than ;wo article? a year

which. mention his name, except for 1919, when there ore three.

^h.e greatest cone ent re t i on of interest comes between 19?" and

with the ne.-V in 19"0 (ten articles), in 19"3!. (nine), and 13"? (ten), 13^1 was the year of hnnr.h sixtieth ft T.iverpory celebration. The ten years covered by this neriod are also those during which most of the translation? of I'nnn1 s

’'■orbs a-'neared. Jeuneere a ’eared in 13?"5, Lillane et poxil in n 1327. and Su.iet in 19?S. Mutt er Marie wrs translated in 13"1, fie Armen and Profeseor Unrat (I’Ange bleuj in l^'5?, Zola in 1??7 , Ui e J u g end d es Fflnl gg Henri Quatr e in 19~3 , and Mut in 19" ber H a s s . originally published in French, had aore~red in 19~9. Eertaux mentions Pie Tote as having: been translated in 19?B, a.nb pays that a fragment, of Per Y oof and tve short stories Das Herz and Per G1 flubiger are forth- coming." Curiously, the interest in Mann seems to h^ye declined - 233 -

after he fled to France, although the concentration of

Interest coincides with the period when he was Baking

frequent visits to France from Germany,

Of the eight articles between 1917 find 1922 i n c l u s i v e ,

only two are devoted exclusively to a die cues ion of Heinrich

Mann, two are devoted to Heinrich and Thomas Mann both, and

others to the expressionistic and revolutionary groups in

Germany, Generally speaking, the point of view of the

critics seems to have been affected by the war. This ie

true even of the writer in the Swiss Bibllotheaue unlvers e H c .

who contrasts the Mann brothers on the basis of pro- and

antl-imperlaliBm, with the preference given to Heinrich.^

After discussing Die Armen. recently published, the author 7 concludes that Heinrich has no less talent than his brother,

Thomas Mann's nationalism is criticised by the same author in 1919, when he praises Heinrich Mann, Frans Werfel, Leonhard

Frank, and Sternhelm, all of whom are vietime of a tragic isolation because their political views correspond to those £ of the late enemy, Maurice Muret, in the Bevue Mondiale. contrasts the two brothers, censuring Thomas for his chauvinism and his identification with the bourgeoisie. The criticism of Thomas Mann is based on Betracbtungen eines 9 Unpolltlachen and Friedrich die grosse Kpfillfc-lga.

Heinrich Mann is praised for his anti-imperialist, democratic, - 234 -

revolutionary views. Muret measures the great distance

between the two men by Per Untwrtan. which ie a "true

picture of Germany". The author hopes that more of such writers will appear In Germany and that Thomas Mann, because ] 0 of his great talent and originality, will change hie views.

Of the remaining articles which appear during this period, two stress Mann's revolutionary political position.**

* third writer, Henri Albert, in the Mercure jjfi France, distrusts even Heinrich Mann, because he praises the republican theorists of 1848 in Per Untertan. and those theorists were the same men who later supported German imperialism.*^

On the other hand, one writer, Paul Colin in the H^vue

Mondlale. attempts an appraisal of Mann's work without discussing his political position. M. Colin finds Mann

Interesting because of his constant attempt to balance his

German temperament with his Latin aspirations. He also praises Mann's elevated and harmonious use of language. For

Colin, Mann's Italian works are his finest, and he deplores the fact that the political emphasis in Mann's later works 13 has detracted from hiB literary reputation.

Between 1 9 2 3 and 1 9 3 2 , inclusive, the books most frequently mentioned are the social satires. Per U^tertan is mentioned sixteen times. ten times, and Die Ar«en end Per Kppf nine tinea each. The frequency declines to seven for Pie Gflttlnnen, nix for Mutter Marie- five for Schlaraffenland. five for Zwlachen den Unseen. and three for Pie klelne Stadt.

On this basis, it vould appear that Mann interests French readers most either as a critic of Germany or as a social novelist. If one makes a list of the classifications applied to him, the label of "social novelist" is applied more often than any other— -twenty-nine times. However, if one indtides in one classification the terms "anti-imperial", "democratic",

"paclfletic", and "active", the total comes to thirty-eight. Mann Is listed as paciflstic and socialistic by Antoine v iq. / Guilland and Genevieve Slanquls; to Leon Pierre-Qulnt he Is anti-imperialistic,*^ as he is to Jean Edouard Spenle, who praises Mann's understanding of the political and social responsibility of literature; he has put his polemic passion at the service of the doctrine of action.*^ Muret calls him an anti-Imperial.let who has been little Influenced by hie milieu; unlike Thomas Mann, he is anti-German, anti-Wagner, and anti^letzeche, and has dreamed of Introducing democracy into Germany. 17 Felix^ Bertanx calls him a Roman senator appearing on the platform, an animator in a country which had none, an apostle of militant reason. opposed to Thomas 19 Mann, be is "republican". He is a "man of the republic". representative of the "spiritm of liberty". 20 Paul Colin

calls him a precursor of the resolution. 21 To R. Guignard

he is an apostle of liberty and a victim of political 22 persecution in Germany. An anonymous writer is quoted as

praising him for being a conscience to the Osmans, who have

sinned against reason and have not wished to transform 23 knowledge into action, ^ To J.J, Anetett, Mann is a "radical

Jean Boyer lists him as an apostle of peace and rapprochement

as well as an antl-industrlaliBt. Jean Mqxe discusses Mann

espousal of the "new religion". Europeaniem, which he thinks

is bound to fail. 26' Charles Croe has written a long article

comparing the anti-nationalist, cosmopolitan, rational 27 attitude of Mann with that of Friedrich Sieburg. Gerard

Bauer praises him in 193^ for being the only German writer 28 who dares comment on Hitler. Mann is of more literary interest to the French as a social novelist. Bertaux and Spenle' make the statement that it has been Mann's mlssitn to introduce the social novel into

German literature. The former thinks Mann's cosmos is society rather than the soul or the universe, as is common among the Germans. Mann dispenses with the usual German diffuseness and long descriptive passages, and his methods 29 of dissection are French. The latter critic congratulates him for his clairvoyance In criticising the empire and fore* - 23? -

30 seeing its destruction, as well as for his continued social T1 criticism after the war." He treats Mann under the title,

rtLe roman et soclale", Blanquis under "lies problemes

soclcux dans le roman allemaad contemporaln*. Blanquis considers Mann to be un-German, lacking the profundity and,

in renerel» the psychological insight of his brother T h o m a s , but possessing a better idea of social values and of social

organization." Guignard sees him chiefly as a critic of

society, whose thinking is objective rather than introspective.

and who is little interested in theories. 33 Gruen says that

Mann has made his reputation in France as a social novelist. 34

For the French critics, there is a close connection

between Mann as the creator of social novels and Mann as a

Zolalst or as an admirer of French novelists in general. The

subject of Mann'b French Interest was encountered seventeen

times. Since he la a disciple of theFrench realistic and naturalistic school. It is not surprising to find that Mann is called either a naturalist or a realist on nine occasions. Many critics say that he attempted to do for Germany what

Zola wished to do for France. 35 Several compare Mann's

£§£ untertan to Zola's Commote 4ft plassans. Bertaux and

Spenis trace Mann's interest in social criticism to his reading of French writers, 36 Bartaux attaches great

Importance to the French influence, especially in the article. - 2 3 8 -

"Heinrich Mann et lea lettree frahsaiuea„" France has

acted on Mann like an Illumination on a plaque, he says .

It was French writers who trained him as a moralist and

who prepared him to Judge Germany, However, Bertaxuc

thinks Mann's "spirit" goes beyond French rationalism and

is rather a kind of classicism with the addition of dynamic

force. He mentions Stendhal as Mann's special guide who

aroused hiB enthusiasm for Italian architecture and painting.

From Flaubert he learned to discipline himself. To Zola

he owes his interest In the manners of society; also, Mann's

method of painting in fresco, without nuances, is similar

to that of Zola. There, howerer, the resemblance ends,

except for a mutual Interest in public affairs. It was after

reading Michelet that Madmne Legros and Per keg rur Mwcht

were written, and Mann used his entire collection of French

books to write Die Q-Sttlnnen. Bertaux lists a long series

of French writers, both old and modern, in idiom Mann is

interested, with Anatole France and Flaubert's L 1 Education

Sentlmental m taking second place to Stendhal and Zola. 37

Spenle^ sees similarities between Mann and Balsac. He emphasises Mann’s admiration for French democracy and revolution as opposed to acquiescence to power— Voltaire as opposed to Goethe. Dominique Braga and Fanl Colin consider Mann's art to be born out of the contradictions between his 39 Latin and Germanic background. Guignard mentions Mann's 40 _ taste for Latinlty, Blanquis states that the source of

Mann's Inspiration Is Italy and ?rance, and that Zola is

his model* despite the fact that Mann's work goes far beyond

naturalism. She too sees resemblances to Balzac in Mann's

works, as far as power and sweep are concerned.^ Gruau

calls France and especially Provence, the country most dear

to Mann, H© sees great resemblances between Mann and Zola,

both in violence of temperament and in method and subject

matter, since both depict the masses and the powerful hidden

instincts in mankind. Both of them fought for liberty 42 their lives were consecrated by exile.

An anonymous critic calls Mann a realistic deplctar of

the Viihelmlnian era, and later says he was faithful to the

French naturalists.^ Other writers who consider Mann to be 44 4*5 under naturalistic Influence are Daniel Bops, Tonnelat, 4^ 47 Marcel Brion, and Georges Dupeyron.

Equally often (eleven tines), Mann 1b classed among the expressionists, often by the same critics. According to 48 Bertaux, he is the father of expressionism. Paul Colin says he is not an expressionist, but a precursor of the expressionists, and Gulgn&rd thinks Mann's later work - 2^0 _

foreshadows the expressionists because of hie telescopic,

obscure style* Bl&nquis, on the other hand, considers

the "exasperated natural is a" of the very early works, like <0 Schlaraffenland. to approach expressionism, Tor Max

Hernant, Mann and the expressionists explore the cleft

between reality and the ideal under the empire, and probe

into disillusioned souls,^ Tonnelat also groups him with 52 the expressionists,

A factor which seene important to thefrench critics is

the characteristic of Mann's writing which is Yariously

labeled "power", "vigor", "energy", and "vehemence". These nay refer to both subject matter and manner of writing. Some

such labels appear twenty-three times. Bertaux*s analysis of Mann in his history of modern German literature is based on the conflicts and contradictions between the passionate, turbulent nature of Mann, the admirer of powerful personalities, and the counter-force of his social consciousness. 53 Being too vigorous for irony, he b trikes with blows of the fist. c±i Bertaux speaks of Mann's vigor, vitality, and passion.

His violence is like that of a Grflnewfcld.^ Bianquls, too, sees a conflict between the beast of urey in Mann's novels and the social morality of the essays. Marcel -^rion calls

Mann a direct and vigorous talent.^ Dominique Braga says the melody of the style of Thomas Mann cannot compare with the - ?.w\. -

powerful works of Heinrich Mann. The Untertan Is violent

and terrible. 57 Hops calls Mann's satire violent, supported

by his interior revolt. He sees dynamism, individual and

collective. In Die GfijLtAnaSQ. Guignard says Mann is not decadent, but powerful, expressing the "exuberance of life".

The duchess expresses the will to power, the last in a

period of decadence, of a dying race. The will to power Is

one of the essentials of Die klalne Stadt. 59 G-ruau calls

him a "painter of force", of instinctual passions, violent

and primitive characters.^ Jean Boyer says Ein ernates

Leben shows the vigorous qualities of Mann, and he also characterizes Per Hass as vigorous.^ M^dAjntn Legros is

called a revolutionary document by Muret and Die Armen is 62 termed violent. The French critics do not overlook Mann as a caricaturist

or satirist. But the Judgments of him are more often uncomplimentary than otherwise. The word "caricaturist" is used fourteen times. Bertaux, usually favorable, compares

Mann's caricatures to those of Daumier, and the types ridiculed

to those of Sternheim.6-3 The bouffon is one type of adventurer in Mann's works, rendered grotesque by the contrast between 64 his instincts and the omnventions of society. Hops too compares Mann to Sternheim. Mann’s violent satire of the bourgeoisie, as in Schlaraffeni atmI and Djfl. J£g& Ttfflgfr jfiLskfi.. coablaoe crudenHB vlth roflB6M n t t 65 nkTtaa satire consists of - 242 -

crude exaggeration, which provokes laughter rather than

indignation, according to Bianquis.^* Brlon sees In 67 Professor Unrat an excess of the ridiculous. He speaks

of the violent satire of Die Arman as well as of Die grosse 68 Sache and finds considerable "buffoonery" In the latter.

Ouignard speaks of the grotesqueness, exaggeration, and

coarseness of personal traits in Professor Unrat. There is also a grotesque element In Die klelne Stadt and Die

G-Sttinnan. Per Untertan exhibits the same exaggeration 69 and grotesqueness, and the irony is at times crude.

/ Spenle says the satiric vein which from the beginning showed itself, along with the "dionysiac" vein of Die •70 Gflttlnnen. eventually became dominant.' Murat thinks the satiric verve is not always on high level in Per Untertan.

He compares the bitterness of it to Strindberg's Confess*,qp* of 3 rpol. 71 Dupeyron finds the caricature in Per Untartjm too easy to exploit, with the result that it is not always 72 impartial or profound enough.

Other features mentioned a few times by the Prenth 73 critics are Mann's psychological Insighthis champion- 74 75 ship of reason, the "cerebral* nature of his writing, 76 and its dramatic qualities.

More varied than the above summary would Indicate are the Judgments of the critics with respedt to individual works. - 2V3 -

when each ie viewed as a unit, The estimates of the

book moat frequently read. Per Untertan. are generally

favorable. It ie a "criticism of Germany that should 77 rejoice the heart".’1 It ie an "unforgettable incarnation" 78 of the spirit of German civilisation under Bismarck. It

shows "admirable perspicacity". 79 The subject has universal 80 value, typifying a class common to all countries. The

figure of the "Untertan" is synthetically formed of 81 T universal psychological elements. At ie a vehement and 82 terrible novel. The author givee reality to the creatures QQ of his Imagination. It is an excellent document of the

times. Frederic Lefevre prefers it, along with Matter MfijJLfi.* QtJ above all of Mann's other works.

Some of the same authors make unfavorable comments also, mostly on matters of style or construction, Moret finds that the dimensions are too large and the satire not always on a high level. The novel Is pedantic, minute, too 86 naturalistic. Dupeyron thinks that the naturalistic method,, which spares no details, is archaic. The caricature, the trial for lese-majesty, the political attitude are too easily exploited. There le too much exaggeration and a lack 97 of profundity in the book. B. Gulgnard thinks there Is too 88 much exaggeration and that the irony is sometimes crude.

Blanqruis finds that the reader is made too unsympathetic - 2 4 4 -

with the central character bat that the milieu is depicted 89 , with a certain breadth. t>n the whole, the unfavorable

Judgments occur later than the favorable ones, corresponding

with the course of Franco-German political relatione. In all

the discussions, the evaluative comments do not of course

make up the entire content, since there is often a detailed

account of the subject matter.

The estimates of Die Armen and Per Kouf are not quite

so generally favorable. Again, it 1b chiefly the artistic

elements which are regarded with disfavor. Gullland compares

the subject matter of Die Armen to Pea Mjeerables. but thinks 90 that Harm's literary methods are closer to those of -Balzac.

Colin finds the thought in Die Armen confused and the form outmoded. 91 Brion emphasizes the didactic nature of the book 92 and the lack of purely aesthetic considerations. Bertaux says there is too much imitation of the ethics and of Zola and Hugo and no synthesis of the new proletarian life. The book is too cerebral; It does not present the 93 workers as people. It is dramatic rather than novel!stic, 94 Bianquis criticizes the plot as being improbable.

On the positive side, Guilland finds the book a social act rather than an example of pure art. It expresses great pity, and marks a decisive stage in Mann’s career. 95 Brlon thinks the stylization, which he compares to the style of 9 6 Grosz, makes the book more effective. Maret admires 97 Mann for championing the cause of the little people.

Bertaux finds the book moving, in spite of Its faults: It

has warmth and tenderness. The scene In the asylum,

especially, has psychological validity and the book as a 98 whole haB internal verity.

The discussions of Per Kouf tend to be more impartial,

perhaps because this book, not having been translated in its

entirety, !• treated chiefly by specialists in German literature.

Bertaux sees in it a new synthesis of the life of the masses,

and an admirable lack both of German effusiveness and southern

voluptousness. In it Mann continues to represent the new

ideology of rationalism and revolution by criticising a

civilization peopled and governed by phantoms, power, and

fatalism. Germany's plight is attributed to the failure of

the intellectuals to lead and to the loss of the individual

in the machine. The novel has psychological truth; it is a

political satire as well as a novel of manners. Technically, it is not over-loaded, as is Per Untertan- and the scene with the emperor is exceptionally striking. 99 In general, it depicts society in fresco in the mass, without nuances or delicacy. Its real idealism, however, serves a useful 100 function by clearing the air. - 21*6 -

/ I*eon Pierre-Quint1 a comment on the work is that it

portrays the "lamentable docility* of the Germans,^" ^

Guignard finds that the aims of the author Justify the

super-abundance of characters, and the expresslonlstic and the l02 / methods, tortuous and difficult style. Spenle finds

the book characterized by cynicism and nihilism, attributable

to Nietzsche and Wedekind. The chief themes are the dream 103 of pacifism and the degradation of the Intellectual.

Blanquls emphasizes the portrayal of society In the novel, with the corruption of the rulers, the blindness of the people, and the power of the industrialists. It is a society which facilitates the rise of enterprlsli^ and daring individuals like Terra and Mangolf. The book Is like those of Balzac and Zola, although it has less power and amplitude. Mann is sometimes considered the "Martial of his times".^^

Three critics agree that Professor Unrat is Mann’s masterpiece. Two of them find that the book has psychological

Insight, first because it shows that all feeling presupposes its opposite; and second, because the secret instincts motivating human behavior are exposed.^- ^ Guignard finds that individual scenes, like Unrat's search throughout the streets of the town for the singer, are psychologically motivated. Even though they are only personifications of 106 social traits, the characters are depicted with skill. - 24? -

Brion and Bianquis think the exaggeratIon and the

naturalistic techniques spoil the otherwise fine qualities

of the book.The latter thinks that the reader loses

interest in the hero because he is deficient in desirable

qual.it ie s.

Before 1925 there is no mention of Die Gflttlnnenr

except for Marat's statement that it is the most remarkable 108 of Mann's novels. In 1925* 1929* 1932, and 193Q, this

trilogy is discussed at fairly great length, ^our critics

emphasize the forces of nature* the dynamism, the force of

the ego, and the Importance of instinct and passion in the 1°9 /> trilogy, Guignard thinks the book as a whole is deeply

pessimistic* portraying as it does the vanity of politics,

art, and love. **e also emphasises the importance of the

artistic problem, represented by the life of the duchess and

the figures of the painter Jakobus and the litterateur

Mortoeul. H« thinks the figures other than the duchess are

unmotivated, and says that there is too much milling about

of figures.The other critics mention the lyric,

dionysiac quality of Die Gfittlnnen. which is combined with a realistic and satiric vein. Spenle remarks about the un-

German richness of coloring.

Mutter Marie provokes generally favorable opinion, except for Spanish who finds it of questionable quality. - 248 -

because it is too cerebral (he had found the eroticism

of the duchess In Pie Qgttinnen too cerebral, too). There is no direct observation of life* the book is filled with psychological Improbabilities and the plot 1 b a cinematic melodrama**this in spite of the fact that the central idea

is a moving one and that there are many beautiful scenes.

Marcel Brion, however, in the CaViUri du &ud. thinks that the book is human and moving, and that the problem could be universally true, Mann has made it more tragic by localising it.*12 Dupeyron, Lefevre, and Bertaux think the merits of the book consist in the realistic picture it gives of the

Berlin of the Inflation and in its panoramic sweep,^^

Bertaux classes the heroine among the "pathetic" adventurers of Mann, in contrast to the "buffon" type, The former are 114 all realistic and all in conflict with society.

The name of i. found ten times, but the frequency is deceiving, because most of the critics only mention it in passing as one of the early studies bf (Herman society, Bortaux calls it an example of Mann's preoccupation n < with the power bf base Instincts, Blanquls is chiefly interested in the descriptive style, done in harsh, violent colors,11^

The relatively few statements about Die klelne - 249

axe favorable* Paul Colin thinks it is Mann's best work*

combining a simplicity of conception with a minuteness of

1 1 7 analysis* Bertaux and Qulgnard think it marks a stage

in the development of Mann because of the emphasis on the

social scene* in contrast to PJj Qlttinnan. which treats 118 the same problems* but with the emphasis on the individual.

The essential theme is still the will to power* this time

comic and collective. Ouignard calls it an amusing and

profound novel. The opening scene* he believes* is a master**

piece of characterisation.

Other books discussed in the French periodicals are Bln

a m t t P 8 laJUUl. Dnmanle Bad dlA Bftrgersalt. Die grosee Sacho.

Sin iucnnd daft Pflnlga 3aarl 9na1»rft, Mfldraao I'egroa. Zwischen

den fiflsatn* frlllanc aod pnul. zola* and 2 b1 , and the

volume of short stories called Sis sind Jang* The late

novels among the group are praised as exhibiting Mann's fine

technique* and as being fine pictures of society or (in the

1 1 9 case of Die grease Snche) criticism of society* Mann's

interest in young people is noted. Bertsnx thinks Mann has

found his Intellectual climate in the book on Henri IT,

bomblning as it does violence of temperament with humanistic 120 discipline, Jean Boyer finds the volume of Hpyellan possessing a "solid" structure* probability* light humor* 121 finesse* and a harmonious and supple style* - 2 5 0 -

It Is son ©what surprising that Qaist imd Tat should

have elicited only one review, which calls it a penetrating

analysis of French literature by an author perfectly

faailiar with the subject* The chapter on Zola is considered

the best in the book; it shows an affinity between Mann and 122 Zola. Aruau, in the Introduction to the French translation

of the Zola study, also finds affinities between the two in

their activism and in their objective attitude towards society* Mann's language in the essay is called "driking" end filled with "brilliant" (emailla) phrases. 123 Brio. 124 thinks the essay la adalrable and gripping. On the other hand, an anonymous reviewer in the Houvelle Hatub Franeaise finds it disappointing because it does not show enough 3 25 familiarity with French literature. ®abrlel Brunet thinks the thesis of the essay (that novelists ought to portray the epoch in which they live) is valid up to a certain point, but 326 that interesting works are quite as often born otherwise.

If one tries to arrange in order of frequency the expressions of approval or disapproval referring either to

Mann1s work in general or to specific works, characteristics, or elements, it will be seen that those of approval (one hundred seventeen) outnumber those of disapproval (sixty-six).

The following are the terns of approval, grouped according to seven general categories. The number appearing after the tern - 251

Indicates the muter of times It was noted; if no number appears, it was noted only once*


Great, one of greatest (15)* illustriousi no longer less talented than brother; greatest political writer; sore glory than brother; general significance; internal verity; greatest painter of mores; masterpiece; masterpiece of characterization* enriched novel (2 ). Profound (3 ); true tragedy; grandeur (2 ); calmness; have need of him*

Vigor and effectiveness:

Gripping; moving; striking; remarkable; admirable; magnificent; fine qualities; extraordinary satire; fascinating portrayal; striking depletion; unforgettable incarnation; vigorous (4); powerful (4-); aided Germany to act(3 ); magnificent activity; exuberance; overthrow of stupidity;

Technique and style!

Pure artist; mastery of technique; power of expression; skillful evolution of character; limpid style; lucid style (2 ); no Germanic effusions; admirable brevity; supple style; effective styllsatlon; solid structure; firm structure; delicate (2 ); precious; aerated style; varied style; beauty (2 ); exactness and breadth.

Originality and perspicacity:

Illuminating; perspicacity; clairvoyance (2 ); original creation (2 ); fecundity (2 ).

Moral judgment:

Moralist (4); conscience (2 ); courage (2 ); noble; self-discipline; not purely aesthetic. Observation and documentation:

Important documentation (2); historical reality; acute observation; life.

Warmth and hnmor:

Warmth (3 )* humane; humor; light humor (3).

Except for such general terns as "great", which are fairly meaningless, the categories indicate that the french are first interested In style and second in effectiveness. They cure Judging Mann according to his artistry and according to his vigor. Ha la scarcely considered as an effective portrayer of human feelings; neither does his work have what is sometimes called

"universal significance". It Is striking bat not humanly moving.

The terms of disapproval, too, fall very largely into the category of artistic and literary competence, and the number of such terns Indicate that he is not generally accepted as a great writer. They criticise in general a divorce from reality and excesses in technique, each as caricature, harshness, and melodrama.

Political, not literary; not impartial.

Rehash of Frankfort Ideas; propaganda not to be trusted; activism not enough; negative; defeatist; cynical.

Old^-fashloned construction (2); faults of realism; naturalism pushed too farih). - 253 -

Indecipherable (3 ); overloaded (3 ); abrupt; dimensions too large; harsh; no gentleness; divorce between style and sense; imitation (2); weak artistic realisation; over-dramatic (2 ); melodramatic (2 ); excess of ridiculous; summary; gross; uneven satire; poor coaedy; crude irony; banality.

Pedantic; cerebral (3 ); no motivation; improbable (3) • no presentation of people; no real perbone| abstractions; no direct observation; abnormal; does not Incarnate epoch; romaneeque. Lack of equilibrium; lack of Imagination; confused thought.

Less power than Balsac or Zola; dis­ appointing; no knowledge of French literature.

Although this chapter, as a study of Mann's reputation

in France is far from complete. It does indicate that the

bulk of comment is made by a few specialists in German

literature, and that opinions about Mamn's work are as

varied in Trance as they are In Germany, The amount of

material is somewhat disappointing, in view of Mann's

indebtedness to Trance, It seems to have been largely a one­

way street. It is perhaps significant that there is no dis­ agreement with Mann's political views, as there is in G-ermany, and that the comment is centered largely on Lag, Kalsarrelch and Professor Pnrat - The popularity of the film, Per hi mis

2 agaJL, * * 7 have sons thing to do with the attention given to tbs latterw ®ne wonders, therefore, whether some of the - 25 ^ -

consent does not reflect a nationalistic bias.

Most of the disagreement concerns the degree of

success with which Mann attains his artistic aims. it nust be admitted that as a writer he Is rather leas admired than as a political figure. There is general agreement on the naln factors in Mann's work: attraction toward Latin culture, affinity with the spirit and methods of nineteenth century French novelists, significance as a social novelist, championship of democracy and inter- natlonalism, criticism of Germany, Interest in problems of power, and use of caricatural and satiric techniques.

These coincide rather closely with the main findings of this study. 255


Chapter Till

1 ApproTlitlam. Paris: Le Bouge et le Hoir, 1929*

L'lnawufni. d^iwird'hrnl. Paris: Lo b Editions G, Cres et Cle, 1922.

Perspectives fti parls: Plon. 1931*

Offtrtt A *. BaJ.densi>erger- Paris : Librairle Anclenne Honors Champion, 193°*

"Les etudes gernanlques". Lfe science ZEAASAilfi. T one II (1915>. PP. 285-316.

jjtluefii. Strasbourg etc.,: Librairle Istra, 1924.

Also Ooorsont, Heaay de. Utteralres. Paris: Mercure de Prance, MCMX. / Henrlot, ^slle. LlTres Portraits. Paris: Librairle Plon, 1925.

2 pAtiJLacM gtBftril &ai H ttci iM prltB Ad la Blfrll9*h«w nationals. Paris: Inprinerle nationals. 1931. p. 248.

3 IWLi.* PP. 248-249*

4 Bibliographic lA ZCABCA*

5 Bertaux, Felix. pintTTIH

6 Gallimand, Antoine. "Chronique allenande". Bibliotheaue Universalis. flfi_ (oct., 1917). PP. 137-144.

7 Ibid.. p. 139*

8 "Chronique allenande1'. Bibliotheaue lULlZfiXftAllfi* 2 6 (dec., 1919). P. 449. - 2 5 6 -

9 Marat, Maurice. "Lea deux frerea Maim". Raima Hnn^4«i* A15. ®o. 8 (arril, 1920), pp. 414-429.

10 Iili., pp. 424-429.

11 Ciaparede-Spir, Helene. "L'Srolution du noruTenent liberal an Alleaagne pendant la Guerre*. Rama Mondial a. JJZ <1 aout, 1919), P. 271. / / Bertanx, Felix. "Hdlteura allaaanda". Monrelle Rarua Francalea. lfi (aare, 1922), p. 371.

12 Albert, Henri. "Lettrea allaaandaett. Mercare da Traaca, 432 (15 inr>, 1919), p p . 336-340.

13 Colin, Paul. "Le reman alleaand conteaporain". Berne Mondiala. 140 (15 Jan., 1921), PP. 201-204.

14 Gullland, Antoine. "Chronique allaaanda". Blbllothaqna Uni re realla. £ g (oct., 1917). PP. 138-139. Blanqula, Genericra. "Thoaas Mann. Ronancier da la Bourgeoiaie allaaanda". Remo daa Mnnriew . <,2. (1 eout, 1929), P. 707.

15 Pierre—Qnint, Won, "Voyage a trarera lallttaratura allaaanda conteaporalne". Reroa da Franca _ £, Ho. 4 (1 Juillet, 1929). P. 141. Spenle, Jean Bduard. "Lettree allaaandea". Marcura de Franca. ZL5. < 1 ®ct., 1929), P. 229. t 16 Spenle, Jean Fduard. "Lettree allaaandea". Mercura da Zeus*. 134 (1 Jan., 1925)* p. 254.

17 Moret, sal £l&.» PP. 414, 415, 424, 425.

18 Bertanx, Felix. ***** 4* 4s llttaratura contaauoralna. pp. 154, 160, l6l.

19 Bertanx, Felix. "Hditeure allaaanda". Hourelle Rama Francalae. lfi (Mena, 1922). p. 271. / / 20 Bertanx, Felix, "Bdlteure allaaanda". MoureUe Berne Ifi (aara, 1922), p. 371.

21 Colin, ss, d t., p. 202. - 257 -

22 Guignard, R. "Romanciers allenajids conteuporaina". Sfllftfl iflA cjaUT.g A* Conferences. 31, II (15 Juin, I932), p. 454.

23 ^nonyeoua. ■Henri Mann. " Revue Mondiale. 139 (l nor. 1920), pp. 115-116.

24 Anatett, J.J. "le aoixantleae anniveraalre de Heinrich Mann*. Revue D'Ait M. T (15 Juln, 1931). P. 549. 25 Boyer, Jean. "Lea Iettrea etrangerea". Revue de ZffiBfift* 3 , Ho. 6 (1 nov. 1929), P. 183. 26 Maxe, Jean. "Lea Relatione intellectuellea t renco- allenandes”. Mercure de Trmnr.m 174 (15 sept., 1924), pp. 701-702.

2? Croa, Char lea, "Voix allaaandea: e on trover se b u t le natlonallsne". Revue D 1 A n 67—70. II (15 Jain, 1933). PP. 512-520. s 28 Bauer, Gerard. "Le alienee d'Allenagna". Wourellea Id (11 oct., 1930), p. 1.

29 Bertanx, Panorama dft la litttratRfg allaaanda contenrooralne. pp. 154-156.

30 Spenle, Jean Bduard. "Lettrea allaaandea". Mercnre de Iz s a O M , IStk <1 J » . , 1925). PP. 255* 256.

31 Spenle^ Jean Hdiiard. "Lettrea aHeaandea". Mercnre de Znuuie.. 215 (1 oct., 1929), p. 23°. 32 Blanqula, "Thoaaa Mann, RoaMncler de la Bourgeoiaie allaaanda". Revue dee deux Mondoa. 52 (1 ao&t, 1929), P. 708.

33 Gulgnard, H . , ott. SiJk* * (15 Juia. 1932), pp. 455-456.

34 Oruau, H. 2al». Houvelle Revue Critique, 1937. p. 8.

35 Aaonyaoua. "Heinrich Mann. " ’Revue niA1lflMHTT1T 1 1-5. I, (fev., 1928), pp. 289-290. Blanqula, "Lee Probleuee aociaux dana le roama alleaand conteaporain”. RfTBA lift CsSUJL Ml CgBTtrtflCf» 32. 11 (15 avril, 1938), PP. 21. Guignard, R. fifi. fill., (15 Jain, 1932), pp. 455-456. Sp*nl«, "Lettrea alleaandea". Mercure dft France. 184 Cl Jan., 1925), PP. 254-255.

36 Spenle, "Lettrea alleaandea”. Mercure de Prance. £15 (1 oct., 1929), P. 230. Bertaux. "Heinrich Mann et lea lettrea l*rancaisee". Inrope. 10 (15 Jan., 1926), pp. 62-63.

37 DUal., PP. 64-65.

38 Spenle, "Lettrea allaaandea■„ Mercnr# 1ft Zlftfififi., 184 (1 Jan., 1925), P. 254. t v 39 Braga. Do*Iniquo. "Lee Lettrea Xtrangerea". Crapoulllot Cl aara, 1924) p. 3 . Colin, o p . cit.

40 Guignard, flfi. fill., p. 455.

41 Blanqula, "Lea Probleaee eoclaux dana le roman alleaand conteaporain". Revue Iftft Coura fii Conferences. 32, II (15 avril. 1938), pp. 21, J 0 m

42 Gruau, fifi. clt., pp. 8, 9.

43 Anonymous. "Heinrich Mann". Revue nt*11 TOftfnih 1=5* *• (far., 1928), p. 289.

44 Rope, Ranlel. Quoted In "Chroniquea". Revue D * An 15-lfi, I (avril. 1929), P. 3*6.

45 Tonnelat, o p . fill., p. 1?6.

46 Brion, Marcel. "Lettrea etrangerea". du S^a. 142-146 (dec., 1932), p. 820,

47 Lupeyron, Georges. "Heinrich Mann, Sujet". Europe. 20 (15 ■**. 1929), PP. 118-119.

48 Bertanx. "Der Eopf, par Heinrich Mann". Hourelle Revue Trtiie^»« £5 (0Ct., 1925), p. 511.

49 Colin, fifi. fill. • P. 201. Guignard, fill, fill., Cl5Jnin, 1932), pp. 456. Guignard, op. cit .m (30 Julllet, 1932), p. 760. - 259 -

50 Blanqula, "Lea Problems eoclaux dan* le roaan alleaand conteaporain". Hftzu* Att Conra Ml Conferencoa. 39. II (15 avril, 1938)* P. 22.

51 H#mant, Max. "Ponte naturalle du. German lane". Revue d,e lEftASft* Hi* Ho. 4 (^aout. 1934), p. 624.

52 Tonnelat, on. clt.. p. 175-

53 Bertanx, a 4 1a 1'lUtrafrarc a llia a d t CQBtMreorfilat. pp. 16O-161.

54 Bertanx, ■Heinrich Mann et lea Lettrea Prano&laea". Burone. 10 (15 Jan., 1926) pp. 59. 62.

55 Bertanx, "Heinrich Mann. Lee Pauvrei", Buroue. 2 3 (15 Juillet, 1930), p. 420.

56 Brion, Marcel. "Le aaixante annlvereaire de Heinrich Mann". Hevelloa Lltterairea (13 juin, 1931)* P. 6.

57 Braga, Doainlque, on- clt.

58 Hope, Daniel, ££. Sill* , PP. 376.

59 Gulgnard, on. clt. (15 juln, 1932), pp. 455* 466. Guignard, on. clt.. (3° Jni», 1932) p. 551.

60 Oruau, A®, Sill*, P. 8.

61 Boyer, Jean. "Lettrea alleaandea". Revue 4 a ^ m c »- 13, Ho. 3 (15 Jttla, 1933). P. 753. Boyer, Jean. "Lettrea alleaandea". Revue PranceT 1^, Ho. 5 (15 oct., 1934), p. 756.

62 Mnret, o p . clt., p. 424.

63 Bertanx, "Heinrich M*nn et lea Lettrea Pran^alaea". Burooe. 1 0 (15 Jan., 1926), pp. 57-65. Bertanx, ^nnfTTTTTT Aft 1ft Lltte'ratura AiUe»n>aa Conteaooralne. PP. 153* 156.

64 PP. 156, 157.

65 Ropa, MR. £ll. 260

66 Bianqui*, "Lea Probleaes aooiaax dan* 1* roaan alleaand conteaporain". Berne dee Conre et Conference*. 32, Ro. 2 <15 arrtl, 1938). p. 21,

6? Brlon, "Lettre* Etrangerea”. Cahlera du Sy4 , 14-2-146 (dec., 1932), p. 620.

66 Brlon, "Lettrea Etrangerea". Cehlera dn Snd. 12^-127 (oct., 193°)• P. 638. Brlon, "Le aolxante annlrerealre de Heim-ich Mann". Honrelle* Litte'ralrea (13 Juln, 1931), P. 6 .

69 Oulgnard, "Boaanclera alleaanda conteaporain* "• Berue 4 ftl Conra Conferences. 33 , II (30 Juln, 1932), PP. 546, 551. 751.

70 SpenlE, "Lettre* a l l e n a n d e * Mercnre 4ft France. 184 (1 Jan., 1925) P. 254.

71 Moret, mu. fill./^425, 426.

72 Dupeyron, "Heinrich Mann, Sujet". Burooe. 20 (15 aal, 1929), P, 11#.

73 Coim, ab« -cU.. p. 203. Culgnard, up. clt.. (30 Juln, 1932), p. 549. Hope, £p. clt., p. 376.

74 Blanqula, "Le* Problem** *ociaux dan* le roaan alleaand conteaporain*. Bern* dee Conra £& Conference*. 33, II (15 err11, 1938), p. 3°. Spenle, "Lettre* allenande*". Mercure 4ft Primea. 215 (1 oct., 1929). P. 230. Bertaux, "La Heine, par Heinrich Mann". Hour*lie Berue IXftftfiftiftft. !H (dec., 1933), PP. 921-925. Bertaux, ^ 4a lltterature *11 CQtttCftPOrftlaft. pp. 160, 161.

75 Bertanx, "Heinrich Mann, Le* PflMTftft". SOftftft, 2 2 (15 Julllet, 1930), pp. 419-420. Spenle, *I*ttre* alleaandea". Mercure 4 ft ZzftBfift* 203 (1 aal, 1928), p. 727, 261

76 Bertaux, ”Der Kopf, par Heinrich Maim”. Mowrelle Revue ZcaacMae# 25 (oct., 1925)# p. 511. Bertaux, "Heinrich Mann, Lee Pauvree". 22 (15 Julllet, 193°)• P. 420.

77 Bertaux, "Geraanophile en Bon eane”. Hmivella Revue ZEaassiifl, 2 1 (jniiiet, 1923), p. 109.

78 Spenle, "Lettre* alienan4es". Mercure de T ranr.e. 230 (1 eept., 1931). P. *77.

79 Muret, iffi. clt., p. 425.

80 Bofa, Qua. "Sujet, par Heinrich Mann”. Lft Cranoulllet (16 Jan., 1923), P. 6. Dupeyron, Georges. "Heinrich Mann, S u j e t Europe■ 20 (15 m l * 1929), p. 119.

81 Bofa, o p . d t .

82 Braga, jjS. clt.

83 Dupeyron, "Heinrich Mann, Sujet". Europe■ £0 (15 m i , 1929) p. 118.

84 Ibid.. P. 119.

85 Leferre, as., fill.* P. 23.

86 Muret, flE. &il* • P* ^25*

87 Dupeyron, "Heinrich Mann, Sujet”. Europe. %Q (15 aal, 1929) P. 119.

88 Gulgnard, £&• nit*. (3° Julllet, 1932). P. 75?*

89 Blanquie, "Lea Probleaee sociaux dan a le r o a m alleaand coatenporalm*, H*lEt 4*1. Coara Conferencea. 32., lo. 2 (15 arrll, 1938), p. 23.

90 Gullland, Antoine. "Chronlqpa allenande". B f M 4»tha

91 Col la, eEB* d t .. pp. 2O3, 204. - 262 -

92 Brlon, "Lettree etrangerea". Cahlsra du Sud. 121-127 (oct., 193°). P. 638.

93 Bertaux. "Heinrich Mann. Lee Pawrree". Europe. 2 3 <15 Juillet, 193°). P. ^20.

94 Blanqula, "Lee Problems eoclaux dans la roaan alleaand conteaporain*. Berne Aftft c oure il Conferences. 32* II, (15 arril, 1938), p. 2 6 .

95 Qpilland, "Chronique alleaande". Bibliotheque Unixereelle. S B (oct.. 1917), P. 139. 96 Brion, "Lettres etrangerea". Cnhl«r»« du Swd. 121-127 {oct., 193°)* P. 638,

97 Murat, as. clt.. p. 424.

98 Bertaux, "Heinrich Mann, Lee PeaxTree", Lee, clt., pp. **19—**20.

99 Bertaux, "Der Kopf, par Heinrich Mann". Lee, clt., p. 511.

100 Bertanx, Pjnfirni Aft 1& litteratura alliande contenporaine. P. 139.

101 Plerre-

102 Guignard, sft. fill., (3° Juillet. 1932). P. 760.

103 Spenle, "Lettree alleaandea". Mercure Aft Prance. 1S*£ (1 Jan., 1925) PP. 257-260.

104 Bianquie, "Lee probleaee eocieux dane le roaan alleaand conteaporain". Loc. clt., p. 3O,

105 Hops, iffi. fill.. P. 376. Bertanx, f a la Litterature »Tt«— «d« soatftftPOrftin. P. 156.

106 Guignard, jm. clt.. (3 0 Juin, 1932), pp. 5**7-549.

107 Brian, "Lettree etrangeres". C^hlera du Snd. 142-146 (dec., 1932), p. 820. Blanqula, "Lee Probleaee Soclaox dane le roaan alleaand conteaiporain. ins.* clt. * P* 23. 263

108 Mnret, o p . clt.. p. 424.

109 Quignard, op. fill., (15 juln, 1932), pp. 454-466. Hops, £2* d t . Sp«nl«, "Lettree allenandes". XS&* clt.. 184 (1 Jan., 1925). _ _ / pp. 253-254. Bertanx, Pflftgrftftft &S. lA lltterature allenande gontOftpgrfrlBg. P. 155- 110 Gulgnard, £ft. c lt. f (15 avril, 1938). PP. 364-365.

111 Spenle, "Lettree alleaandea*. loc. clt.. 203 (l aal, 1928) p . 727.

112 Brlon. "Lettree etrangerea". Cahlers §3Ul. 1 2 3 - 1 2 7 ( o c t ., 193 0 ) . PP. 238-639.

113 Dupeyron, "Mere Merle, par Heinrich Mann”. Sonvelle KflIM Prance!ae. 3 O (aars, 1928), pp. 428-429. Bertanx, jlfi. la lltterature fll 1,‘TPV,rw,<> CaatftaPPrftlqft, P. 158. Xefevre, o p . clt., p. 26.

114 Bertaux, Pahot-w m l Ig lltterature allaaanda contenBoralne. P. 157.

115 IiU .. P. 157. 116 Blanqula, "Lee Brobleaes eoelaax dans le roaan alleaand conteaporain". Revue dee Coure et Conferences. 39. II (15 avril, 1938), p. 22.

117 Colin, £&. £l£.» ?• 203.

118 Oulgnard, j b . fiJLi., (3° Juln, 1932), pp. 551-552. Bertanx, pIUlTTm Aft 1ft lltterature allenande gqataapgrftlftft, P. 158.

119 Bertanx, "Lectures alleaandea". Mouvelle Revue ZtftHBftlftft. 2 Z («*rs, 1929). P. 412. Brlon, "Le solxante anniversalre de Heinrich Mann", loc. jsUt.. p . 6. Plerre-Qaint, o p . clt.. p. 141. — 264 «•

120 Bertaux, "Die Jugend dee £ftnlga Henri Quafere, par Heinrich Mann". » o u t elie Revue Francalae. ^£5 (nor,, 1935)» P« 781.

121 Bojrer. "Lettrea alleaandea". Revue 4* Ucan&fi., XL* 2 (1 avril, 1931), P. 5*3.

122 Brlon, "Le aoixante annlTeraaire de Heinrich Mann". froc. clt., p. 6,

123 Gruaa, iLtt. clt., p. 7. / N 124 Brlon, "Lettrea Btrangerea". Loc.clt.. 92-96 (nov., 1927) P. 342.

125 Anonyaoua. "Lea Llvrea". Houvelle Revue rrftRgfllSft» kfi (dec., 1937), P. 1048.

126 Brunet, Gabriel. "Lltterature". Mercnre France_ (1 Jan., 1938), p. 117.

4 265 -


Many German authors havs been attracted to French

literature and have modeled their works on Trench prototypes*

In the case of Heinrich Mann* however* admiration for Trench

culture assumes such large proportions that factors other

than literary must be operating* Hence Mann's Trench Influences

can be understood only by examining the development of his

thought fro® the beginning*

^hs young Heinrich Mann felt a deep antipathy toward his

German environments and the two early novels* Schlaraff

and Professor Unrat, reflect this antipathy. They present an unattractive German world* peopled by philistlnes* materialists*

and pretenders* The cynical view of society, along with numerous resemblances in plot* show without a doubt that Schlara-ffm i land was modeled on Maupassant's Thus Trench influence was already apparent* although it was as yet only a literary one*

Mann's dissatisfaction was more fundamental* however* than a mere dislike of Germany* Hie attitudes reflected the malaise of the artist who felt himself Isolated from the world* In this feeling Mann was not alone* since many European writers in the early part of the century were preoccupied with the problem of the artlstw-Hofmannsthal* George, Rilke* and above all* - 266

Heinrich Mann's brother Thonae. The Inability of the artist

to participate in normal life is treated by Heinrich Mann

In an early Hovelle. PIppq §2>a&a, in which all experience Is felt to be mere grist for literary composition. Likewise the actresses TJte ®nde and Leonie, in Die Jagd nach Llebe and

Sfihmis-olelerln. renounce real life in order to satisfy their artistic compulsions. It was no wonder, then, that Mann was strongly attracted to the French writer Flaubert, who was, for him, the example par excellence of the artist who denies his human Instincts for the sake of artistic perfection. Likewise,

Mann was impelled to translate Into German the Hletolre comlqus of Anatole France, because it, too. Is the story of an actress prevented from "living".

At first Mann tried to solt o the problem of his disturbed relationship with society by leaving Germany both physically and spiritually. It was not yet France, but Italy, where he sought compensation for an unsatisfactory environment. Italy to Mann symbolised passion, artistry, and action. Particularly in thee Renaissance Italy did he find these ideals——ideals which he shared with numerous other writers at the turn of the century.

The hwotne of Mann's trilogy. Die Gdttinnmm. lives out

Renaissance ideals in an extreme form, as does the singer in Die B r M t i i u . who ruthlessly sacrifices all other considerations for the sake of her career. Mann's preoccupation with the - 267 -

amoral, strong personality as compensation for the weakness

and pettiness of his environment and his own weakness as an

artist explains the significance for him at this time of the

Trench novel. Liaisons Dan^ereuses. by Choderlos de Lac1os.

Mann not only translated the novel but also wrote an essay

emphasising the predatory cold-bloodedness of the eighteenth-

century characters, The amoralism of Stendhal was obviously

an early influence on Mann too. Stendhal's energy cult is only

a variation of the worship of the superman; and his admiration

for the Renaissance and for Italy is a strong bond between him

and Mann. In his critical writings, Mann represents Stdndhal,

Choderlos de Laclos, and Flaubert as being, like himself, out

of sympathy with their world,

There were early indications, however, that Mann felt the ideal of the amoral superman to be untenable, Claude Marehn,

Ja*d nach Ljebe. and Lola, In Zwlschen den Bassen. are unable to choose between Germany and Italy, Germany is symbolised by the actress Ute Xnde and by Lola's lover, Arnold, both of whoa are coldly intellectual; Italy is symbolised by the Italian actress Ollda Frenchini and by Lola's other lover,

Pardi, both of whoa represent unreflectlve passion. Mith the novel. Die w a i M Stadt. one detects a definite turning point in Mann's thought, for in this work ruthless individualism is replaced by a democratic social philosophy, The novel reflects Mann * s reading of those nineteenth—century French - 268 - authors who seem to him to continue the traditions of the

French Revolution. The early essays had already pointed out that Flaubert and Stendhal were misplaced in time "because the age in which they lived had lost the original revolutionary idealism. Even Choderlos de Laclos became disillusioned while serving as an officer under Napoleon. Mann took over the ideals of democracy and humanity because they vere held by the authors whom he admired. It later became Mann's conviction that in a democratic country like France the artist was able to participate in real life; he did this in two ways: first, by depicting the social scene, second, by participating personally in public affairs.

This integration the French writer was able to achieve because the French public, trained by years of revolutionary thinkers, was willing to recognize the Intellectual Instead of condemning him to isolation, as in Germany. Reason, rather than materialism or irrationalism, prevailed in France. Thus, by using France as a Wunschblld Mann solved his two problems: the isolation of the artist and the unbearableness of German society.

This ¥^n«chbift was doubly satisfactory because he was able to combine it with his compensatory ideal of the superman— -or a modified version thereof. Zola and Victor Hugo, the two writers who typify Mann's new ethical ideals, are both depicted as persons of superhuman energy and strength; the virtues of

Rousseau and Voltaire (two other objects of Mann's admiration) - 269 -

consist in their having been able to unleash the forces of

the Revolution*

Mann now sought to put his new idealism into action by

mllitantly urging his countrymen, writers and populace, to

imitate the example of the French, The essay, Gelst und Tat,

appearing in 1910* stated his new credo of reaeon combined

with action, Succeeding essays tJvoughout the years continued

to judge Germany by French ethics, politics, and literature.

This view included the championship of democracy; and after the

defeat of Germany in 1918, Mann became a vociferous supporter

of the Weimar Republic,

His admiration for Zola and other French social novelists

led Mann to continue die criticism of Germany which he had begun

In SphlqjruffftnlMri. The trilogy, Dfci. Kftlflarflcfr. is an

expose of the evils inherent in the Germany of the Kmplre,

It chastises the crudities of the bourgeoisie, the servility

of emperor-worshippers, the power of the Industrialists and militarists, and the hypocrisy and sham of the rulers. Using a device similar to that in Zola's HoqgcnJUenuitft- Mann allows the same characters to appear in both Per

(which satirises the bourgeoisie) and Pie A q m UI> which shows the oppression of the proletariat by the industrialists. The similarities in plot between Pie Ar— n and Zola's Germinal add to the evidence that Mann was using the French writer as a - 270 -

modal. Finally, the prophecy of war and defeat which ends

Per Untert^n la similar to Zola's prophecy, in Conausts de

Plasaone. of the downfall of the French Empire under

Napoleon HI.

However, the influence of Stendhal on Pas Kalserrelch

is Just aB marked as that of Zola, particularly in the lest

hook of the trilogy. Per Konf. which describes the life of

the ruling classes. The theme of Mann's essay on Stendhal is

that Stendhal's heroes are dominated by energy but frustrated

by the pettiness and hypocrisy of post-Napoleonic society.

The chief characters in Per Kqpf are intellectuals who

experience similar frustrations and who, in order to secure

the necessary outlet for their energies, are forced to

become hypocrites. "Success" for Mann's heroes, as for those

of Stendhal, 1 b all-important.

Mann's worship of energy, which is but a variation of

his worship cf the superman, appears again in two playe based

on French hlBtory, Madnw Lagros and Per Weg rur Hacht.

Madame Pegros1 daemonic energy Is used to serve revolutionary

ideals; Napoleon's energy Is directed toward personal success.

Hence, he is more akin to Mann's earlier heroes, who do not have a social eoncslousnese. Napoleon, however, regrets the necessity for betraying the revolution, Just aa Madame Legroa regret- the necessity for committing crimes to achieve her 271

goal. Mann's consciousness of the gulf between Ideal

and reality was so fundamental that not even his French

hero of a by-gone age is able to overcome it. However,

as Mann became more and more dissatisfied with the Weimar

Republic, his essays show Napoleon assuming an ever

greater number of characteristics which conform to

ethical and democratic ideals. Finally Mann could hold

him up as the antithesis to Hitler,

In the period between Per Kprpf and the Hitler regime,

Mann became Interested in modern French portrayals of post­ war youth, whose common problems with German youth seemed

to him an argument in favor of Franco-German understanding.

He devoted ope chapter in his collection of essays on French authors to Philippe Soupault• Soupault'a concern for the uncertainties of modern existence, which have produced a generation of matter-of-fact adventurers, is reflected in

Mann's series of novels and Hovellen which portray the post­ war world* These again are social novels and they again illustrate Mann's preoccupation with the Stendhallan principle of energy. The chief characters are still adventurers to whom organised society offers little opportunity, Although many Oarnan characters are for the first time sympathetically portrayed, two evils in German - 272 - society— industrial exploitation and material!sm— continue to

"be attacked. Accordingly, the literary and social virtues of France continue to he extolled hy Mann in the essays of the same period.

The advent of Hitlerism increased Mann's dislike for

Germany; and he expressed this dislike in two violent and hitter diatrihee, Per Haas and S4 kommt der Tag. Mann had found in Henri IT, king of France in the sixteenth century, a leader who possessed all the virtues vhich Hitler lacked.

Thus his two-volume "biography of Henri, Die Jugend des lCflnlge

Henri Quatre and Die Vollendung des Kflnlgs Henri Q.uatre. was

Intended to teach a lesBon to "both France and Germany hy showing the power of goodness and reason over evil and irrationalism. Poring Henri's reign Mann sees the foundations "being laid for both the French Revolution and the

Third Republic, the two eras which in his opinion best exemplify

French ideals in action. This biography is more successful in reconciling the superman concent to ethical ideals than any other of his works. Because Mann finds historical Justifica­ tion for it, the French king can be at the same time humanitarian, democrat, reformer, autocrat, and rogue. Although Mann exaggerates his virtues and excuses his faults, historical authority also presents Henri as a great king, a friend of the - 273 - common people. In the turbulence of the sixteenth century hie adventures (which are Bhovn to he a manifestation of the

Stendhalian energy principle) do not seem out of place.

Unfortunately, the France of 1939 did not live uo to

Mann's ideal. Per Atem shows the failure of modern France to fight off dictatorship and industrial exploitation. The heroine is a symbol for the France that served Mann for so long as Munschhlld. She stands for love, adventure, artistry, and goodness.

Desnlte Mann's strong pro-French bias, the result of his revulsion against Germany, it must be said in fairness to him that this view mellowed ’ith age. In the later essays his attitudes apnroach those of tolerance and skepticism; this is evidenced, for example, by an Increased interest in Montaigne, to the relative neglect of absolutists like Zola and Robespierre*

At this point, Mann begen to look bock to the Germany immediately preceding Vilhelm II and to find many good things about that period. He quotes many German writers in Es kommt der Tag; and surprisingly enough, he was olanning at the time of his 1 death to write the life of . Of course, there are other Germans about whom he had commented favorably throughout his career— , for instance.

The France which was the land of his dreams wee kind to

Mann personally. He had personal friends among French literary - 27^ - men and he found asylum there after his exile from Germany In

1 9 3 3* a writer, however, his reputation among French critics Is equivocal, The amount of criticism is small, in view of the Importance to Mann of French literature and history.

Known chiefly to the French as a social novelist, he was praised by them for his political views and for his criticlem of German society. About hie artistic competence, however, opinion was divided. The power of his social criticism in the novels was praised by many critics, but others considered his work too far removed from reality and too full of caricature and satire. The influences of the French, realistic and naturalistic schools were recognized,bxit Mann was often compared unfavorably with his French models.

The significance to Mann of French culture as a compensatory ideal growing out of hie rejection of Germany is clear. He felt that France offered a climate more favorable to the intellectual and the artist; consequently, he magnified the virtues of that country. Thus his extravagant admiration may be considered a form of exoticism, a preoccupation with the strange as compensation for the familiar. - 275 -


C o n c l u s i o n

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I, Elizabeth Doerechuk 0*Bear, was born In Sugar Crook:, Ohio, January 3, 19°9, 1 rocolTod my secondary education in the Walnut Creek Township public schools, Holms County, Ohio, My undergraduate training was obtained at Qberlin College, from which I received the degree Master of Arts In 1932* I hare taught at Drury College, In Springfield, Missouri, Alfred University Extension, in Jamestown, Hew fork, and Blackburn College, in Carllnville, Illinois* In 19**9 * received the appoint­ ment of Graduate Assistant in The Ohio State University, where I specialised in German, I held this position for two years and after an absence of a year returned as Assistant Instructor in order to complete the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy,