اجلـــديدة Chroniques Du Manuscrit Au Yémen

Nouvelles اجلـــديدة Chroniques du Manuscrit au Yémen

عدد ۱۱ )۳۰(، يوليو ۲۰۲۰

N° 11 (30) / Juillet 2020 Directrice de la Publication Anne REGOURD

Contact Secrétariat Sami LAGATI [email protected]

Comité de rédaction Tamon BABA (Ritsumeikan University, Japon), Adday Hernandez-Lopez (Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid), Anne REGOURD

Revue de presse Sami LAGATI

Conseil de rédaction Geoffrey KHAN (Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge University (GB)), Martha M. MUNDY (The London School of Economics and Political Science), Jan RETSÖ (Gothenburg Univer- sity, Suède), Sabine SCHMIDTKE (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton)

Correspondants Tamon BABA (Ritsumeikan University, Japon), Deborah FREEMAN-FAHID (FRAS, Assistant Conservateur, Dir. de publication, The al-Sabah Collection, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah, Koweït), Abdullah Yahya AL SURAYHI (Abu Dhabi University, National Library)

Comité de lecture Hassan F. ANSARI (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton), Anne K. BANG (University of Bergen, Norvège), Marco DI BELLA (Indépendant, Conservation/restauration manuscrits arabes), Deborah FREEMAN- FAHID (FRAS, Assistant Conservateur, Dir. de publication, The al-Sabah Collection, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah, Koweït), David G. HIRSCH (Advisor for Library Services, Mohammed bin Rashid Library, Dubai), Michaela HOFF- MANN-RUF (University of Tübingen), Clifford B. MESSICK (Columbia University), Samer TRABOULSI (University of Asheville, North Carolina)

Mise en page Eugénie DE MARSAY [email protected]

Webmaster Peter J. NIX [email protected]

ISSN 2727-5221

Photo de couverture/Cover’s image : Grande mosquée/Great Mosque, Ibb, 08.06.2008 © Hélène David-Cuny

Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen 11

(Ancienne série 30)

Juillet 2020 (prochain numéro janvier 2021)

Éditorial

Hommages Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ – Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī

متهيد : تكرمي القايض اسامعيل عيل ا ألكوع — ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين1

Photo accompagnant un hommage rendu au Cadi Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī (m. 10 août 2020) al-Akwaʿ par le journal Nashwan News, nov. 2010 همند أمحد الس ياين )املتوىف ١٠ أغسطس ٢٠٢٠( صورة القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع يف مقاةل تكرمي هل، جريدة نشوا ، ننومفرب ٢٠١٠

Ce numéro des Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen rend un double hommage : il est dédié à la mémoire du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, né à Ḏamār, le 1er mars 1920, à travers l’anniversaire de sa naissance, et à notre bienaimé collègue trop tôt disparu, le 10 août 2020, à Sanaa, Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī, Président de General Or- ganization for Antiquities and Museums (GOAM).

1 Version arabe Mounir Arbach, CNRS, Lyon. Dans les Chroniques, un obituaire avait été publié à la mort du Cadi al-Akwaʿ, à Sanaa, le 21 octobre 2008, sous la plume de Muhammad ʿAbd al-Rahim Jazim, CmY 7 (janvier 2009), Actualités, http://cmy.revues.org/1877. Successivement à la tête de la Haute Autorité des Antiquités (Maṣlaḥat al-Āthār), instituée par décret au printemps 1969, puis de l’Organisation générale des Antiquités et des Bibliothèques (Al-hayʾa al- ʿāmma li-al-āṯār wa-dūr al-kutub), en 1973, il a marqué d’une empreinte indélébile la naissance des institutions patrimoniales yéménites, embrassant dans une même vision la préservation des livres manuscrits, des imprimés et celle des antiquités. Il est à l’origine de la naissance du musée National, du musée des Arts et Traditions popu- laires et de la Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt, à Sanaa, du musée de Ẓafār Ḏū Raydān, de la préserva- tion de sites archéologiques, à Maʾrib et Barāqiš. Une mort vient malheureusement assombrir la commémoration de cette naissance, celle d’un homme chaleureux et d’un collègue dont l’action patrimoniale soutenue et efficace s’est inscrite dans la continuité des institutions patrimoniales. Il a plus d’une fois relayé et appuyé les demandes et projets des manuscrits. Ce numéro d’hommage contient exclusivement des articles sur des textes et manuscrits du Yémen.

نقدم يف هذا العدد اجلديد من حوليات خمطوطات المين – السلسةل اجلديدة ) Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen( تكرميًا مزدو ًجا : ا ألول مكرس ذلكرى املئة عام لوالدة القايض اسامعيل عيل ا ألكوع يف مدينة ذمار يف ا ألول من مارس عام ١٩٢٠، والثاين مكرس لزميلنا الغايل ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين، رئيس الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف، اذلي وافته املنية جف أة، يف ١٠ أغسطس ٢٠٢٠، يف صنعاء. يف حوليات خمطوطات المين )العدد (٧ مت سابق ًا نعي وفاة القايض اسامعيل عيل الأكوع يف صنعاء يف ٢١ ترشين ا ألول ٢٠٠٨، بقمل زميلنا الاس تاذ محمد ع بد الرحمي جازم )يناير ٢٠٠٩، قسم ا ألخبار، http://cmy.revues.org/1877(. شغر القايض اسامعيل عيل ا ألكوع عىل التوايل منصب رئيس مصلحة الآاثر اليت أنشئت مبرسوم مجهوري عام ١٩٦٩، واليت أصبحت عام ١٩٧٣ الهيئة العامة للآاثر ودور الكتب، واليوم الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف. ترك القايض اسامعيل عيل ا ألكوع بصمة ال متحى عىل نشوء املؤسسات الرتاثية والثقافية المينية، حيث مجع بنفس الرؤية احلفاظ عىل اطوطات والكتب املطبوعة وأيض ًا عىل الآاثر مبعناها الشامل. يعود هل أيض ًا الفضل الكبري بنشاء املتحف الوطين ومتحف الفنون والتقاليد الشعبية ودار اطوطات بصنعاء ومتحف ظفار ذو ريدان، وايض ًا قراره بافظة عىل املواقع ا ألثرية يف م أرب وبراقش. لسوء احلظ خي ّمي احلزن علينا اليوم يف ذكرى احياء اذلكرى املئوية مليالد القايض اسامعيل عيل ا ألكوع، وذكل بسبب وفاة ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين املفاجئة، اذلي اكن صديق ًا محمي ً ذي صدر رحب، واذلي يعترب اجنازه ا ألثري اجلاد والفعال جزء من اس مترارية املؤسسات املهمتة بلرتاث ا ألثري والثقايف يف المين، فمل يتوان ابدا بدمع مشاريع التوثيق واحلفاظ عىل اطوطات المينية. ي توي هذا العدد حرصًا عىل مقاالت حول المين.

Anne Regourd د. أآن ريغورد Pour les nCmY مديرة حوليات خمطوطات المين – السلسةل اجلديدة

Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen 11 Juillet 2020

Sommaire

Éditorial ...... 4

مت هيد : تكرمي القايض اسامعيل عيل Hommages Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ – Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī 4 ...... أالكوع — أالس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين

Actualités ...... 1

1 ...... نعي وفاة / Obituaire Yémen ...... 6 Épigraphie ...... 25 Abou Dhabi ...... 25 Arabie ...... 27 Épigraphie ...... 28 Dubeï ...... 28 Golfe ...... 31 Oman ...... 32 Qatar ...... 37 Océan Indien & golfe d’Aden ...... 39 Actualités internationales ...... 40 Revue de presse ...... 42 Encart : project of publication ...... 51 Research of the philological notes from The Arabian Journey 1761–1767 Peter Forsskål’s zoological notes and F. C. von Haven’s linguistical notes Philippe Provençal (Natural History Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen) ...... 51

Articles ...... 58

Note on a Steelyard Balance in an Arabic Manuscript in Hebrew Characters from Yemen Mohammed Abattouy (Doha Historical Dictionary of Arabic The Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies, Doha) with the collaboration of Gabriele Ferrario (University of Bologna) ...... 58

“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa) by al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ: Editio Princeps of a Treatise on Miscellaneous Theological Topics Mostafa Ahmadi (Independent Researcher), Hassan Ansari (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ), Jan Thiele (Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo, CSIC, Madrid) ...... 76

A polythematic work from the Rasūlid era: The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433) in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences Kinga Dévényi (Corvinus University of Budapest) ...... 107

Chroniques de manuscrits : note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman et autres œuvres du muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī Anne Regourd (CNRS, UMR 7192, Paris) ...... 131

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) Actualités

Actualités

(période de janvier à juin 2020)

Nouvelles Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen = nCmY Comment citer les Actualités ?/How to refer to the News? Avec date/With date CmY 18 (Juil. 2014), Actualités, <26 avril 2014> CmY 19 Nouvelles séries/New Series (Janv. 2015), Actualités, , p. 25. nCmY 10/29 (Janv. 2020), Actualités, <14 décembre 2019>, p. 22. Sans date/Without date CmY 18 (Juil. 2014), Actualités, CmY 19 Nouvelles séries/New Series (Janv. 2015), Actualités, , p. 39. nCmY 10/29 (Janv. 2020), Actualités, , p. 22. N.d.l.R.

نعي وفاة / OBITUAIRE ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين )١٩٦٢-٢٠٢٠( لقد فقد عامل الثقافة والرتاث والآاثر المينية جف أة ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين اذلي اكن ممتزيا بلطفه وكرمه وبعواطفه النبيةل واذلي اكن أنشط حمام وسفري للرتاث ا ألثري والثقايف الميين يف املنابر ادلولية. خترج الس يد همند أمحد الس ياين من قسم الآاثر يف جامعة صنعاء، وقد كرس حياته املهنية ب أمكلها خلدمة الآاثر المينية، حيث معل منذ منتصف التسعينيات مع الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف، حيث اكن مديرًا للآاثر يف حمافظة صنعاء وملدة عقدين )١٩٩٤-٢٠١٤(، توىل ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين، من قرية بيت الس ياين يف جنوب صنعاء، منصب رئيس الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف منذ عام ٢٠١٤. بذل همند أمحد الس ياين أقىص هجوده وبلوسائل املتاحة مكدير للآاثر مبحافظة صنعاء محلاية وصيانة الرتاث ا ألثري املهدد للخطر، يف منطقة حيث غال ًبا توجد املواقع واملعامل التارخيية يف وسط املناطق السكنية. عىل سبيل املثال ال احلرص، هذه بعض الاجنازات اليت تركت أثرا يف مسرية معل املرحوم همند أمحد الس ياين، دعوان نستشهد حبفرايت ا النقاذ يف مقربة قدمية يف يح شعوب – مدينة شعوب قدميا – nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 1 Actualités

يف شامل رشق صنعاء، واليت تعود اىل القرون ا ألوىل من العرص امليالدي، واذلي مت اجراؤه مع فريق من املعهد ا ألملاين للآاثر يف صنعاء )١٩٩٩-٢٠٠٣(1. كام جيب أن نذكر هنا معلية حفرايت انقاذ أ خرى )٢٠٠٢-٢٠٠٣( نفذهتا الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف بلتعاون مع جامعة صنعاء يف قرية مقوةل جنوب صنعاء، فبا الضافة اىل عرشات النقوش املكتوبة عىل عسب النخيل عرث علهيا مواطن داخل جرة، مت العثور عىل عدة أواين مزنلية خفارية وأيضا عىل اساسات ابنية قدمية وبقااي ص وامع الغالل وكذكل قبور عديدة2. كام ندين للمرحوم همند امحد الس ياين اجناز جرد لعرشات املواقع ا ألثرية يف منطقة بين مطر غرب وجنوب-غرب صنعاء، مما سامه بتحديد اترخي بقااي املباين القدمية وأيضا بقااي نظام الري اىل بداايت العهد امليالدي3. دبلومايس بلفطرة، عني املرحوم همند أمحد الس ياين منسقا للمعرض ادلوار : المين، يف أرض ملكة س ب أ، اذلي افتتح يف معهد العامل العريب بباريس )١٩٩٧-٢٠٠٧(4. عندما انهتت ول ألسف س نوات الازدهار يف جمال محالت الآاثر الوقائية واحلفرايت ا ألثرية العلمية يف املواقع الاثرية المينية يف عام ٢٠١٠، جاءت فرتة الس يد همند الس ياين كرئيس للهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف مع خلفية الرصاعات المينية وا القلميية. يف وقت تعصف بلبالد منذ عام ٢٠١٥ حاةل حرب م أساوية وعقمية، يتنازع فهيا من الطرف الاول حتالف عر ًيب تقوده السعودية ويدمعه الغرب، والطرف الآخر احلوثيون اذلين اس تولوا عىل السلطة ومل يعرتفوا ال بحلكومة القامئة وال بلرئيس املؤقت. بلرمغ من هذا الوضع ا النساين املؤمل والاقتصادي الصعب اذلي مير به المين واذلي أدى اىل الفقر واملرض والبؤس، ومع قةل املوارد والسلطة ادودة للهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف، اس تطاع املرحوم

1 Burkhard Vogt & Iris Gerlach, « Bericht über die Notgrabungen im Friedhof Shaʿūb », ABADY IX, 2002, p. 185-204, pl. 1-22 ; Norbert Nebes, « Ein beschrifteter Goldanhänger aus dem Friedhof von Saub », Archäologische Berichte aus dem Yemen 9, 2002, p. 227-233. انظر أيض ًا بللغة العربية، بوراكرت فوجت و ايريس جرالخ، "شعوب : حفرايت طارئة يف مقربو محريية قدمية بصنعاء"، املس ند ٢، ٢٠٠٤، ص ٦٤-٦٨، ايريس جرالخ و هوجلر هيتجن، "عادات ادلفن يف الفرتة امحلريية امليكرة. حفرايت مقربة شعوب )صنعاء("، صاحل برصة وأآخرون، صنعاء احلضارة والتارخي، املؤمتر ادلويل اخلامس للحضارة المينية، صنعاء، ٢٠٠٥، ادل ا ألول، ص ٤٤٥-٤٥٥ واللوحات ص ٤٥٦-٤٦٣. 2 انظر التقرير الاويل يف جمةل الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف، "تقرير أعامل املسح والتنقيب الآاثري يف موقع مقوةل"، املس ند ١، ٢٠٠١، ص ٥٢-٥٣، وراجع ايض ا عبد الغين سعيد ال رشعيب، "منحواتت ونقوش من مقوةل حمفوظة مبتحف قسم الآاثر بلكية الآداب جامعة صنعاء"، صاحل برصة وأآخرون، صنعاء احلضارة والتارخي، ص ٢٠٣-٢١٥، اللوحات ص ٢١٦-٢٢١. 3 مت ادخال هذه البياانت ب أمكلها يف قاعدة بياانت املواقع ا ألثرية يف المين، واليت يوجد مهنا نسخة لالضطالع يف الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف بصنعاء. 4 انظر همند أمحد الس ياين، " اقامة املعارض اخلارجية. معرض الآاثر المينية : المين أرض مملكة س ب أ"، املتحف الميين ١، ٢٠٠٧، ص ٤٧-٤٩. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 2 Actualités

همند أمحد الس ياين عىل حشد الرأي العام ادلويل من خالل انقاذ ما ميكن أن انقاذه. لقد أثبت املرحوم الس ياين يف هذه الظروف الصعبة حق ًا ب أنه سفري الرتاث الميين دلى الهيئات واملنظامت ادلولية، وال س مي اليونسكو، بلتعاون مع رؤساء البعثات ا ألثرية ا ألجنبية العلمية )فرنسا، أملانيا، ايطاليا، روس يا، الوالايت املتحدة(، اذلين اكنوا ينفذون منذ فرتة طويةل مشاريع املسح والتنقيب بلتعاون مع الهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف. جنح املفاوض البارز املرحوم همند أمحد الس ياين يف وضع قامئة بملواقع ا ألثرية يف المين واليت ت أثرت بحلرب أو املعرضة للخطر وذكل يف حاةل الطوارئ ويف خضم الرصاع يف عام ٢٠١٦. جيب أن نتذكر هنا أنه يف وقت السالم، اكن من الصعب الوصول اىل عدة مناطق يف المين مهنا وادي اجلوف ووادي حريب جنوب م أرب حىت ملندويب الهيئة، والآن املهمة أصبحت أكرث صعوبة يف حاةل الفوىض اليت ترعرعت بسبب الرصاعات واحلروب : أصبح تدمري املواقع والهنب والاجتار بلآاثر ل ألسف أم ًرا شائ ًعا. أسهم التعاون الوثيق بني جامعات أكسفورد )Oxford( ودورهام )Durham( وليسرت )Leicester( واملركز الوطين للبحث العلمي الفرنيس بباريس بجناز خريطة أثرية عىل شلك قاعدة بياانت تغطي مجيع املواقع ا ألثرية يف المين )ا السالمية مهنا وقبل ا السالم(، واليت مت ابالغها اىل اليونسكو يف عام ٢٠١٦، الرسالها اىل ادلول املشاركة يف الرصاع. ب الضافة اىل ذكل مت جرد املواقع ا ألثرية املهددة بالنقراض، متكن املرحوم همند أمحد الس ياين من حشد املتربعني لتل بية احتياجات املتاحف، اليت تعرض بعضها ألرضار أو ادلمار، مثل متحف مدينة ذمار. شارك الاس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين يف مؤمترات دولية كثرية حول حامية الرتاث الثقايف الميين وأآخر هذه املؤمترات ادلولية اللقاء السبيئ اذلي ُعقد مؤخرا يف تولوز )Toulouse( وبريس يف عايم ٢٠١٧و ٢٠١٨، واكن املرحوم ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين يدعو دامئًا اىل الوقف الفوري للزناع وطلب مساعدة كبرية للحفاظ عىل مجموعات القطع الاثرية يف املتاحف وأيضا حامية املواقع ا ألثرية املهددة بالنقراض5. يف شهر أغسطس املايض، قبل وفاته املفاجئة يف ١٠ أغسطس ٢٠٢٠، أ طلق الس يد همند أمحد الس ياين محةل النقاذ مدينة صنعاء القدمية واحلفاظ علهيا، املدرجة عىل قامئة اليونسكو للرتاث العاملي، وذكل بسبب هطول أمطار غزيرة أدت اىل اهنيار عدة منازل اترخيية مسكونة.

5 Al-Siyyānī, Muhannad Aḥmad, « Risks of War on Yemeni Cultural Heritage », dans : Jean-François Bre- ton & François Villeneuve (dir.), La guerre en Arabie antique. Actes des 22e Rencontres sabéennes, Paris 21- 23 juin 2018, Koweït/Paris, CEFAS & Geuthner, 2019, p. 259-264 ; id., « Risks and Damage to the Cultural Heritage in Yemen », dans : Christian Darles, Lamya Khalidi & Mounir Arbach (dir.), Contacts between South Arabia and the Horn of Africa, from Bronze Age to Islam, Actes des 21e Rencontres sabéennes, Tou- louse 8-10 juin 2017, sous presse. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 3 Actualités

سوف ترتك وفاة ا ألس تاذ همند أمحد الس ياين املفاجئة فراغًا كب ًريا، ليس فقط بسبب خشصيته اللطيفة والفذة، بل وبشلك خاص بفضل ادارته املمتازة واحلكمية للهيئة العامة للآاثر واملتاحف يف وقت الزناعات واحلروب اذلي مير فهيا المين يف أوقات عصيبة وصعبة جدا، حيث أصبح املدنيون المينيون والرتاث الميين العريق يف أم ّس احلاجة اىل امحلاية والوقاية يف أكرث من أي وقت مىض. أ. د. منري عربش مدير حبوث – املركز الوطين للبحث العلمي – مركز الرشق واملتوسط، ليون، فرنسا.

Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī (1962-2020) Le monde de la culture et des antiquités yéménites vient de perdre Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī, qui était un homme élégant, plein de sympathie et un fervent défenseur du patrimoine archéologique et culturel yéménite. Diplômé du Département d’Archéologie de l’Université de Sanaa, M. al-Siyyānī a consacré toute sa carrière au service des antiquités yéménites, exerçant depuis le milieu des années 1990, au sein de General Organization for Antiquities and Museums (connu sous l’acronyme GOAM). Après avoir été Directeur des antiquités de la région de Sanaa, M. al-Siyyānī, originaire du village de Bayt al-Siyyānī au sud de Sanaa, occupait depuis 2014, le poste de Président du GOAM. Durant deux décennies (1994-2014), M. al-Siyyānī a œuvré avec les moyens du bord, en tant que Directeur des Antiquités du Gouvernorat de Sanaa, à la protection et à la sauvegarde du patrimoine archéologique en péril, dans une région où les sites et les monuments historiques se trouvent souvent au milieu de zones ur- baines. Pour ne citer que quelques opérations qui ont marqué la carrière de M. al- Siyyānī, citons la fouille de sauvetage d’une ancienne nécropole de l’actuel quartier de Šaʿūb au nord-est de Sanaa, datant des premiers siècles de l’ère chrétienne, réalisée avec une équipe allemande de la Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Ṣanʿāʾ (DAI) (1999-2003)6. Nous devons également signaler ici une autre opération de fouille de sauvetage (2002-2003) menée par le GOAM et l’Université de Sanaa à Maqwala de Sanḥān, au sud de Sanaa, où ont été découverts, outre des centaines d’inscriptions gravées sur des bâtonnets en bois de palmier trouvés dans une jarre par un habitant, des dizaines de récipients domestiques en poterie, des structures et des restes de silos

6 Burkhard Vogt & Iris Gerlach, « Bericht über die Notgrabungen im Friedhof Shaʿūb », ABADY IX, 2002, p. 185-204, pl. 1-22 [trad. arabe publiée dans Al-musnad 2, 2004, p. 64-68] ; Norbert Nebes, « Ein beschrifteter Goldanhänger aus dem Friedhof von Saub », Archäologische Berichte aus dem Yemen 9, 2002, p. 227-233 ; Iris Gerlach & Holger Hitgen, « ʿĀdāt al-dafn fī al-fatra al-ḥimyariyya al-mubakkira. Ḥafriyyat maqbarat Šaʿūb (Ṣanʿāʾ) », dans : Ṣāliḥ ʿAlī Bāṣurra et al. (éd.), Ṣanʿāʾ al-ḥaḍāra wa-al-taʾrīḫ. Al- muʾtamar al-duwalī al-ḫāmis li-al-ḥaḍāra al-yamaniyya, vol. 1, Sanaa, 2005, p. 445-455 et pl. p. 456-463. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 4 Actualités

à grains ainsi que des tombes7. C’est à M. al-Siyyānī que nous devons également la réa- lisation d’un inventaire d’une dizaine de sites archéologiques dans la région de Banī Maṭar, à l’ouest et au sud-ouest de Sanaa, qui a permis l’identification des structures antiques d’habitat et des vestiges d’un système d’irrigation datant également des dé- buts de l’ère chrétienne8. Diplomate inné, M. al-Siyyānī a été nommé coordinateur de l’exposition tournante : Yémen. Au pays de la reine de Saba, à l’Institut du monde arabe (IMA, 1997-2007)9. Les années fastes de l’archéologie préventive et des fouilles archéologiques au Yémen ont malheureusement pris fin à partir des années 2010. Le mandat de M. al- Siyyānī à la présidence du GOAM est intervenu dans un contexte marqué par des conflits yéménites et régionaux. Une situation tragique et inextricable de guerre qui ravage le pays depuis 2015, opposant d’un côté, une coalition arabe dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite et soutenue par l’Occident et, de l’autre, les Houthis qui ont pris le pouvoir en ne reconnaissant ni le Gouvernement en place, ni le Président par intérim. En dépit de cette situation humanitaire et économique provocant pauvreté, maladies et misère, avec peu de moyens et le pouvoir limité du GOAM, M. al-Siyyānī a su mobiliser l’opinion publique internationale en sauvant ce qui pouvait l’être. À ce titre il a réelle- ment été l’ambassadeur du patrimoine yéménite auprès des instances et organisations internationales, notamment l’UNESCO, en collaboration avec les responsables des missions archéologiques étrangères (France, Allemagne, Italie, Russie, États-Unis), qui avaient, de longue date, des chantiers de fouilles et de coopération avec le GOAM. Né- gociateur hors pair, M. al-Siyyānī est parvenu à dresser, en urgence et en plein conflit en 2016, une liste des sites archéologiques préislamiques et islamiques touchés par la guerre ou en péril. Faut-il rappeler ici qu’en temps de paix, plusieurs régions du Yé- men, telles al-Ǧawf ou Ḥarīb, au sud de Maʾrib, étaient difficiles d’accès, même aux re- présentants du GOAM. La tâche est considérablement plus difficile dans le chaos né des conflits et de la guerre : destruction des sites, pillages et trafics sont devenus hélas monnaie courante. Une collaboration étroite entre les universités d’Oxford, Durham et Leicester, le CNRS et le GOAM a permis la réalisation d’une carte archéologique en forme de base de données couvrant la totalité des sites archéologiques du Yémen, qui a été communiquée à l’UNESCO en 2016, afin qu’elle soit transmise aux belligérants. Outre l’inventaire des sites archéologiques en péril, M. al-Siyyānī a su mobiliser des donateurs pour subvenir aux besoins des musées dont certains ont été atteints ou dé- truits, tel celui de Ḏamār. Invité aux dernières Rencontres sabéennes qui se sont te- nues à Toulouse et à Paris en 2017 et 2018, M. al-Siyyānī a toujours plaidé pour l’arrêt

7 Les découvertes de Maqwala ont été annoncées par l’équipe du GOAM dans : « Taqrīr aʿmāl al-masḥ wa-al-tanqīb al-aṯārī fī mawqiʿ Maqwala », Al-musnad 1, 2001, p. 52-53. Voir également ʿAbd al-Ġanī Saʿīd al-Šarʿabī, « Manḥūtāt wa-nuqūš min Maqwala maḥfūẓa bi-matḥaf Qism al-āṯār bi-Kulliyyat al-adāb Ǧāmiʿat Ṣan‘āʾ », Ṣanʿāʾ al-ḥaḍāra wa-al-taʾrīḫ, vol. 1, Sanaa, 2005, p. 203-215 et pl. p. 216-221. 8 Ces données ont été intégrées dans la base de données des sites archéologiques du Yémen, dont une copie est consultable au GOAM, Sanaa. 9 Voir M. A. al-Siyyānī, « Iqāmat al-maʾāriḍ al-ḫāriǧiyya. Maʿraḍ al-āṯār al-yamaniyya : al-Yaman arḍ mamlakat Sabaʾ », Al-matḥaf al-yamanī 1, 2007, p. 47-49. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 5 Actualités immédiat du conflit et demandé des aides substantielles pour la préservation des collections des musées et la protection de sites en péril10. Au mois d’août, précédant son décès prématuré survenu le 10 août 2020, M. al- Siyyānī avait lancé une campagne de sauvetage et de préservation de la vieille ville de Sanaa, alors classée sur la liste du patrimoine de l’UNESCO, parce qu’elle avait été tou- chée par de fortes pluies causant l’effondrement de plusieurs maisons. Le décès de Muhannad Aḥmad al-Siyyānī laissera un grand vide, non seulement du fait de son charisme personnel, mais tout particulièrement pour son excellente gestion des antiquités yéménites en temps de conflits, au moment où le Yémen vit des temps difficiles et où la population civile et le patrimoine yéménite ont plus que ja- mais besoin de protection, de sauvegarde et de préservation. Mounir Arbach Directeur de recherche CNRS, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, UMR 5133 Archéorient, Lyon

YÉMEN

2011. Maher Jarrar, « Ibn Abī Yaḥyā: A Controversial Medinan Akhbārī of the 2nd/8th Century », The Transmission and Dynamics of the Textual Sources of Islam: Essays in Honour of Harald Motzki, Leiden/Boston, E. J. Brill, pp. 197–227. This book chapter is devoted to the figure of the muḥaddiṯ and aḫbārī Ibn Abī Yaḥyā (d. 184/800). Ibn Abī Yaḥyā was a controversial personage who lived during the formation of the rival orthodoxies in Medina and the Zaydi revolts. In spite of his Šīʿī tendencies, according to some Sunnī sources (al-Ḫatī ̣b al-Baġdādī (d. 463/1071), Taʾrīḫ Baġdād, Beirut, 1997, vol. 3, p. 222; Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 572/1176), Taʾrīḫ madīnat Dimašq, Bei- rut, 1995–2000, vol. 54, p. 451), al-Wāqidī (d. 207/822) allegedly used a maġāzī book by Ibn Abī Yaḥyā without giving him credit. This fact led Maher Jarrar to examine the aḫbār material attributed to Ibn Abī Yaḥyā, task which was not accomplished by the author without difficulties, given the various ways in which Ibn Abī Yaḥyā is referred to in the sources, the lack of preserved works compiled by him, the problems in actually distinguishing the aḫbār/maġāzī material from the aḥādīṯ belonging to legal chapters, etc.

10 Cf. M. A. al-Siyyānī, « Risks of War on Yemeni Cultural Heritage », dans : Jean-François Breton & Fran- çois Villeneuve (dir.), La guerre en Arabie antique. Actes des 22e Rencontres sabéennes, Paris 21-23 juin 2018, Koweït/Paris, CEFAS & Geuthner, 2019, p. 259-264 ; « Risks and Damage to the Cultural Heritage in Yemen », dans Christian Darles, Lamya Khalidi & Mounir Arbach (dir.), Contacts between South Arabia and the Horn of Africa, from Bronze Age to Islam, Actes des 21e Rencontres sabéennes, Toulouse 8-10 juin 2017, sous presse. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 6 Actualités

According to Jarrar, with the exception of Ibn Abī Yaḥyā’s disciples, al-Šāfiʿī (d. 204/819) and Ibn ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī (d. 211/827) (who was author of the Kitāb al-muṣannaf, a ḥadīṯ compilation which was excluded from the canon), Sunnī scholars undermined Ibn Abī Yaḥyā’s status and, on their part, Šīʿī scholars, while keeping a “honourable memory” of his legacy, did not actually preserve it, probably because they were not sure of which Šīʿī group was Ibn Abī Yaḥyā ascribed to. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004206786_012 https://www.academia.edu/38228271/Jarrar_Ibn_Abi_Yahya_pdf

2011. Tahera Qutbuddin, « Fatimid Aspirations of Conquest and Doctrinal Under- pinnings in the Poetry of al-Qāʾim bi-Amr Allāh, Ibn Hāniʾ al-Andalusī, Amīr Tamīm b. al-Muʿizz, and al-Muʾayyad al-Shīrāzī », in: Ramzi Baalbaki, Saleh Said Agha & Ta- rif Khalidi (eds), Poetry and History. The Value of Poetry in Reconstructing Arab His- tory, Beirut, American University of Beirut Press, pp. 195–246. Poetry is employed by Qutbuddin in this book chapter as the central resource— alongside traditional sources—for the study of the Fatimid ideological context in different periods of the caliphate. The panegyrics have been used along history as a means of legitimation of the ruling parties and, as such, they orally confront enemies, proselytize and elevates the hopes of the followers, as Qutbuddin points out. After the verses by pre-Empire poets, which give valuable information on the establishment of the Fatimid Empire in North Africa, Qutbuddin analyzes the production of four major poets the names of whom are mentioned in the title. The overall picture offered by the examined poetry reflects the Fatimid will of expansion all over the Islamic territory and several specific steps that they should follow in order to be successful in their expansionist purposes. The phases of the Fatimid expansion exposed in this paper include the consolidation of the North African empire, the campaigns to Egypt under the rule of al-Mahdī bi- Allāh (r. 297–322/910–934), the Fatimid conquest of Egypt and their dominion over Sy- ro-Palestine and parts of the Ḥiǧāz and Yemen under the rule of al-Muʿizz li-Dīn Allāh (r. 342–365/953–975), the pretensions of al-ʿAzīz bi-Allāh (r. 365–386/975–996) over the holy places, due to their symbolic value, and finally, the period of apogee and decline under the rule of al-Mustanṣir bi-Allāh (r. 427–487/1036–1094). Given the absence of mentions in the analyzed texts, Qutbuddin attributes the apparent lack of interest of the Fatimids in al-Andalus to its peripheral geographical situation, although some scholars have argued that Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 378/988), for instance, was a spy sent to al-Andalus by the Fatimids. On the other hand, according to Qutbud- din, the Western and North-Western areas of India were object of a secret Fatimid mission supervised by the daʿwa in Yemen. https://www.academia.edu/15729826/_Fatimid_Aspirations_of_Conquest_and_Doctrin al_Underpinnings_in_the_Poetry_of_al_Q%C4%81%CA%BEim_bi_Amr_All%C4%81h_Ibn _H%C4%81ni%CA%BE_al_Andalus%C4%AB_Am%C4%ABr_Tam%C4%ABm_b_al_Mu%CA %BFizz_and_al_Mu%CA%BEayyad_al_Sh%C4%ABr%C4%81z%C4%AB_

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 7 Actualités

2012. James Robin King, « Zaydī revival in a hostile republic: Competing identities, loyalties and visions of state in Republican Yemen », Arabica 59, pp. 404–445. James King focuses in this paper in a group of Zaydi scholar-activists operating in Yemen in the 21st century, mainly from 2004, when the Ḥūṯī conflict took place (a prominent Zaydi sayyid family which headed the local resistance against the Ṣāliḥ re- gime) and the popular revolution in 2011. From the information obtained in several fieldwork missions performed between 2007 and 2010, and from the treatise by the Zaydi scholar ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl Ḥamīd al-Dīn entitled Al-Zaydiyya: Qirāʾa fī al-mašrūʿ wa-baḥṯ fī al-mukawwināt, King presents a complete picture on this group, the main objective of which is the instauration of the Zaydi maḏhab in a democratic republican state. Zaydis do not conform a united community in Yemen, and the groups that share this label defend different doctrinal and political approaches, but their history is the same; along centuries, Zaydism has been marginalized and diluted in the Sunni—anti- maḏhab—traditionalist approach, which promoted the return to the Qurʾan and the hadith as the only valid sources of law and prescinded of the Zaydi rationalist theology and taqlīd, i.e. imitation of the doctrine of previous ʿulamāʾ of a determinate maḏhab for the elaboration of legal rules. However, the presence of this group of activists studied by King, as well as the existence of previous Zaydi organizations of resistance, demonstrates that Zaydism has never completely surrendered. The activities of this Zaydi group identified by King sought freedom and self- determination through the revival of the Zaydi tradition in a challenging moment which was characterized by ideological diversity, poverty and insecurity, as King published his paper in 2012. https://www.academia.edu/3673790/Zaydi_Revival_in_a_Hostile_Republic_Competing _Identities_Loyalties_and_Visions_of_State_in_Republican_Yemen

2013. Nawazali A. Jiwa, « Addenda to Secondary Sources in Ismāʿīlī Studies: The Case of the Omissions », MELA Notes. Journal of Middle Eastern Librarianship 86, pp. 20– 102. This contribution aims to provide a complete account of the secondary sources in Ismāʿīlī studies—published in Latin script up to the end of 2003—that are omitted in the two main extant bibliographies (i. e. Nagib Tajdin’s A Bibliography of Ismailism and Farhad Daftary’s Ismāʿīlī Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies). The data for the completion of this useful contribution were gathered through several basic and advanced search techniques from twenty general online catalogues, databases and digital resources, including Academia.edu, Google Books and Google Scholar, Index Islami- cus, JSTOR, Library of the Congress Online Catalog, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, or Regesta Imperii, just to mention some of them, and two resources specifically devoted to the Ismāʿīlī studies: the AKU-ISMC and the Institute of Ismaili Studies Library Online Public Access Catalog, and the First Ismaili Electronic Library and Database (FIELD).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 8 Actualités

Among the 615 publications listed by the author, three are especially noteworthy in relation to the study of manuscripts produced in the Arabic Peninsula and the Indian Ocean: 1) Blois, François de. 1984. “The Oldest Known Fāṭimid Manuscript from Yemen”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 14, pp. 1–7. 2) Hayat, Khizr. 1990. “A Khojki Manuscript from Punjab”, in: Juma, Salim, & Nagib Tajdin (eds), Proceedings of the S.O.S. [Save our Sources in] Khojki Confer- ence: January 20th–21st, 1990 Toronto–Canada, Montreal, The Heritage Society, pp. 60–64. 3) Tajdin, Karima. 1990. “An Indian Ismaili Manuscript at the Turn of the 19th Century”, in: Juma, Salim, & Nagib Tajdin (eds), Proceedings of the S.O.S. [Save our Sources in] Khojki Conference: January 20th–21st, 1990 Toronto–Canada, Mon- treal, The Heritage Society, pp. 65–69. https://www.academia.edu/8752690/Addenda_to_Secondary_Sources_in_Ism%C 4%81%CA%BF%C4%ABl%C4%AB_Studies_The_Case_of_the_Omissions

2015/1437. Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al- salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat sanat 566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat], mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al-šayḫ al-fāḍil Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī aǧzala Allāh ṯawābahu [kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H] aʿtanā bi-hi wa-ḍabaṭahu al-Duktūr Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, Ṣanʿāʾ, Maṭbūʿāt Maǧmaʿ al-ʿarabiyya al-saʿīda, 673 p. [al-ṭabʿa al-ūlā]. L’auteur, Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʻfar al-Laḥǧī (vivant en 545/1150) et son livre sont connus. Pour son édition du texte, Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī s’est appuyé sur une copie du ms. 2449 de la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b. Saʿūd, 355 pages, datée du mercredi de la fin du mois de ḏū al-qaʿda 566/août 1171, qu’il a achetée à la Maktabat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya (p. 28). Pour une discussion sur les manuscrits d’Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, voir dans ce numéro des nCmY, l’article d’Anne Regourd, « Chroniques de manuscrits : Note sur Aḫbār al- Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman et autres œuvres du muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī », p. 131-146. L’introduction de 25 pages, achevée par M. al-Aḥmadī le 8 octobre 2015, comprend les sections suivantes : biographie de l’auteur (p. 5-10), son poème (p. 11-12), son rayonnement (p. 13-15), ses maîtres (p. 16-21), une présentation de la Muṭarrifiyya (p. 22-27), une description du manuscrit (p. 28-30), suivie de trois clichés, dont le feuillet du colophon. L’ouvrage se clôt sur douze index, dont les deux derniers sont la bibliographie ainsi que la table des index (p. 587-673). La quatrième partie de l’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī apporte à notre connaissance du Yémen zaydite du ve/xie s. http://arabiafelixacademy.org/node/10

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 9 Actualités

2019. Réimpression : Jahja b. al-Husain b. al-Muʾajjad al-Jamani’s, Anba az-Zaman fi Ahbar al-Jaman/Anfänge des Zaiditentums in Jemen, edited by Mohamed Madi, Ber- lin, De Gruyter, coll. “Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients”, 9, 1936, 32 pages arabe, 80 facsimilés. ISBN : 978-3-11-128318-0. PDF publié le 6 avril 2020. ISBN : 978-3-11-166789-8. PDF des pages de titre et table des matières en accès libre. https://www.degruyter.com/view/title/77099?fbclid=IwAR2aiiJ698VCzg2Y3CGpNgJSkP qEdcHDummnBmjC0LazeogAQUO9AUpSe-Y

22-23 mai 2019. Berlin, Freie Universität. Journée d’étude « Jewish and Muslim En- tangled Histories in Arabia, Yemen and the Indian Ocean » Cette journée d’étude était organisée par Menashe Anzi (Ben Gurion University, Israël) & Islam Dayeh (Freie Universität Berlin). Elle partait d’un constat, celui du tour pris par les recherches récentes sur le Yémen, l’océan Indien et sur les histoires entremêlées des Musulmans et des Juifs. Elles ont tendance à porter sur l’histoire sociale et politique du Yémen, mais incluent aussi la vie quotidienne et les aspects légaux à l’arrière- plan du politique. La Journée partait du postulat que le regard porté sur les Juifs et le judaïsme dans la pensée islamique, de même que dans la littérature juive, ouvrirait à

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 10 Actualités une compréhension plus profonde non seulement de la relation entre les deux groupes, mais aussi de la perception de ces écrivains et de leur position les uns envers les autres. Une analyse prenant l’océan Indien pour cadre et tenant compte de la prise de conscience des relations politiques et religieuses au début de l’ère moderne devait alors permettre une meilleure compréhension des événements historiques. Le thème général des Journées d’étude était donc l’Arabie et le Yémen dans le contexte de l’océan Indien et de l’Empire ottoman avec un accent particulier mis sur les histoires intriquées des Juifs et des Musulmans. L’idée était de repenser les relations entre Juifs et Musulmans sur le pourtour de l’océan Indien durant la période moderne. Outre les organisateurs, deux autres communicants étaient invités, ces journées étant une sorte de galop d’essai. Pour les nCmY, on notera les présentations de :  Menashe Anzi, « The Qasimids, the Mughals, the Indian Ocean and the Jews: A Re-Examination of the 1679 Events in Yemen » ;  Islam Dayeh, « The Messianic Challenge to Qāsimī Leadership: Shabbatai Zvi and the Fitna of al-Maḥṭūrī, the Magician » ;  la double-intervention de Brinkley Messick (Columbia University), « Evidence of Murder: Just, False and Discrediting Witnesses » et « The Anthropologist as Rea- der », qui s’appuie sur son livre, Sharīʿa Scripts: A Historical Anthropology (Co- lumbia, 2018, CmY Nouvelles séries 7/26 (Juillet 2018), Actualités, <2018>, p. 18) en se concentrant sur les fondations ethnographiques du livre. Dans la ligne de mire de B. Messick, les méthodes attachées à un nouveau genre de lecteur- analyste (« analytic reader ») qu’il appelle un scientiste social humaniste (« a humanistic social scientist »). https://www.geschkult.fu- berlin.de/e/semiarab/arabistik/Seminar/Termine/dayeh_workshop.html

November 14–17, 2019. New Orleans, US. Report of the 53th Annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) The last annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association was held at Sheraton New Orleans Hotel, in New Orleans, from Thursday, November 14, to Sunday, Novem- ber 17, 2019. The Gulf countries played an important role in this edition of the MESA annual meeting. Nevertheless, few papers dealt with pre-modern periods or employed historical sources, whereas at least ten panels included talks specifically dealing with this region in modern-day period, some of which being devoted to different topics (media, politics, arms trade, social issues, security challenges, economy, etc.) in relation to the Gulf countries (GCC) as an entity. That is the case of the panels “The Gulf: Game of Thrones”; “Rentierism and Power Dynamics in/of the Gulf Countries: Evolving Nexuses”, organized by Emma Soubrier (Arab Gulf States Institute, Washington D. C.); “Chequebooks or Change? Assessing Gulf Rentierism after the Arab Uprisings”, Geoff Martin (University of Toronto, Canada); “The Gulf Regional Security Complex at 40” (Emma Soubrier); “Gulf Technostates: Science, Modernity, and Expertise”, arranged by nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 11 Actualités

Natalie Koch (Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, New York); and “After the American Era: The New Regional Politics of the Middle East”. On its part, the panel “Whither Islamic Finance: Beyond Conventional Banking?”, organized by Henry Clement Moore (University of Texas, Austin) included an interesting paper on Islamic Banking in the GCC. On specific regions, the panel “The Gulf: Politics and Society” included two talks about social matters in Dubai, titled “Wouldn’t you want to live in a Dubai?” by Mai Alk- hamissi (Princeton University, New Jersey) and “Make Dubai The Happiest City On Earth” by Farah Atoui (McGill University, Montreal, Canada). Kuwait had its own panel which included four talks dealing with technology, nationalism, and the Kuwaiti identity in relation to artistic creation, especially literature. It was titled “Society and Identi- ty in Kuwait”. Two papers on the National Museum of Qatar were presented in the panel “Archeology and Museumology”: “Images of Unity: The Use of Media in the New Qatar National Museum” by Scott Curtis (Northwestern School of Communication, Ev- anston, Illinois) and “I can’t get no satisfaction. The contested legacy of Sheikh Abdul- lah bin Jassim’s palace and the National Museum of Qatar”, by Javier Guirado (Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia). An interesting talk on slavery in Oman, “https://mesana.org/mymesa/meeting_program_abs.php?pid=65fd4dd24527460d6bffb 249be32f508”, by Amal Sachedina (American University – Washington), is included in the panel “Slaves as agents and free people as low-status dependents: the Ottoman and post-Ottoman worlds”, organized by Suraiya Faroqhi (Ludwig-Maximilians University, Munich, Germany), which also includes the talk “Documenting and regulating slaves and bonded laborers in the Persian Gulf 1880s-1920s”, by Dina Rizk Khoury (Columbian College of Arts and Sciences, Washington D. C.). Other panels included papers related to Saudi Arabia such as “Beyond Cain and Abel: Saudi Arabia in the Crisis of 1958” by Nathan Citino (Rice University, Houston, Texas); “Baghdad or Riyadh: The Struggle for Islamist Support in the 1990s”, by Samuel Helfont (Naval Postgraduate School, Monte- rey, California) and “Fighting for the Right to Play: Women’s Football and Rightful Re- sistance in Saudi Arabia”, by Charlotte Lysa (University of Oslo, Norway). Regarding Yemen, Daniel Martin Varisco (Qatar University) organized a panel titled “From al-Hādī ilā al-Ḥaqq to Ḥusayn al-Ḥuthī: The Zaydi Phenomenon in Yemen”. Con- trary to the previous panels, in which the focus of attention was put on modern and contemporary times, this panel offered a historical picture of the origin and development of the Zaydi sect from medieval to present-day times, showing a connection between past and present. One of the papers, by Najam Haider (Princeton University, New Jersey), focused on the rebellion of Yaḥyā b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥasan b. Ḥasan b. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 187/803), as narrated in the Zaydi historiography. Afterwards Martin Var- isco, organizer of the panel, talked about the situation of the Zaydi sect in times of the Rasulid rule, 13th–15th. Finally, Alexander Weissenburger (Austrian Academy of Sci- ences, Vienna, Austria) spoke about the current Ḥuṯī conflict. The colophon to these papers was offered by the special session “Politics and Prospects for Peace and Recon- struction in Yemen”.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 12 Actualités

Lastly, it is necessary to highlight the panel “Mobility as Method: Mapping Entangle- ments Between the Gulf and the Indian Ocean”, organized by Lindsey Stephenson (Princeton University, New Jersey). Mobility, not only as a means of transmitting knowledge among different regions, but also as a social phenomenon and political strategy, has increasingly raised scholarly attention in the last years within the field of Islamic studies, as demonstrated by the several conferences celebrated in 2019 on this topic. In particular, the study of the scholarly mobility in the Indian Ocean is becoming a major field of studies in the last decades.

2020. Catalogue de manuscrits du Yémen mis en vente sur différents sites Nous poursuivons ici l’œuvre de catalogage entreprise dans les CmY Nouvelles séries. Les fiches suivent le modèle suivant : 1. date de vente ou de capture sur le net ; 2. nom du site ; 3. langue/écriture ; 4. description ; 5. image ; 6. accessibilité et vente

2014 1. 28 octobre ; 2. Winner’s relayé par bidspirit ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « LOT 391: The Taj. Manuscript. Yemen 18th Century ». Détail : « Handwritten Taj. Book of Genesis- Exodus with the Onkelos translation and Rashi commentary, verse by verse He- brew to Aramaic translation. The source language has vowels, the translation has accent marks. Yemen, 18th century. [253] leaves. 22 x 15 cm. The end is missing, text to almost the end of the Torah portion Veyakel is present. At the beginning of each Torah portion is an illustration, and at the end of each is a count of the number of verses. As is known, there is great importance to the Aramaic translation. To this copier (sic?) it seems the precision of the phrasing is paramount, and hence in one place he uses the translation from ‘Nuschat HaDrasha shel Rabbi Netanel Birav Yeshayahu.’ It is possible that he meant the book ‘Maor HaAfela’ that was first published by Rabbi Yosef Kapach (Jerusalem, 1957). Not bound. The first pages of Genesis are damaged. Medium condition” ; 5. 1 image ; 6. vente close (mi-septembre 2020). https://bidspirit.com/ui/lotPage/source/catalog/auction/191/lot/12194/The- Taj-Manuscript-Yemen-18th-Century?lang=en

2020 1. 19 juillet (mise en vente) ; 2. Winner’s Unlimited - No. 101 ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Lot 378 Three manuscripts – Yemen. 19th Century ». Détail : « * Agadata D’Pischa manuscript. The Haggadah begins with the words: ‘I will begin to write the Pesach Haggadah in the merit of Avraham... happily and joy- fully...’. With a chart with the symbols of the Seder. Fluent handwriting with instructions for the Haggadah, customs and a commentary based on the Kabba-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 13 Actualités

lah. The Haggadah ends with a colophon: ‘Completed on Sunday 4th Nissan the year 229 l’shtarot’ [circa 1900]. 16 leaves written on both sides. 19 cm. * A work of prayers and mizmorim in manuscript form - Yemen, 19th century. * A ma’amar to be said before the Pesach Haggadah - Yemen. 3 pages in pleasant handwriting. Sizes and conditions vary, moderate-fine overall condition » ; 5. 2 images du premier manuscrit, une image de chacun des deux autres, photos téléchar- geables ; 6. Toujours en vente (mi-septembre). https://winners-auctions.com/en/content/three-manuscripts-yemen-19th- century 2. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Catawiki, nom du vendeur indiqué ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Restes de textes sacrés juifs manuscrits au Yémen - Collection de 7 – Papier, Yémen – 1700–1800. LOT 21699331 », « État mauvais - présentant des dommages significatifs, perte de texture d’origine ou de la solidité du matériel ». Détail : « These are remains of a Yemen Jewish Holy Text Book which was handwritten by “SOFER STAM” (A Jewish Copyist who can transcribe religious writings) during the 18th century. Paper sheets have been damaged over the years by envi- ronmental conditions such as humidity, radiation, dust and insects, and the buyer will have to ensure proper storage in order to prevent further deteriora- tion » ; 5. images, d’ensemble et individuelles ; 6. vendu. https://www.catawiki.fr/l/21699331-restes-de-textes-sacres-juifs-manuscrits-au- yemen-collection-de-7-papier 3. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Catawiki, nom du vendeur indiqué ; 3. Titre : « Manuscript; To- rah scroll from Yemen: Numbers – 1880 LOT 38216173 ». Détail : « Bible, Judaica, Manuscrits, Religion - Quantité : 1 – Manuscrit Torah Scroll Bible 1800-1900. A rare find, from this location and age, the scroll has a beautiful reddish brown colour like some scrolls that come from Yemen. This colour is due to the process used in making the scroll, this process ages to a deeper colour over the centuries. The present fragment offered is the early witness to the various Hebrew Iraqi customs concerning its letters, and as a whole, the writing of a Torah. Torah fragments like these are extremely rare and seldom seen in synagogues or available due to their age. The Torah scroll is, considering its age, well preserved and in good condition and will stay beautiful with care for centuries to come. This portion is one of a kind with style that was used in Yemen 140 years ago, there are typical Hebrew letters and style. Considering its history and age, the scroll is well preserved and authentic, and will remain well with treatment for centuries to come. Heavy and thick vellum - WILD DEER VELLUM typical colour. It originates from a synagogue of Yemeni Jews » ; 5. 4 images, dont 1 non a-plat ; 6. Toujours en vente (mi-septembre). https://www.catawiki.eu/l/38216173-manuscript-torah-scroll-from-yemen- numbers-1880

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 14 Actualités

4. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. e-bay ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Manuscript of Ruth, Ecclesiastes & Tikkun Leil Shavuot Yemen circa 1850 ». Détail : « A RARE UNIQUE hard cover Leather Bound Manuscript hand-written of the complete Books of Ruth, Eccle- siastes & of the book Tikkun Leil Shavuot (The name Shikun Tikkun Leil Shavu- ot came from the Zohar, where the Aramaic word Tikkun, which means ‘decora- tion,’ appears in Hebrew. This means that the people who recite the Tikkun are the best men who decorate the bride-Torah during the night, before she enters the chuppah the next morning while reading the Ten Commandments.) Consists of 55 pages written in the Yeminite Hebrew custom in the original Hebrew language, includes the Aramaic translation ‘Targum Onkelos’ besides it handwritten in the Rashi script. (Shlomo Yitzhaki better known by the acronym ‘Rashi’ Rabbi Shlomo Yitzhaki February 22, 1040 – July 13, 1105) Shlomo Yitzhaki was a medieval French rabbi famed as the author of the first comprehensive commentary on the Talmud, as well as a comprehensive commentary on the Hebrew Bible.) In this present manuscript (as you will see in the pictures) the words and text have dots and dashes called ‘nikud’ (Vocalizations) in other word you will see the vowel for Pronunciation. Also it has the musical notes called ‘Trope’. Trope is the musical phrase contours (cantillations) which are applied to the words of a sa- cred text during public readings. These cantillations marks are called in Hebrew ‘ta’amei hamikra’. Some edge wear as expected which does not affect the importance of this manuscript. Overall in good condition considering age » ; 5. une douzaine d’images, dont d’un des plats (reliure plein cuir) ; 6. toujours en vente (mi-septembre). https://www.ebay.fr/itm/antique-rare-bible-manuscript-ruth-ecclesiastes- tikun-yemen-circa-1850-/223568797866 5. 17 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Kedem Auction House, relayé sur Pinterest ; 3. hébreu ; 4. Titre : « Three Manuscripts - Yemen | Kedem Auction House » ; 5. 1 image ; 6. le lien à Kedem Auction House sur la page Pinterest ne fonctionne pas (mi- septembre). https://www.pinterest.co.uk/pin/851743348247867785/ 6. 28 août (trouvé le) ; 2. Pinterest ; 3. hébreu ; 4. «Details about Ancient Yemen Ma- | in 2020 כתב יד nuscript Amulets Goralot Secrets Designs Kabbalah Unique Amulet, Kabbalah, Ancient » ; 5. non ; 6. inaccessible par le lien au site de Pinte- rest (mi-septembre). https://tr.pinterest.com/pin/833236368546521504/

Janvier 2020. Nancy Um, « Yemeni Manuscripts Online: Digitization in an Age of War and Loss », Manuscript Studies. A Journal of the Schoenberg Institute for Manu- script Studies 5/1, p. 1-44. Nancy Um (Binghamton University) se penche sur le groupe de ca. 250 manuscrits du Yémen catalogués, en accès libre en ligne sur le portail de la Princeton University Digi- tal Library depuis 2013. Leur importance s’est accrue du fait du conflit multiforme qui

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 15 Actualités se déroule au Yémen. Il s’agit essentiellement de manuscrits de trois collections pri- vées situées au Yémen (Yemeni Manuscript Digitization Initiative, YMDI ; voir CmY 13 (Janv. 2012), Actualités <3 décembre 2011, Washington DC, MESA, communication de David Hollenberg sur le projet de numérisation YMDI des manuscrits zaydites>, en ligne : https://journals.openedition.org/cmy/1922#tocto2n5 ; David Hollenberg, « The Yemen Manuscript Digitization Initiative », ibid., https://doi.org/10.4000/cmy.1931), auxquelles ont été ajoutés quelques livres de la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin et des collections de Princeton. L’article met en avant le rôle institutionnel, parfois délicat, joué par l’IZbACF dans la promotion de la recherche scientifique sur le zaydisme, grâce en particulier à la numérisation de ca. 800 manuscrits. L’environnement érudit offert par l’Institut permet de mettre en contexte les manuscrits et de mieux comprendre la transmission des textes. Une histoire des trois collections, rendues anonymes dans le but de les protéger, est accompagnée d’un tableau où sont signalés les manuscrits numérisés pour chacune d’elles. Elles furent constituées par d’importants officiels et lettrés zaydites durant les règnes des Imams Yaḥyā et Aḥmad. Nombre des textes furent copiés durant la pre- mière moitié du xxe s. Le contexte historique dans lequel elles se sont construites est intéressant, car, selon l’auteur, il voit évoluer la notion de bibliothèque au Yémen. N. Um analyse l’importance de la numérisation des manuscrits en contexte de conflit en vue de les préserver, mais en souligne de manière subtile les résultats paradoxaux. Afin de penser la question et de développer une problématique, elle utilise le terme/concept de « surrogate », soit substitut, pour qualifier les manuscrits numérisés. L’auteur poursuit en faisant un point sur la réflexion en cours au sujet, d’une part, des collections numérisées, signe que l’on se trouve déjà dans une phase ultérieure, ré- flexive, et, d’autre part, de l’intérêt de l’analyse computationnelle (« computational analysis »). Portail de la Princeton University Digital Library, http://pudl.princeton.edu/collections/pudl0079 Article, https://muse.jhu.edu/article/754628?fbclid=IwAR3Ry_PS0bf1cZ8bf8T_wCIOO6mQpGoQ v5-QCUuvL5j2SwqtUgLPBTIa3hw https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WxWCC73jis6tLnkF_iJvmbpInAtZFoFk/view?usp=sha ring et https://public.tableau.com/profile/nancy.um#!/vizhome/YMDIbytheNumbers/Story1? publish=yes

Janvier 2020. Hideaki Suzuki, « African Diaspora in Asia », dans : David Ludden et al. (éd.), Oxford Research Encyclopaedia of Asian History, Oxford, Oxford University Press (accessible sur le net seulement). Dans cet article, Hideaki Suzuki décrit l’histoire de la diaspora africaine en Asie à travers l’océan Indien du point de vue de l’histoire globale. Il positionne les mouvements

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 16 Actualités africains dans l’océan Indien et l’océan Atlantique dans le contexte de la diaspora, couvre les études précédentes et en construit l’image historique. Il décline la « Présence africaine » (African presence) en différentes zones « Asie de l’Ouest = esclaves », « Asie de l’Ouest = non-esclaves », « Asie du Sud » et « Asie du Sud-Est-Asie de l'Est ». Pour les nCmY, on notera la citation de l’historien yéménite al- Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410), Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya, et le fait qu’Abū al-Ḥasan al-Zaylaʿī (m. 729/1329) soit montré comme un exemple de la migration des Africains libres. Ce type de migration est un trait caractéristique par rapport aux autres régions où les Africains ont été transférés de manière forcée. L’importance des distances courtes a privilégié le trafic reliant l’Afrique à l’Asie occidentale qui opérait entre les deux rives du golfe d’Aden et la mer Rouge (à propos des migrations entre le Yémen et l’Afrique, voir T. Baba, « Notes on Migration between Yemen and Northeast Africa during the 13– 15th Century», dans : Anne Regourd & Nancy Um (éd.), CmY Numéro special 1, p. 60- 86). Voir le détail ici : https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/ac refore-9780190277727-e-34

11 janvier 2020. Université de Tokyo. Conférence de Tamon Baba sur les esclaves dans le Yémen médiéval [en japonais] Dans sa communication « Les esclaves dans le Yémen médieval », tenu dans le cadre du 14e séminaire « History, Culture and Society of the Arabian Peninsula », à l’University of Tokyo Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, soutenu par Sultan Qaboos Chair in Middle Eastern Studies, Tamon Baba a décrit le cas des esclaves dans le Yémen médiéval, en premier lieu sous les Rassoulides, à partir de sources telles que le Nūr al- maʿārif (xiiie-xive s.), Qurrat al-ʿuyūn d’Ibn al-Daybaʿ (m. 944/1537), Al-sulūk d’al-Ğanadī (m. 732/1332), Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya d’al-Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410). Après avoir passé en revue la permanence des statuts d’esclaves et des gens libres dans le monde islamique médiéval, et leur grande mobilité géographique, il a abordé la question de l’afflux de groupes humains dans l’histoire du Yémen, des Sabéens à l’Empire ottoman. Les Juifs, les Éthiopiens, les Africains de l’Est, les Arméniens, les Grecs, les Turcs, les Kurdes et d’autres ont continué à s’installer au Yémen tout au cours de sa longue histoire et ont contribué à la constitution de la société yéménite. Les esclaves du Yémen médiéval font également partie de l’histoire longue des flux de personnes. Ils sont venus d’Afrique du Nord-Est et d’Afrique de l’Est, principalement par la mer d’Oman, et ont servi les rois rassoulides en qualité d’esclaves domestiques. Les eunuques ont joué un rôle important dans l’histoire des Rassoulides. Ils proté- geaient leurs femmes et leurs biens, travaillèrent comme commandants militaires et furent envoyés en Égypte, en conséquence de quoi ils reçurent des iqṭāʿ et des terres privés. Ils sont aussi à l’origine de la construction de madrasas et de mosquées. En outre, il y avait les « ʿabds de Fātik» et les « ʿabds de Saʿīd », à l’origine des esclaves du dirigeant naǧāhide Fātik (m. 1159) et du dirigeant soulayḥide Saʿīd (m. 1159). Ils

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 17 Actualités semblent avoir gagné l’identité « d’esclaves de quelqu’un » au fil du temps. Parfois, ils ont aidé les Rassoulides et parfois se sont rebellés contre eux. Plusieurs opinions s’affrontent cependant à leur sujet, certains chercheurs pensant qu’ils sont à l’origine des aḫdāms du Yémen moderne. Voir le détail ici [en japonais] : https://park-ssl.itc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/UTCMES/topics/1023.html

Février 2020. Jean Lambert, « The Yemeni Sources of Poetry and Music in the sawt of the Gulf: The Role of the Arabian Diaspora in India », halshs-02476223. Jean Lambert discute l’importance et l’influence de la musique yéménite en Inde et sur la musique du Golfe depuis le xviie s. du fait de la mobilité des personnes et de la musique dans l’Ouest de l’océan Indien. Il s’appuie en premier lieu sur des sources orales, i. e. des interviews, mais y ajoute des sources écrites, par exemple Muḥammad b. Fāris. Ašhar man ġannā al-sawt fī al-Ḫāliǧ de Mubārak al-‘Ammārī, publié en 1991-1996 par le Wizārat al-iʿlām à Bahrein, qui se réfère à South Arabian Poetry 1: Prose and Poetry from Hadramawt (London, Taylor’s Foreign Press, 1951) de Robert Bertram Serjeant. Ce livre traite du musicien Muḥammad b. Fāris (m. 1312/1915) et du contexte social et écono- mique de l’époque. Le Yémen, tout spécialement le Hadramaout, est à l’origine de la diaspora. Les Hadra- mis s’installèrent en Inde, puis en Indonésie et, à partir du xxe s., des travailleurs parti- rent pour le Golfe emmenant avec eux leur musique. Des communautés arabes se constituèrent sur la totalité de la côte ouest de l’Inde, du Gujerat à Hayderabad. Puis il y a eu une influence directe de l’Inde sur la musique yéménite, au début du xxe s., par le biais d’un chanteur indien originaire du Hadramaout, Muḥammad Ğumʿa Ḫān (1898-1965)11. Une intense vie musicale arabo-indienne se développa en particulier à Bombay et grâce aux échanges entre Bombay, le Golfe et Aden. Voir le détail ici : https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02476223/document

6 février 2020. Berlin, Institut für Islamwissenschaft, Freie Universität. Shireen Hamza (Harvard University), « Talismanic Healing in two Yemeni Manuscripts and the Question of Authorship » Shireen Hamza jeune doctorante à l’Université de Harvard a donné une communication sur son projet de recherche doctorale en cours dans le cadre du séminaire d’Olly Akkerman, « From Manuscript to MacBook », à l’Institut für Islamwissenschaft, Freie Universität Berlin, le 6 février 2020.

11 Au sujet de sa fille, voir : https://www.thenational.ae/arts-culture/how-afrah-mohammed-juma-a-khan- became-the-matriarch-of-mukalla-radio-in-yemen-1.840341 nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 18 Actualités

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 19 Actualités

En ce qui concerne le Yémen, ses sources manuscrites se divisent en deux groupes : (1) des textes composés par des sultans rassoulides ou dédiés à ces derniers par des éru- dits bénéficiant de leur parrainage ; (2) des textes écrits par des oulémas pour ensei- gner à des musulmans alphabétisés la guérison des maladies. S’appuyant sur deux manuscrits yéménites, elle nous a expliqué dans un premier temps sa démarche pour identifier les auteurs peu connus des textes de ces manuscrits, à travers des sources bibliographiques en arabe et en langues européennes. Puis, elle s’est concentrée sur la question du lien entre la médecine (ṭibb) et les pratiques talismaniques locales de gué- rison. Enfin, elle a signalé l’importance des notes marginales, dans lesquelles les auteurs racontent souvent leurs propres expériences et fournissent les noms de leurs maîtres, ainsi que les noms vernaculaires de plantes spécifiques au Yémen, ou même, à une localité yéménite. Ayant eu le plaisir de l’écouter, nous attendons avec impatience la parution de ses prochains travaux !

Olly Akkerman & Zahir Bhalloo Freie Universität Berlin

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 20 Actualités

February 14, 2020. Thomas Eich (University of Hamburg): Seminar « The history of the restauration of the earliest existing Qurʾan manuscripts in Yemen during the 1980’s », CSIC – Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo (ILC); Instituto de Historia (IH), Madrid (Spain)

This was the first of a series of seminars organized by Álvaro Carvajal, Adday Hernán- dez and Jan Thiele within the framework of MedHis, a consortium of scholars in the field of Mediterranean studies from two research groups (Cultural History of the Medi- terranean and Networks of Power in Medieval Societies) of the ILC and the IH respectively, both of them institutes of The Spanish National Research Council (CSIC). The seminar given by Thomas Eich is a consequence of the 100th anniversary of the University of Hamburg. This event, propitiated the preparation of a collective volume in which the most relevant projects carried out by the German University were includ-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 21 Actualités ed, being Th. Eich in charge of the chapter devoted to the history of the restoration project of the earliest Qurʾan manuscripts, found in Yemen in the late 20th century. A great amount of qurʾanic manuscripts which had been kept in a kind of secret chamber in the roof of the Great Mosque of Sanaa were discovered in 1972 during some renovation works. These manuscripts were put into potato sacks in one of the mosque’s minarets. Qāḍī Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, Director of the Yemeni Antiquities Authority, looked for international support with the aim of restoring and preserving the manuscripts, and he attracted the attention of Albrecht Noth (University of Hamburg) who directed the project and managed to get funding from the Cultural Section of the German Foreign Ministry12 (for the Qāḍī Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, see the Editorial). The process was difficult, cumbersome and longer than expected, since the work on the ground started in 1981 and lasted up to 1989, when the funding ended. Gerd R. Puin was the Director from 1981 and was succeeded by Hans-Caspar Graf von Bothmer in 1985, both coming from the University of Saarland. Ursula Dreibholz was the conserva- tor from 1982 to the end of the project and she completed the restoration of the manuscripts, which are kept nowadays in the Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt in Sanaa, in the permanent storage designed by Dreibholz.13 It will be necessary to expect the publication of the volume in order to know more details on this interesting project finished already 30 years ago. http://cchs.csic.es/en/event/seminario-history-restauration-earliest-existing-quran- manuscripts-yemen-during-1980s

Mars. 2020. Tamon Baba, « East African Exports in the Aden Tariffs of the Thirteenth Century », Ritsumeikan Shigaku (Ritsumeikan Journal of History) 40, p. 73-97. [En japonais]. À partir des archives historiques du Yémen rassoulide, Tamon Baba reconstruit une partie du commerce entre l’Afrique de l’Est et Aden au xiiie s. Après avoir passé en revue l’histoire, les vents saisonniers (mousson) et les périodes de voyage entre l’Arabie du Sud et l’Afrique de l’Est, il analyse les marchandises exportées de l’Afrique de l’Est à l’aide de données sur les tarifs d’Aden et le commerce éthiopien tirées du Nūr al- maʿārif, compilé sous les Rassoulides (xiiie-xive s.). Ces articles énumèrent vingt-huit produits mentionnant des noms de lieux en Afrique de l’Est et en Afrique du Nord-Est, suggérant que les principales exportations vers Aden étaient des produits d’origine animale et végétale. Toutefois, alors que de nombreux produits ne sont pas accompa- gnés de noms de lieux, certains d’entre eux pourraient être évalués comme étant

12 See Behnam Sadeghi & Mohsen Goudarzi, “Ṣanʿāʾ 1 and the Origins of the Qurʾān”, Der Islam 87/1–2, 2012, pp. 1–129. DOI: 10.1515/islam-2011-0025 13 See Ursula Dreibholz, “Preserving a treasure: The Sanaʿa manuscripts”, Museum International 51/3, 2003, pp. 21–25. DOI: 10.1111/1468-0033.00212 nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 22 Actualités d’origine est-africaine si l’on s’appuie sur leur statut fiscal et d’autres sources historiques telles qu’Al-muʿtamad fī al-adwiya al-mufrada et Al-muḫtaraʿ fī funūn min al- ṣunaʿ du Sultan rassoulide al-Malik al-Muẓaffar (m. 694/1295), Mulaḫḫaṣ al-fiṭan d’al- Ḥusaynī (m. après 815/1412), Ṣifat bilād al-Yaman wa-Makka wa-baʿḍ al-Ḥiǧāz d’Ibn al- Muǧāwir (m. xiiie s.).

Paris, CEFAS, coll. « Histoire et ,المين موطن الآاثر ,(حترير) جيوم شارلو وجريميي شيتاكت .2020 société de la péninsule Arabique », 317 p. EAN : 978-2-7053-3939-5. Publication sur OpenEdition. EAN électronique : 978-2-9091-9467-7. Traduction arabe du livre collectif : Guillaume Charloux & Jérémie Schiettecatte (éd.), Yémen. Terre d’archéologie, Sanaa/Paris, CEFAS, Geuthner, 2016, 291 p. ISBN : 978-2- 7053-3939-5, destiné à un lectorat plus large que scientifique. En ce qui concerne les nCmY, on retiendra Anne Regourd, « Zabîd, des lettrés et des p. 307-317 (voir CmY Nouvelles séries 3/22 ,« مدينة زِبيْد: علامء14 وخمطوطات/manuscrits (Juil. 2016), Actualités , p. 14-15). https://books.openedition.org/cefas/2139 Article sur les manuscrits, https://books.openedition.org/cefas/2692

Avril 2020. Bayarma Khabtagaeva, « Etymological Notes on Yakut Color Terms », In- ternational Journal of Eurasian Linguistics 1/2, p. 249-267. Le langage des Yakuts, un groupe turc qui vit actuellement dans la République de Sak- ha, a emprunté nombre de ses mots à la langue mongole. Bayarma Khabtagaeva a col- lecté 51 termes qu’ils utilisent pour désigner les couleurs dans des dictionnaires et des sources électroniques et les analyse. Alors que les termes des couleurs basiques, c’est- à-dire blanc, noir, rouge et bleu, sont d’origine turque, les termes des couleurs basiques secondaires, tels le jaune et le vert, dérivent de suffixes turco-mongols. Les termes pour brun et gris sont des emprunts mongols. Pour les nCmY, on notera que l’auteur mentionne indirectement l’Hexaglote rassoulide, partie de The Manuscripts of al-Malik al- Afḍal (xive s.)15, dans lequel il relève des mots de moyen mongol, puis les compare avec ceux des Yakuts. En yakut, gris se dit « sur », tandis que l’hexaglote rassoulide donne « saral ». Voir le détail ici : https://brill.com/view/journals/jeal/1/2/article-p249_2.xml

14 .Nous n’avons pas vérifié la correction de la traduction de l’article .فقهاء : Dans le titre de la publication 15 Dan Martin Varisco & G. Rex Smith (éd.), The Manuscripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal al-ʿAbbās b. ʿAlī b. Dāʾūd b. Yūsuf b. ʿUmar b. ʿAlī b. Rasūl (d. 778/1377): A Medieval Arabic Anthology from the Yemen, Warminster, Aris & Phillips for the Gibb Memorial Trust, 1998. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 23 Actualités

Avril 2020. Yoshio Saitô, « A Note on a Note: The Inscription in ‘the Leiden Manu- script’ of Turkic and Mongolic Glossaries », Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 11/1, p. 43-52. Le manuscrit Leyde Or. 517, daté au colophon de février 1343, est un recueil de glos- saires turc et mongol intitulé Kitāb maǧmūʿ turǧumān turkī wa-ʿaǧamī wa-muġalī wa- fārsī connus comme les « manuscrits de Leyde » qui incluent des mots de mongol écrits à l’aide de l’alphabet arabe. Dans son article, Yoshio Saitô identifie l’écriture des nombres dans le manuscrit comme un type de cursive copte appelé ḥurūf al-zimām, utilisée au départ en Égypte pour les comptes. Les nombres zimām étant présents dans The Manuscripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal (xive s.)16, l’auteur suggère que le Yémen est un autre lieu d’origine possible du manuscrit. Voir le détail ici : https://brill.com/view/journals/jim/11/1/article-p43_3.xml?body=pdf-29620 Reproduction du ms. Or. 517 : https://altaica.ru/Arab/e_leid_man.php

4 avril 2020. « Culture Ministry warns against tampering with historical manuscripts », Alsahwa Net Nous citons intégralement cette annonce extrêmement importante de notre confrère Alsahwa Net, qui renvoie à l’Agence Saba news et lance un appel à l’UNESCO. Elle con- firme des bruits de pillage et de disparition importante des manuscrits de Dār al- maḫṭūṭāt, à Sanaa, l’une des plus importantes bibliothèques publiques du Yémen. La mainmise houthie n’atteindrait pas seulement la Maison des manuscrits ou même les livres manuscrits ailleurs sur leur chemin, mais s’étendrait aussi aux archives des Waqfs. « The Yemeni Ministry of Culture warned on Thursday against tampering with contents of the Grand Mosque Manuscripts House in the capital Sana’a by the Houthis militants. It said that it follows up with deep concern practices by the Houthis militia against contents of the manuscripts since the Houthis seized management of the manuscripts house. The Houthis imposed their own management of the house and banned existing workers from doing their jobs at the house, the ministry said in a statement published by the state-run Saba news agency. New manager of the house who was designated by the Houthis attempted to seize rare manuscripts and stole their database. Yemen possesses hundreds of original and authentic manuscripts that were written hundreds of years ago by prominent Yemeni scholars in various disciplines. Large number of those old manuscripts is being preserved at the Manuscripts House of the Grand Mosque in the capital Sana’a. However, this treasure trove has been at risk of

16 Voir n. 15. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 24 Actualités disappearance due to looting attempts by the Houthis-affiliated officials. The government appealed to the UNESCO to preserve Yemen’s cultural heritage as the country experiences armed conflict. It demanded the UNESCO to exercise pressure on the Houthis to stop their ill-practices against the old manuscripts ». https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-38841

ÉPIGRAPHIE

2020. Arianna D’Ottone, « The mints of Taʿizz and Thaʿbat in Rasulid times: Literary sources and numismatic evidence », Rivista Italiana Di Numismatica E Scienze Affini 121, p. 171-225. L’auteur présente des pièces inédites, récemment vendues aux enchères et déjà pu- bliés, qui ont été frappées dans les ateliers de Taez et Ṯaʿbāt sous les Rassoulides, et les place dans un contexte culturel plus large. Pour les nCmY, Taʾrīḫ al-Yaman par Ğamāl al-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Ḥāsib al-Miṣrī (m. 840/1436) est la référence principale car il contient des détails pertinents sur les monnaies de Taez et leur frappe. En outre, sont mentionnés Al-ʿuqūd al-luʾluʾiyya d’al- Ḫazrağī (m. 812/1410), Ṭabaqāt fuqahāʾ al-Yaman d’Ibn Samra (m. après 586/1190-1), Nūr al-maʿārif (xiiie-xive s.), Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadiyya (xiiie-xive s.), The Manus- cripts of al-Malik al-Afḍal (m. 778/1377)17, ainsi que des pièces de monnaie et des inscriptions monumentales pour tracer l’histoire des monnaies et de leur frappe, en particulier, ce que relatent les sources, au moment de l’investiture de chaque sultan rassoulide. L’article comprend les photos de 89 pièces de la collection Tübingen Forschungsstelle für islamische Numismatik (FINT), 15 pièces du British Museum, 10 pièces du catalogue Peus Auction de 2017 et 1 pièce d’une collection privée située à Bruxelles, ac- compagnées d’une explication en anglais. L’auteur les a classés par ordre chronolo- gique de sultans et de forme, et donne leurs caractéristiques, ainsi qu’une traduction anglaise des légendes. ABOU DHABI

16-21 janvier 2019. Abu Dhabi, Manarat Al Saadiyat. Première Conférence et exposition sur les manuscrits à Abu Dhabi Le Département de la Culture et du Tourisme d’Abu Dhabi (DCT Abu Dhabi) a organi- sé la première conférence entièrement dédiée aux manuscrits dans la capitale des

17 Voir n. 15. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 25 Actualités

Émirats Arabes Unis (ÉAU). L’exposition avait pour but de mettre en avant le rôle joué par Abu Dhabi dans la sauvegarde et la publication du patrimoine arabe. Il s’agissait d’illustrer une profondeur culturelle, ancienne, aux ÉAU ainsi que son histoire au travers de manuscrits significatifs. L’événement méttait l’accent sur les liens culturels des ÉAU avec les centres conservant des manuscrits arabes dans le monde afin de les renforcer tout en permettant d’échanger des savoirs et des expertises sur les manuscrits arabes. La Conférence était organisée autour de six sessions différentes de nature à souligner l’importance historique de l’édition, de la publication et de la préservation des manuscrits, avec la contribution de modérateurs renommés, venant de différents pays du monde arabe : Mohammed Ali Alshwabkha (Jordanie), Abdullah Al-Munif (Arabie Saoudite), Abdullah Ghalis (Kuweït), Ahmed Chouqui Binebine (Maroc), Mohammed Ibrahim Hoor (Jordanie), Abdullah bin Saleem Al Rasheed (Arabie Saoudite). https://abudhabiculture.ae/en/events/manuscripts-conference-and-exhibition-arabic- manuscripts-reality-and-issues https://visitabudhabi.ae/en/see.and.do/leisure/events/manuscripts.conference.and.ex hibition.arabic.manuscripts.reality.and.issues.aspx) On note en outre la participation de Daniel Crouch Rare Books à l’événement. [email protected]

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 26 Actualités

Daniel Crouch Rare Books Londres 4 Bury Street / St James’s / London / SW1Y 6AB / +44 (0)20 7042 024 New York 24 East 64th Street / New York / NY 10065 / USA / +1 (212) 602 1779 ARABIE

19 février 2020. Paris, Geuthner. Rencontre « Geuthner et l’Arabie » Présentation par les auteurs ou éditeur de publications récentes chez Geuthner, réu- nies sous le thème « Geuthner et l’Arabie ». Il s’agissait de : Paul Bonnenfant, auteur nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 27 Actualités de : Djedda patrimoine mondial. Archives françaises commentées, 2019, 470 p. ISBN : 978-2705340407 ; Jean-Francois Breton & François Villeneuve, éditeurs des Actes des 22e rencontres sabéennes, publiés sous le titre de La guerre en Arabie antique, 2019, 260 p. ISBN : 978- 2705340315, et de Louis Blin, auteur de : La découverte de l’Arabie par les Français, coll. « Varia », 2019, 788 p. ISBN : 978-2705340117.

ÉPIGRAPHIE

8 janvier 2020. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, Doha. Conférence de Muhammad Maraqten Dans le cadre du séminaire de l’Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, à Doha, Muhammad Maraqten (Université de Heidelberg) a donné une conférence intitulée : « Aṣl al-ḫaṭṭ al-ʿarabī fī ḍawʾ al-iktišāfāt al-aṯāriyya al-ḥadīṯa », où il a fait un état des lieux des recherches sur la genèse de l’écriture arabe à partir des sources épigra- phiques, abondamment illustré.

DUBEÏ

Dubai. Juma Al Majid Center for Culture and Heritage Mr. Juma Al Majid, is a philanthropist born in 1930 in Dubai who has devoted his life to the promotion of knowledge. In 1991 he founded a public library for scholarly re- searchers that, with the passing of time, became a nonprofit organization, the Juma Al Majid Center for Culture and Heritage. Apart from hosting scientific courses and conferences, the Center has funded a number of actions related to the preservation of manuscripts and prints, both locally and internationally. The main aim of this center was to gather the cultural heritage of the United Arab Emirates in order to make it available for the international Scholarship. The purpose of this entry is to highlight three of their Open Access publications available in their http://www.almajidcenter.org/, which can be downloaded from their http://www.almajidcenter.org/publications.php : 1) “The Art of Restoration” (http://www.almajidcenter.org/downloadpub.php?f=Pdf_1557301982_regular.pdf&typ e=p), in which the methodology they use for the disinfection, restoration and preservation of the manuscripts is explained in detail. The actions performed by the Juma Al Majid Center are also listed in this paper; from 1997, Mr. Juma Al Majid, accompanied by specialists from the center, visited different countries (such as Sudan, Yemen, Pales- tine, Iran, Kuwait, Tunis, Libya, Djibouti, Niger, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Kazakhstan, Syr- ia, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Bosnia, Bahrein, Jordan, Tajikistan and Turkey) to collect Arab and Islamic manuscripts, which were afterwards restored following their own method. The Juma Al Majid Center has also distributed for free its restoration technology to dif- nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 28 Actualités ferent countries along the Islamic world. Besides, the Juma Al Majid Center is respon- sible for the disinfection of more than 20.000 manuscripts around the globe and the Ottoman archives in Algeria. Particularly noteworthy is their labor of restoration of the Qurʾan of Aleppo and the four Qurʾans of Tashkent. 2) The organization gives a prominent relevance to their efforts in preserving the cultural heritage of West Africa, with several projects of manuscripts preservation, restoration, digitization and cataloguing carried out both in Mauritania and Mali, as it can be appreciated in other of their publications, “Works of Juma Al Majid Center for Culture and Heritage in preserving manuscripts in West Africa” (Aʿmāl Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ fī ḥafẓ al-maḫṭūṭāt fī ġarb Ifrīqiyā). 3) In 2011, they published the book Quran in Russia (http://www.almajidcenter.org/downloadpub.php?f=89.docx&type=d), as a result of a research in which articles, books, decrees and laws related to the Qurʾan published in Russia during the 19th and 20th centuries were gathered by Ivim Razhvan. The book is divided into three sections; the first of them is devoted to the qurʾanic manuscripts (maṣāḥif) included in Russian collections; the second deals with the resurgence of Is- lam (naḥḍa) in Russia, and the third section focuses on the Qurʾan in the Russian imperial chancellery. The first section on manuscripts includes the most noteworthy article in relation to the scope of nCmY; based on notes of the Russian archeologist Vera Kratchkovskaya, the paper describes a qurʾanic manuscript written in nasḫ script in Chinese ink, dated in the year 982/1574, which was found in Medina close to the tomb of the Prophet. At- tached to the precious manuscript, there was a document indicating that the donor of the codex was Mehmet Pasha, who was a minister during the reign of the Ottoman sultans Suleiman the Magnificent (r. 30 September 1520–6 September 1566 CE) and Su- leiman’s grandson, Murad III (r. 15 December 1574–16 January 1595). 4) In 2017, Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, Qarāṣina ġarb al-baḥr al-Mutawassiṭ min al-qarn 6 H/12 M ḥattā al-qarn 9 H/15 M, Dubai, Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ, 341 p. Dr. Maḥmūd Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, an Egyptian historian who had his Ph.D. from Sohag University on the eastern bank of the Nile, is the author of a book about piracy of West Mediterranean from the 6th/12th to the 9th/15th centuries. Piracy (qarāṣina) had an important role both in Christian and Islamic regions, though its analysis has not yet been done. The author based his study on various Arabic documents such as Los doc- umentos árabes diplomáticos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón edited by Maximili- ano Agustín Alarcón Santón and Ramón García de Linares (published in 1940), Mec- can travelogues by Maġribian travelers such as Riḥla by Ibn Ǧubayr (d. 614/1217), juris- prudential books such as Fatāwī by al-Burzulī (d. 841/1438), geographical book entitled Nuzhat al-muštāq fī iḫtirāq al-āfāq by al-Idrīsī (d. 6/12 C.), historical books like Kitāb al- ʿibar by Ibn Ḫaldūn (d. 808/1405). The book is composed of 4 chapters excluding an introduction (pp. 7–12), the review of previous studies and historical sources (pp. 13–24), a preface (pp. 25–58), an epi-

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 29 Actualités logue (pp. 261–264), 12 appendixes (pp. 265–305), reference and table of contents (pp. 307–341). After the geographical and political situation of West Mediterranean regions is exposed in the preface, we reach the heart of the book on the historical importance of the pirates in West Mediterranean.

Chapter 1 (pp. 59–109) focuses on piracies by pirates. Starting from the definition of the words relating to piracies, the author discusses how qarṣana and other words like luṣūṣ were used in Arabic sources (its first appearance is dated 575/1179, according to a reference from 1975 used by Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya, Michel Mollat, “De la pi- nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 30 Actualités raterie sauvage à la course réglementée (XIVe-XVe siècle)”, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen-Âge, Temps modernes, 1975, ser. 87-1, pp. 7–25), and compares them with ǧihād in the Islamic law. Their ways to invade or attack are detailed further. Chapter 2 (pp. 111–169) discusses who the pirates were. European Christian pirates and African-Middle Eastern Muslim pirates were active in the West Mediterranean. Piracy was therefore practiced by various people from different groups in spite of the damage that this implied for trade and politics in the region. Chapter 3 (pp. 171–213) analyses the influence of piracy on commerce and merchants. As the West Mediterranean has important trade routes that connected Europe and North Africa, Spain and Egypt, merchants and commodities were permanently target- ed by pirates. Chapter 4 (pp. 215–260) clarifies the roles of rulers such as caliphs and ḥākims. They needed to protect merchants and travellers from pirates, and pay compensation to the merchants or ransom to pirates when the formers were robbed or kidnapped by the latter. Being good rulers, they could not ignore pirates. This book is about West Mediterranean, but its approach can be used also for the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, and as comparative study. The piracies around the Arabian Peninsula also played a political important role. For instance, people called “mīd” in Arabic sources were active in the Persian Gulf and the Western Indian Ocean during the 7th and 9th centuries A.D.18. They had their own ships and battled against Muslim people who tried to conquer Sind. Further, they rebelled against the ʿAbbāsids to the point that they invaded Baṣra. This topic can be broadened and work as a starting point for the building of a history of piracy in the Indian Ocean that includes piracy in Somali in modern times (see below, Actualités, <2017. Gualtiero Mattesi>, p. 39). About the author, https://www.hindawi.org/contributors/31619616/ GOLFE

2020. Walid A. Saleh, « The Place of the Medieval in Qurʾan Commentary », Zeitsprünge 24/1-2, pp. 45–54. In this recently published article, Walid Saleh, one of the most renowned experts in Qurʾanic commentary (tafsīr), examines the reasons behind the utilization by modern Salafi scholars of the medieval works of tafsīr. According to him, the main reason is that in the medieval period, the Qurʾanic commentary was mostly based in a philological tradition, and this philological perspective was perceived as timeless. The second reason that Saleh identifies is the employment of these texts as a source of legitimacy

18 Manabu Kameya, “Struggle over the Persian Gulf and Western Coast of India: Relation between ʿAbbāsid and Mīd in the Mid-8th Century”, Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Stud- ies 80, 2014, pp. 1–24 [in Japanese]. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 31 Actualités by Azhari and Salafi movements in the early 20th century. Saleh argues that modernity destroyed the role that Islamic law and rational theology (kalām) played as institutions of power and cultural organizations, and the return to the Qurʾan and the Sunna allowed the emergence of a new kind of scriptural theology in which tafsīr was seen as a means of achieving religious authority. Saleh states that the interest of the traditionalist groups in tafsīr placed it as one of the central Islamic sciences and, in consequence, the critical editions and publications related to Qurʾanic commentary have greatly proliferated in the two last decades, thus transforming this field of studies. Among the recent editions highlighted by Saleh, several have been published in the Gulf countries; two of them in Saudi Arabia, two in the UAE and two in Qatar: 1) al-Ṯaʿlabī al-Naysābūrī (d. 427/1035), Al-Kašf wa-al-bayān ʿan tafsīr al-Qurʾān, ed. Ṣalāḥ BāʿUṯmān, Ḥasan al-Ġazālī, Zayd Mahāriš & Amīn Bāša, Jeddah, Dār al- Tafsīr, 2015, 33 vols. 2) al-Wāḥidī al-Naysabūrī (d. 468/1076), Al-basīṭ, ed. Muḥammad b. Sāliḥ al-Fawzān et al., al-Riyāḍ, Imām Muḥammad b. Saʿūd University, 2009, 25 vols. 3) Makkī b. Abī Ṭālib al-Qaysī (d. 437/1045), Al-hidāya ilā bulūġ al-nihāya, ed. under the supervision of al-Šāhid al-Būšayḫī, Sharjah, The University of Sharjah, 2008, 13 vols. 4) al-Ṭībī (d. 743/1343), Futūḥ al-ġayb fī al-kašf ʿan qināʿ al-rayb (ḥāšiyat al-Ṭībī ʿalā al-kaššāf), ed. Muḥammad Sulṭān al-ʿUlamāʾ, Dubai, Ǧāʾizat Dubay al-dawlīya li- al-Qurʾān al-karīm, 2013, 17 vols. 5) al-Mahdawī (d. 440/1048), Al-Taḥṣīl li-fawāʾid kitāb al-Tafṣīl al-ǧāmiʿ li-ʿulūm al- tanzīl, ed. Faraḥ Naṣrī & Muḥammad Šaʿbān, Doha, Wizārat al-Awqāf, 2014, 7 vols. 6) Ibn ʿAṭiyya (d. 542/1048), Al-Muḥarrar al-waǧīz fī tafsīr al-kitāb al-ʿazīz (Tafsīr Ibn ʿAṭiyya), ed. Idārat al-Šuʾūn al-islāmiyya, Doha, Wizārat al-Awqāf, 10 vols. [3rd ed., n. d.]. https://brill.com/view/title/55765 OMAN

2013. Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf, « Private documents as a source for regional history: The Archive of the ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ », dans : Steffen Wippel (ed.), Regionalising Oman. Political, Economic and Social Dynamics, Dordrecht, pp. 251-265. Abandoned ḥārāt—the mud-brick oasis settlements of the Omani interior— constitute, through their architecture, material culture remains and spatial organisation, veritable archives that offer valuable insights into past ways of life in those towns, including their economy, social structures and interaction, and politics. Oral history accounts of former residents also provide important sources, as the lived experience of

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 32 Actualités narrators allows for the correlation of material witnesses with the respective socio- economic, cultural, and political processes in action (Mershen 199819). Beyond the first- hand experience of ‘oral history’, which is temporally limited by the lifespan of narrators—we can refer to ‘oral testimony’ and ‘oral traditions’ for material that has been orally handed down the generations (Riley et al. 2005). In the case of the old ḥāra of al-Ḥamrāʾ, the notion of the abandoned settlement as an archive has acquired an additional dimension and literal meaning. The discovery of what came to be known as the ʿAbrīyyin-archive of al-Ḥamrāʾ consists of several thou- sand letters, dating from the second half of the eighteenth through to the mid- twentieth century, addressed to the tribal leaders of the ʿAbrīyīn. The letters of this archive allow for the retrieval of concrete information from a more distant past— beyond the time span covered by a narrator’s memory retrieved through oral history. A first find of 2,900 documents in a no longer inhabited dwelling in al-Ḥamrāʾ in the year 2000 was followed by a discovery in the same house of an even larger cache two years later, the documents of which, at the time of writing, are still awaiting closer in- spection. The ʿAbrīyīn-archive is housed at the University of Tuebingen and is comprised of a digitalised photographic corpus of letters addressed to the sheikhs of the ʿAbrīyīn over roughly 170 years up to the mid-twentieth century. A first monograph, re- sulting from her PhD research, published by Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf in 2008, deals with the roughly 1,300 letters that are addressed to Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān al-ʿAbrī (the tribal leader of the ʿAbrīyīn from 1242/1826–1827 until his death in 1290/1873). Her chapter contribution to Steffen Wippel’s (ed.) volume Regionalising Oman. Politi- cal, Economic and Social Dynamics (Hoffmann-Ruf 2013) is entitled “Private documents as a source for regional history: The Archive of the ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ.” Based on the letters addressed to Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān al-ʿAbrī by Sayyid Saʿīd b. Sulṭān al- Būsaʿīdī and other members of the ruling family, tribal leaders, and correspondents ranking lower in the tribal hierarchy, Hoffmann-Ruf analyses this sheikh’s role in the turbulent political environment of the nineteenth century—a period that witnessed Wahhabi rising territorial ambitions, as well as growing British influence in the region, embedded in the ever-shifting power politics of the Omani tribes (Hoffmann-Ruf 2008, pp. 41ff). At the same time, she poses the question of whether the extensive correspondence was a means to strengthen his position as tribal leader. The location and storage circumstances of the letters (they were kept in earthenware food storage jars in a ground-floor storage room in one of al-Ḥamrāʾs grand sheikhly dwellings, the Bayt al-Ṣafā, for such a long time) correspond well with the private nature of the letters and their confidential content. The letters reveal a plethora of micro- historical information ranging from political developments in the wider region to information on everyday administrative, political, and military concerns, as well as commercial and various local and regional social interactions concerning the members of this Omani oasis town community.

19 For full references, see below. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 33 Actualités

As stated by the author, the nature of this archival source allowed her to cross the bar- rier between the macro-historical level depicted by nineteenth century Omani histori- ographers such al-Sālimī (1961) and Ibn Ruzayq (1977), and Western accounts such as Lorimer’s Gazetteer (1908–1915), and the micro-historical level reflected in the letters. In the here reviewed chapter, the author demonstrates how such sources may help to challenge repeatedly presented concepts such as tribal dichotomy and tribal affiliation being the primary cause for ‘social groupings and their behaviour’, concluding that her comparison of the macro-historical with the micro-historical depictions did not yield convincing concordance between the two. The correspondence also demonstrates that social networks and social spaces are not static but are engaged in a continuous process of shaping and transforming themselves. The author aptly visualises the concrete spatial and temporal dimension of the groups of correspondence in comparative figures and graphs, produced as part of her quantitative analysis of the tribal affiliations, places of residence, dates, and temporal length of correspondence. The geographical range of issues that are addressed in the letters is wide-reaching; some refer to events that had recently happened in East Africa or in what today is Sau- di Arabia, illustrating the efficiency of the ʿAbrīyīn sheikh’s news channels, which the author puts on a level comparable to those of the British and lets her conclude “that the interior of Oman in the nineteenth century was not as remote as mainly European sources claim it to be.” However, the majority of letters addressed to the sheikh document communication networks that relate to a closer regional context, places with a large ʿsheikh’ population, such as neighbouring Bahla, some towns of al-Ẓāhira, and areas that were part of the ʿAbrīyīn tribal dār (territory), such as Wādī Banī Ḫārūṣ, Wādī Saḥtan and Wādī Banī Ġāfir. This greater frequency of correspondence with correspondents living in proximity to al-Ḥamrāʾ leads the author to conclude that the letters are “a means to maintain and stabilise Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān’s political influence as a tribal leader.” The author demonstrates that Shaykh Muḥsin’s correspondence with persons and groups, the majority of whom lived in proximity to al-Ḥamrāʾ, constituted an essential component of his networking and was used to maintain and strengthen his position of a negotiator and leader who based his decisions on consensus. Challenging the traditional perception of a sheikh as a predominantly military leader, whose courage, brav- ery and fighting skills figure as his most valued qualities, Hoffmann-Ruf’s analysis of Sheikh Muḥsin b. Zahrān’s correspondence presents a convincing alternate and more differentiated view of the sheikh as—above all—a well-informed mediator who em- ploys his knowledge to reach informed decisions that receive the support of the community. In the reviewer’s opinion, this discussion could be further supported by establishing the association between the role of a mediator with two core Ibāḍī principles—the in- terdependent concepts of iǧmāʿ (consensus) (Ghubash 2006, p. 7) based decisions and šūrā (consultation), referring “to the practice whereby the leader or shaikh consults with others before taking decisions of importance to the society, tribe or family which he heads” (Jones 2007; also Jones & Ridout 2015, p. 198). The significance of consulta- nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 34 Actualités tion is spatially manifested in the maǧlis or sabla (Bonnenfant et al. 1977, p. 115). These Omani towns’ male meeting halls constitute integral components of the ḥārāt and fo- cal points of a community’s male members’ social interaction (Sachedina 2013, p. 111– 116; Bandyopadhyay 2011, pp. 151f). The above argument can be further strengthened by Hoffmann-Ruf’s observation of the tone of the letters as always being “very polite and obliging.” This fact seems to indicate a nineteenth century social environment that compares to the description of the contemporary Omani culture of politeness as pos- tulated by anthropologist Fredrik Barth. The Omani male society’s internalised code of politeness, tact and constraint (Barth 1983, p. 98) is interpreted by Jones (2007, p. 161) as “a mode of being integral to a sense of social identity and to the manner in which shura is practiced.” We may further expand this discussion by invoking the notion of ‘diplomacy’ as an integral principle of the dealings reflected in Sheikh Muḥsin’s correspondence. Much of the correspondence recalls diplomatic cables and reflects tribal diplomacy comprised of letters, visits and envoys as means of communication. To further the line of thought we may refer to a recent monograph that convincingly expanded the concept of diplomacy beyond international interactions by developing the thought of how Oman’s trade-based and long-established cosmopolitanism has created the conditions for diplomacy as a guiding principle and habitus of social and political engagement (Jones & Ridout 2013, pp. 4–25). Due to the lack of comparable archival material prior to the discovery of the ʿAbrīyīn- archive, little micro-historical information has been disseminated on local socio- political processes at work in mid- and late nineteenth century Omani interior—a period characterized by Oman’s changing fortunes, internal strife and transformations linked to increasing European colonial influence (McBrierty & Al Zubair 2004, pp. 28– 35). Accordingly, Hoffmann-Ruf’s discussion of letters from the hitherto only known private archive from the pre-modern Omani interior not only provides new and interesting insights into the role of the tribal leaders, but also sheds light on the dynamics of everyday tribal politics (including issues pertaining to tribal dār expansion or con- traction, control of the bayt al-māl and right to collect zakāt), while using the trans- regional topics discussed in some of the letters to place the ʿAbrīyīn’s correspondence into the wider region’s political and social context. Her research has opened a window onto the opportunities offered by the investigation of this and similar archival sources for future research on both the micro- and macro-historical levels, investigating tribal structures, socio-economic organisation of communities in the Omani interior, and the dynamics of local social history and its integration into trans-regional developments. It can be anticipated that the results will inspire research on the second cache of the ʿAbrīyīn-archive and possibly further—yet to be discovered—private archives from pre-modern Oman. Birgit Mershen Research Associate Ruhr University Bochum, Faculty of Philology Department of Oriental and Islamic Studies.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 35 Actualités

References

Sources

Al-ʿAbrī, Ibrāhīm b. Saʿīd (1378/1959), Tabaṣṣurat al-muʿtabirīn fī tārīḫ al-ʿAbrīyīn, Un- published manuscript, Sultan Qaboos University Library, Muscat. Al-Sālimī, Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdallāh b. Ḥumayyid b. Sallūm, Tuḥfat al-aʿyān bi-sīrat ahl ʿuḥfa, Egypt, Maṭābiʿ al-kitāb al-ʿarabī, 1380/1961. Ibn Ruzayq b. Buḥayt, Ḥumayd b Muḥammad. 1397/1977. Al-fatḥ al-mubīn fī sīrat al- sāda Āl-Bū-Saʿīdīn, Muscat, Wizārat al-turāṯ al-qawmī. Lorimer, John Gordon (1908–1915). Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman, and Central Arabia [Repub. Westmead, Farnborough, Hants, England, Gregg International Publishers ltd. & Shannon, Ireland, Irish University Press, 1970].

Secondary literature

Bandyopadhyay, Soumyen. 2011. Manah: An Omani Oasis, an Arabian Legacy; Architec- ture and Social History of an Omani Settlement, Liverpool, Liverpool University Press. Barth, Fredrik. 1983. Sohar: Culture and Society in an Omani Town, Baltimore/London, John Hopkins University Press. Bonnenfant, Paul & Guillemette, & Sultan Al-Harthi. 1977. “Architecture and Social History at Mudayrib”, Journal of Oman Studies 3/2, pp. 107–135. Ghubash, Hussein 2006. Oman—The Islamic Democratic Tradition, transl. from French by Mary Turton, New York, Routledge. Hoffmann-Ruf, Michaela. 2008. Scheich Muḥsin bin Zahrān al-ʿAbrī. Tribale Macht im Oman des 19. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, Schwarz. _____ . 2013. “Private documents as a source for regional history: The Archive of the ʿAbrīyīn of Al-Ḥamrāʾ”, in: Steffen Wippel (ed.), Regionalising Oman. Political, Economic and Social Dynamics, Dordrecht, Springer. Jones, Jeremy 2007. Negotiating Change: The New Politics of the Middle East, London, I. B. Tauris. _____ & Nicholas Redout. 2013. Oman, Culture and Diplomacy, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. _____ . 2015. A History of Modern Oman, New York, Cambridge University Press. McBrierty, Vincent & Mohammad Al Zubair. 2004. Oman. Ancient Civilisation; Modern Nation. Towards a Knowledge and Service Economy, Dublin, Trinity Press. Mershen, Birgit. 1998. “Settlement Space and Architecture in South Arabian Oases: Ethnoarchaeological Investigations in Recently Abandoned Settlement Quarters in Inner Oman”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 28, pp. 201–213.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 36 Actualités

Riley, Mark, David Charles Harvey, Tony Brown & Sara Mills. 2005. “Narrating landscape: The potential of oral history for landscape archaeology”, Public Archaeolo- gy 4/1, pp. 15–26, DOI: 10.1179/pua.2005.4.1.15. Sachedina, Amal 2013. Of Living Traces and Revived Legacies: Unfolding Futures in the Sultanate of Oman. UC Berkeley. ProQuest ID, Sachedina_berkeley_0028E_13852. Merritt ID: ark:/13030/m5935g2s. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5ts8978s. QATAR

2011. Mohammed Hammam Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Founda- tion for Education, Science and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, p. A-W + 155, ill. ISBN : 99921-797-0-8. Pages introductives bilinges (arabe-anglais).

14 janvier 2020. Doha, University City of London. Conférence de Wendy Duff sur les émotions des archivistes Organisée par Sumeyya Ahmed (University City of London, UCL), la conférence de Wendy Duff (University of Toronto) provoque l’intérêt dès son titre, « Emotional Res- ponses to Archives: A Conversation about the emotions archivists experience when working with records », en mettant l’accent sur un aspect de la vie des archivistes aux antipodes des qualités d’organisation des données qu’implique la science archivis- tique. Il s’agit en fait de souligner la « dangerosité » de ce travail qui « expose » les archivistes à des contenus parfois chargés émotionnellement, alors que leur conservation est essentielle pour l’histoire collective. Les propos de W. Duff s’appuient sur une enquête menée à partir d’un questionnaire envoyé à des archivistes en Amérique du Nord, Australie et Nouvelle Zélande, conçu pour recueillir les réactions, positives et négatives, nées du contact avec les contenus archivés aux différents moments de la chaîne (acquisition, organisation, description, préservation et préparation à l’accès). La conférence a été suivie, le lendemain, par un séminaire de sensibilisation aux archives, toujours organisé par Sumeyya Ahmed, au musée de l’Esclavage, à Doha. Les deux initiatives venaient en appoint du cours sur les archives délivré par Sumeyya Ahmed à UCL, le seul ayant existé dans le pays. https://ischool.utoronto.ca/news/emotional-responses-to-archives/

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 37 Actualités

29 février 2020. QNL. James Onley « Maps out historical role of Indian Navy in the Gulf » Cette présentation de James Onley, Directeur des recherches historiques et des colla- borations à la Qatar National Library, est liée à l’exposition « Qatar, India & The Gulf », dont il est le commissaire et dont il a réalisé le catalogue avec la collaboration de Riz- wan Ahmad (nCmY 10/29, Actualités, , p. 33-34. J. Onley explore l’histoire de la participation de la marine indienne dans le golfe Arabique depuis 1612 et son rôle significatif dans les cartes du littoral de l’Arabie de l’Est des années 1760 aux années 1860. La présentation est suivie d’un tour de l’exposition, centré sur les cartes et diagrammes illustrant les liens étroits et multi- formes sur le long terme qui existèrent entre le sous-continent indo-pakistanais et le Moyen-Orient. https://thepeninsulaqatar.com/article/29/02/2020/QNL-lecture-maps-out-historical- role-of-Indian-Navy-in-the-Gulf

7 mai 2020 (annonce). La revue AlMuntaqa en accès libre sur JSTOR. ISSN : 2616- 8073. Publiée par le Markaz al-ʿarabi li-al-abḥāṯ wa-dira sat al-siya sa t/Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (ACRPS, Doha, Qatar) depuis 2018, la revue donne accès en anglais à une sélection des meilleurs travaux en sciences sociales et humaines émanant du monde arabe universitaire. Ces contributions à la recherche ont été initia- lement publiées en arabe dans des revues à comité de lecture de l’ACRPS. https://www.dohainstitute.org/en/BooksAndJournals/Pages/AlMuntaqa.aspx

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 38 Actualités

OCÉAN INDIEN & GOLFE D’ADEN

2017. Gualtiero Mattesi, Caccia ai pirati somali, préface Amiral d’escadre Valter Girardelli, Milan, Mursia, coll. « Biblioteca del mare », 94 p. ISBN : 978-88-4255513-1. L’action se déroule en 2011, entre le golfe d’Aden et l’océan Indien, sur des mers qui baignent la péninsule Arabique. C’est l’un des participants à l’opération « Ocean Shield », dirigée contre les pirates de la région, qui raconte, le Contre-Amiral Gualtiero Mattesi (né à Tarente en 1959), commandant un groupe de bateaux des Nations Unies pour l’opération et, depuis 2011, Commandant du 1er groupe naval de l’ONU pour « Uni- fied Protector », une action d’embargo naval de la Libye. Il s’agit donc de la relation d’un acteur et témoin direct, qui représente un rapport – aisé d’accès –, à découvrir par lui-même et à défaut de pouvoir consulter les documents d’archives avant leur ouver- ture au public, suivant le délai légal, sauf les documents classés secrets. La piraterie est endémique dans cette région : elle a été sur la durée la plaie des voya- geurs, des commerçants, des migrants (à titre de comparaison, voir ci-dessus : Actuali- tés, <2017. Muḥammad Aḥmad ʿAlī Hadiyya>, p. 31). Le livre de G. Mattesi donne une idée globale de ce qui se passe en 2011 au Nord-Ouest de l’océan Indien, là où l’on a habituellement connaissance d’agressions ponctuelles par des pirates dont on dé- couvre l’existence par les médias, ces temps derniers au sujet des migrants, par ex. des Somaliens se rendant dans le Golfe ou, dans l’autre direction, des Yéménites fuyant vers Djibouti. Dans le livre, il n’est pas seulement question de pirates somaliens, mais aussi de Yéménites (voir en particulier le chapitre « Yemeni 21 non passa », p. 75-82). Le livre nous plonge dans cette guerre d’usure, ses tactiques pour contrarier et bloquer les actes de piraterie à l’endroit des migrants et des navires de commerce au xxie s.

15 juin 2020. Preben Kaarsholm, Revue [Gwyn Campbell, Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, coll. « New Approaches to African History », 14, 2019, 316 p.], dans : H/Soz/Kult, Kommunikation und Fachinformation für die Geschichtswissenschaften. http://www.hsozkult.de/publicationreview/id/reb-29409

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 39 Actualités

ACTUALITÉS INTERNATIONALES

Depuis 2016. Leyde. Collection « Studies in the History of Collecting & Art Markets » chez E. J. Brill. Il s’agit d’une collection à comité de lecture consacrée à des contributions originales sur les mécanismes sociaux, culturels et économiques de la circulation de l’art. Le volume 9, de Lynn Catterson, Florence, Berlin and Beyond, ISBN : 978-90-04-43104-1, est prévu pour le mois d’août 2020. https://brill.com/view/serial/HCAM

2020. Hambourg, Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures and Islamic Painted Page Il s’agit de la mise à la disposition de ceux qui travaillent sur les manuscrits coraniques d’un nouvel outil conçu par le Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures (CSMC) et Islamic Painted Page, Université de Hambourg. La base de données accessible par le lien : www.islamicpaintedpage.com bénéficie d’une page de recherche « Qurʾan Details », qui permet aux chercheurs d’accéder à quelques 4.700 entrées détaillées dédiées à des pages d’intérêt historique, couvrant 110 collections du monde entier, représentant des productions sans limitation de lieux et de temps. À titre d’exemple, les recherches suivantes peuvent être menées :  description des pages de Coran (type d’enluminure, décoration ou reliure),  type de Qurʾan (fragment, ǧuzʾ, etc.),  références aux sourates du Coran,  type d’écriture (coufique, nasḫ, etc.),  nombre de lignes par page,  dimensions des pages (hauteur et largeur),  nom éventuel du Coran (par ex. Coran Oljaytu de Bagdad),  nom du calligraphe. Sans compter les données standard, telles que la date et le lieu de production, lieux de conservation, cotes et feuillet, et la bibliographie qui inclut aussi bien les publications en ligne que celles sur papier. Environ 20 % des entrées sont illustrées. Par ailleurs, la page « Main search » donne accès à 48.000 entrées sur l’ensemble de la base de données, qui couvre des miniatures de manuscrits islamiques publiés, enluminures, reliures, de même que les entrées à des corans de plus de 300 collections. Près de 50 % des pièces de la base de données sont pourvues d’images. Des liens sont aussi donnés à VIAF (Virtual International Authority File), WORLDCAT et FIHRIST.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 40 Actualités

Le CSMC s’attache à poursuivre le développement de la base de données The Islamic Painted Page, un site hébergé et soutenu par l’Université de Hambourg. New Qur’an Search Facility on the Islamic Painted Page website

2020. Federico Ugolini, Visualizing Harbours in the Classical World, Iconography and Representation around the Mediterranean, Londres, Bloomsbury, coll. « Ancient Art and Architecture », 248 p. ISBN : 978-1350125735. [Résumé repris du livre] « In recent years, there has been intense debate about the reality behind the depiction of maritime cityscapes, especially harbours. Visualizing Harbours in the Classical World argues that the available textual and iconographic evidence supports the argument that these representations have a symbolic, rather than literal, meaning and message, and moreover that the traditional view, that all these media represent the reality of the contemporary cityscapes, is often unrealistic. Bridg- ing the gap between archaeological sciences and the humanities, it ably integrates iconographic materials, epigraphic sources, history and archaeology, along with visual culture. Focusing on three main ancient ports—Alexandria, Rome and Leptis Magna— Federico Ugolini considers a range of issues around harbour iconography, from the triumphal imagery of monumental harbours and the symbolism of harbour images, their identification across the Mediterranean, and their symbolic, ideological and propa- gandistic messages, to the ways in which aspects of Imperial authority and control over the seas were expressed in the iconography of the Julio-Claudian, Trajan and Severii periods, how they reflected the repute, growth and power of the mercantile class during the Imperial era, and how the use of imagery reflected euergetism and paideia, which would inform the Roman audience about who had power over the sea ». Le livre se compose des sept chapitres suivants : 1. Introduction 2. Alexandria, Rome and Leptis Magna and the Triumphal Imagery of Monumen- tal Harbours 3. Harbours in Graeco-Roman Art: Symbolism and Identity across the Mediterra- nean 4. Portraying Maritime Cityscapes: An Imperial Perspective 5. The Mercantile Class: Economic Growth and Influence during the Imperial Era 6. A Postcard from the Ancient Mediterranean: Aspects of Euergetism and Paideia in Representations of Maritime Cities 7. Epilogue. Maritime Cities: An Iconography of Power et se clôt sur des index. https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/visualizing-harbours-in-the-classical-world- 9781350125735/?utm_source=Adestra&utm_medium=email&utm_content=Visualizing %20Harbours%20in%20the%20Classical%20World&utm_campaign=NL- CT_New%20Classics%20Monos_JUN20 nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 41 Actualités

Janvier 2020. Joanna Smalcerz, Smuggling the Renaissance. The Illicit Export of Art- works Out of Italy 1861–1909, Leyde, E. J. Brill, coll. « Studies in Architectural and Ur- ban History », 8, 244 p. ISBN : 978-90-04-42149-3. Dernier volume paru de la collection « Studies in Architectural and Urban History », chez E. J. Brill. https://brill.com/view/title/54914

7 may 2020 (annonce). États-Unis, Harvard Law School. Projet « SHARIAsource » SHARIAsource est un projet du Programme de droit islamique de l’École de droit de Harvard (Harvard Law School). L’objectif est de rendre accessible et exploitable contenu et contexte du droit islamique, abordés de manière compréhensives. Il s’agit d’un portail ouvrant sur les ressources numériques en la matière et des instruments de travail. Œuvre d’une équipe, il veut organiser l’information disponible sur le droit islamique.

Projet SHARIAsource. Capture d’écran. SHARIAsource

REVUE DE PRESSE Le Yémen entre dans sa sixième année de guerre. La crise sanitaire du COVID-19 n’a pas épargné le pays qui enregistre son premier cas le 10 avril. Le ministère de la Santé estime que les capacités des infrastructures hospitalières sont limitées et restent du- rement affectées par la crise humanitaire. Selon un rapport de l’Organisation mondiale de la Santé, la moitié des infrastructures sanitaires ont été détruites par les affrontements armés au cours de ces cinq dernières années. Dans un contexte politique et sanitaire incertain, le Gouvernement yéménite a relevé des cas de pillages d’antiquités et de manuscrits historiques dans les villes de Taez et de Sanaa. Durant le confinement, de nombreuses bibliothèques du Moyen-Orient ont accéléré la numérisation de manuscrits et leur mise en ligne. C’est ce qu’a fait le musée des Arts islamiques du Qatar, avec 800 manuscrits d’époque médiévale et ottomane dorénavant en accès libre sur le site de leur bibliothèque, tandis que la Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël s’apprête à rendre publique une base de données de 2.500 manuscrits du Moyen-Orient numérisés. Par ailleurs, la Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd annonce avoir numérisé 73.000 manuscrits rares sur un total de 90.000 dans le cadre d’un vaste projet de conservation des manuscrits à travers le Royaume.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 42 Actualités

Malgré la crise sanitaire, un colloque scientifique en ligne organisé par le centre Zāyid d’Abu Dhabi a rassemblé plusieurs organisations et chercheurs du monde entier spé- cialisés dans la conservation de manuscrits arabes. Le centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid a en ce qui le concerne mis en avant ses projets de conservation physique des manuscrits arabes en Afrique de l’Ouest, notamment au Mali et en Mauritanie.

YÉMEN

Janvier 2020. Sabanew – Un réseau de contrebandiers de manuscrits historiques démantelé par les forces de sécurité dans la ville de Taez. Les forces de sécurité du Gouvernorat de Taez ont pu identifier un réseau de contrebandiers qui détenaient des manuscrits historiques vieux de 800 ans dérobés au mu- sée national de Taez20. Les manuscrits en question étaient destinés à être revendus sur le marché de la contrebande à l’étranger. La police du Gouvernorat a intercepté et ar- rêté les trois suspects qui tentaient de quitter la ville par le poste de contrôle d’al- Hanǧar à l’ouest de Taez. Les contrebandiers ont également affirmé aux autorités dé- tenir plusieurs autres antiquités dérobées au musée National. A l’issue de leur arresta- tion, le lot de manuscrits a été remis au Directeur du musée Ramzī al-Damīnī en pré- sence du sous-secrétaire au ministère de la Culture ʿAbd al-Hādī al-Zaʿzī21. La ville de Taez est le théâtre d’une série de violents affrontements entre les forces gouvernementales, les Houthis ainsi que des groupes armés locaux depuis le début de la guerre civile en 2015. La fragmentation des forces de sécurité sur le terrain a provo- qué une augmentation des affrontements armés. Des pillages ont été orchestrés contre le musée National et les sites historiques du Gouvernorat où plus d’une centaine d’antiquités a été dérobé et vendu sur le marché de la contrebande.

Mars 2020. Saba – Les Houthis lancent une opération de conservation des manuscrits de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa. Le Directeur du Bureau des Waqfs (Maktab al-awqāf wa-al-iršād) ʿAbd Allāh ʿĀmir s’est rendu sur le site de la maison des manuscrits de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa (qubāt al-ʿūsaǧā fī Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt) afin de suivre le projet de restauration de plus de 11.000 manuscrits historiques22. Le projet est financé par l’autorité générale des antiquités sous le contrôle des autorités Houthis et supervisé par l’ingénieur Muršid al-Barīhī. Dans un court entretien avec le Directeur du Bureau des Waqfs, ʿAbd Allāh ʿĀmir a ré- affirmé que ce projet a pour but de préserver des milliers de manuscrits en état de dé- composition. La protection de ces manuscrits passe par la conservation et la préserva- tion de ces trésors selon l’application de techniques de conservation aux standards internationaux.

20 https://www.sabanew.net/viewstory/58362 21 https://almawqeapost.net/news/47479 22 https://www.saba.ye/ar/news3089460.htm nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 43 Actualités

Avril 2020. Sabanew – Le Gouvernement yéménite appelle l’UNESCO à intervenir dans la lutte contre la falsification de manuscrits par les Houthis. Le ministère de la Culture a publié un communiqué dans lequel le Gouvernement affirme suivre l’évolution de la situation à la Bibliothèque de la Grande Mosquée de Sa- naa23. Le communiqué évoque des cas de falsifications de manuscrits opérées par les Houthis et des pratiques visant à intimider les conservateurs de la bibliothèque qui souhaitent poursuivre leurs travaux. La gestion et la conservation des manuscrits ont été confiées à d’autres spécialistes désignés par les Houthis. D’après les témoignages de chercheurs de l’Université de Sanaa, les Houthis ont eu accès aux trésors archéolo- giques des musées et bibliothèques de la capitale. Certains objets ont été placés sur le marché de la contrebande ou revendus à l’étranger tandis que des manuscrits ont été détruits sur l’idée que leurs contenus s’inscrivent à contre-courant de l’idéologie du groupe. Les Houthis poursuivent les fouilles au Nord du Yémen. Après Sanaa, Šibām, Ḏamār, Zabīd, Ǧiblā et al-Ǧund, les Houthis ont eu accès aux sites archéologiques de la Mosquée de Ṣaʿda et des villes de Kawkabān et d’al-Maḥwīt. Le Yémen figure depuis mars 2019 sur la liste des pays qui ont ratifié la convention de l’UNESCO sur la protection des antiquités. Le ministère appelle en outre l’UNESCO et les partenaires internationaux à faire pression sur les Houthis afin de garantir l’indépendance et l’intégrité de la Bibliothèque de la Grande mosquée de Sanaa et de ses archives.

ARABIE SAOUDITE

Mai 2020. Saudi Gazette – La Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd à Riyad renferme plus d’un millier de manuscrits historiques. La Monarchie saoudienne place au cœur de sa politique culturelle à l’horizon 2030 la conservation de milliers de manuscrits anciens et rares. Le décret royal n° M/23 relatif à la protection du patrimoine et des manuscrits a été promulgué le 12 août 2001 à l’initiative du Roi Salman lorsqu’il était le Gouverneur de Riyad. En 2020, la mission de maintien et de préservation bénéficie du soutien plein et entier du Roi Salman et du Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. Le pays compte mettre en place 11 organismes culturels spécialisés dont deux sur le développement des bibliothèques et la gestion du patrimoine, qui contribueront au rayonnement culturel de la Monarchie sur la scène internationale. Depuis quelques années, la Bibliothèque nationale du Roi Fahd a lancé un processus de numérisation de ses fonds24. Selon Saudi Gazette, les conservateurs du musée au- raient numérisé jusqu’à présent 73.000 manuscrits sur 90.000. La Bibliothèque dispo- serait également de 6.000 manuscrits rares, dont une copie d’un Coran du ixe-xe s. en

23 https://www.sabanew.net/viewstory/60833 24 https://saudigazette.com.sa/article/593122/SAUDI-ARABIA/79000-valuable-manuscripts-housed-in- King-Fahd-National-Library nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 44 Actualités

écriture coufique et d’un autre Coran, du xe s., en écriture nasḫī. Au-delà, la Biblio- thèque serait sur le point d’achever la numérisation de tous les manuscrits du Royaume. Dans un communiqué à l’Agence de presse saoudienne, le Secrétaire-Général de la Bi- bliothèque nationale, Mohammed Bin Abdulaziz al-Rashed, a annoncé que ses équipes travaillaient à la mise en œuvre du décret royal d’identification et d’enregistrement des manuscrits appartenant à des individus ou à des collectionneurs privés. Leurs propriétaires reçoivent un numéro d’identification et un certificat d’authenticité qui permettent à la Bibliothèque de proposer ses services d’analyse et de renforcer la longévité du manuscrit par des techniques d’anoxie.

DUBEÏ

Mai 2020. Al-waṭan – Le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid participe à un colloque scientifique en ligne sur la construction du patrimoine national et arabe. Le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid pour la Culture et le Patrimoine a participé à un colloque scientifique en ligne organisé par le Centre d’étude et de recherche Zāyid à Abu Dhabi, intitulé : « Construction du patrimoine national et arabe, entre réalités et attentes »25. L’événement a rassemblé plusieurs personnalités du milieu de la conservation des manuscrits arabes, en particulier Muḥammad Fātaḥ Zaġal, Chercheur associé au Centre Zāyid. Durant son discours, le chercheur a évoqué la négligence et l’absence d’initiatives des autorités émiraties à l’endroit de la préservation et de la valorisation des manuscrits arabes et islamiques. Le colloque a été une opportunité pour le Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid de souligner son rôle pionnier dans la restauration et la préservation des manuscrits arabes d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Basām Dāġistānī, Chef du département préservation et restauration du Centre, a souligné les efforts du Directeur de Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid dans la mise en œuvre de projets de préservation des manuscrits arabes à Tombouctou (Mali) et à Tichitt (Mauritanie). Voir la présentation du Centre Ǧumʿā al-Māǧid dans ce numéro des nCmY, Actualités, , p. 28-31.

ÉGYPTE

Mai 2020. Middle-East-Online – Manuscrits arabes : des sources fondamentales à la construction de la civilisation arabe moderne, d’après le récit de ʿAbd al-Sattār al- Ḥalūǧī. Le docteur ʿAbd al-Sattār al-Ḥalūǧī, Professeur de littérature à l’Université du Caire, a publié l’ouvrage « Les manuscrits et l’héritage arabe » (Al-maḫṭūṭāt wa-al-turāṯ al-

25 https://alwatan.ae/?p=626353 nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 45 Actualités

ʿarabī) édité par la Maison égyptienne du Liban au Caire26. Celui-ci met en avant le rôle des manuscrits arabes dans la construction et la documentation de l’histoire arabe. L’auteur livre dans un premier temps une définition du manuscrit comme un outil de projection de puissance des dynasties de l’Empire arabo-musulman telles que les Omeyyades, les Abbassides et les Fatimides. Le manuscrit est un objet historique qui traverse le temps et les civilisations, illustrant une pratique de l’écriture depuis 7.000 ans et qui se présente sous divers supports : le papyrus, la pierre, la tablette d’argile brûlée ou la peau de chèvre. Al-Ḥalūǧī considère en outre que l’étude des manuscrits arabes est une nécessité pour comprendre les évolutions d’une civilisation car elle renferme de précieuses informations sur l’auteur et le contexte historique. L’analyse matérielle du manuscrit apporte des informations sur les techniques d’écriture, de reliure et de décoration qui sont des étapes-clés dans la conception de ce dernier. L’auteur insiste également sur l’importance de la notion d’origine persane de fihrist, au sens de bibliographie-état des lieux de nos connaissances, pluridisciplinaires, suivant l’œuvre du warrāq Ibn al- Nadīm (m. 384/995) dans son livre Al-fihrist. Selon lui, ce travail d’indexation à l’image des travaux d’al-Nadīm est nécessaire pour l’identification et l’authentification des sources manuscrites. Les progrès technologiques de ce siècle permettent de repenser le travail d’archivage et de catalogage des manuscrits. Al-Ḥalūǧī insiste sur l’importance de tirer parti de la numérisation de l’information pour entamer une série de projets à l’échelle globale de conservation et de numérisation des antiquités et des sources manuscrites difficiles d’accès ou qui ne peuvent pas être exposés à la lumière en permanence.

Mai 2020. Al-Šurūq – L’archéologue égyptien ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān appelle à numé- riser 4.500 manuscrits du Monastère de Sainte-Catherine. L’archéologue et Professeur à l’Université du Sinaï-Sud ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān appelle les autorités égyptiennes à un projet de numérisation des archives historiques du Mo- nastère de Sainte-Catherine27. La bibliothèque du Monastère renferme 600 manuscrits et 1.000 rouleaux en langue arabe, 2.319 manuscrits en grec, 284 en latin et des sources en 9 autres langues. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān souligne l’importance d’un travail de numé- risation de ces sources rares telles que des manuscrits datant du ive s., des calligraphies (dīwānī) du xiie s. et une copie incomplète de la Bible en syriaque sur un parchemin de peau de cerf.

26 https://meo.news/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%86%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%86-%D9%84%D8%A7- %D9%8A%D9%83%D8%AA%D8%A8-%D9%84%D9%86%D9%81%D8%B3%D9%87- %D9%88%D8%A5%D9%86%D9%85%D8%A7-%D9%8A%D9%83%D8%AA%D8%A8- %D9%84%D9%84%D8%A2%D8%AE%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%86 27 https://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=30052020&id=25b42e53-87d6-4c87-a5f9- fd75bc3d9d35 nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 46 Actualités

L’étude des fonds du Monastère de Sainte-Catherine a débuté en 1950. En 1963, l’Université d’Alexandrie et la Bibliothèque du Congrès à Washington D. C. ont lancé une mission scientifique conjointe sous la direction des Docteurs ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd al- ʿAbādā, ʿAzīz Sūriyāl ʿAṭiyya, Aḥmad Fikrī et Ǧūzīf Nasīm Yūsuf. Les équipes ont photo- graphié 5.000 documents rédigés en 12 langues. Dans les années 2000, le ministère égyptien du Tourisme et des Antiquités ont entamé les travaux de restauration d’une partie de la bibliothèque du Monastère. En 2017, le docteur Ḫālid al-ʿAnānī, ministre du Tourisme et des Antiquités, a annoncé la mise en œuvre de la deuxième phase du projet. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Rayḥān affirme par ailleurs que le contexte sécuritaire dans le Nord du Sinaï et les difficultés d’accès au Monastère renforcent l’urgence de numériser la totalité de ces fonds en péril potentiel.

KOWEÏT

Juin 2020. Al-ǧazīra – La coalition formée par l’Arabie saoudite et les Émirats Arabes Unis est accusée d’avoir détruit plus de 80 % des antiquités yéménites. L’Observatoire koweïti des droits de l’Homme a accusé dans un rapport sur les viola- tions commises pendant la guerre civile yéménite28 la coalition formée par l’Arabie Saoudite et les Émirats Arabes Unis d’avoir détruit plus de 80 % du patrimoine historique et culturel yéménite depuis le début des opérations en 2015. Le Directeur de l’Observatoire, Yaḥyā al-Ḥadīd, a exprimé ses préoccupations quant à la préservation d’un patrimoine millénaire en proie aux effets destructeurs des affrontements en cours. Tandis que le conflit ne fait qu’accentuer la formation de réseaux de contrebande d’antiquités au Yémen, de nombreux manuscrits yéménites en arabe et en hé- breu ont été volés lors d’attaques contre des sites archéologiques par les parties en conflit. Ces manuscrits ont été transportés par voie de contrebande vers l’Arabie Saou- dite et les Émirats Arabes Unis afin d’être revendus à des collectionneurs privés.

PALESTINE/ISRAËL

Mai 2020. Diniyya al-Watan – Manuscrits de Palestine, ce qu’ils nous révèlent. D’après le récit de ʿAmr Ramaḍan Ṣabrī. Le chercheur et juriste palestinien ʿAmr Ramaḍan Ṣabrī livre un compte-rendu de lecture d’un ouvrage sur l’histoire des manuscrits palestiniens dont il s’est procuré une copie auprès de Ḥisām Abū al-Naṣr, auteur de Tāriḫ al-maḫṭūṭāt bi-Falasṭīn (The Histo-

28 https://www.aljazeera.net/news/humanrights/2020/6/4/%D8%B3%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9- %D9%88%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A8-%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%85- %D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81- %D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%B9%D9%88%D8%AF%D9%8A رس قة-وهتريب-اهتام-التحالف-السعودي nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 47 Actualités ry of Manuscripts in Palestine)29. L’ouvrage de 56 pages fut publié en mai 2017 par le centre de recherche de l’Organisation de libération palestinienne à Jérusalem30. Dans un premier temps, le chercheur met en avant l’importance de l’histoire palestinienne depuis la civilisation de Canaan (2000 av. J.-C.), les croisades chrétiennes et la période islamique. Ces civilisations ont produit de nombreux matériaux, notamment des manuscrits et manuels qui demeurent toutefois cachés et dispersés dans plusieurs bibliothèques publiques et institutions ainsi que parmi les collectionneurs. ʿAmr Ra- maḍan Ṣabrī déplore l’absence d’une bibliothèque pouvant rassembler un héritage millénaire en un endroit unique. Le manque d’initiative au regard de la préservation des manuscrits palestiniens conduit à un morcellement du patrimoine. Les manuscrits historiques palestiniens sont actuellement dispersés dans les bibliothèques privées de Yaʿqūb Ṭahbūb, ʿArīf Dawīk et Rāšid al-Ḥalwānī, les bibliothèques publiques de Gaza, Jérusalem, Bethléem et Hé- bron, ainsi que dans les mosquées d’al-Ǧazār à Acre, al-Aqṣā et Ḫālidiyya à Jérusalem, Barqīn à Hébron. Dès 1947, les manuscrits palestiniens ont suscité l’intérêt d’archéologues israéliens. Au total, sept manuscrits ont été achetés, dont trois appartenant à la collection des manuscrits de la mer Morte (maḫṭūṭāt Qumrān), découverte en 1947, et quatre autres au Monastère orthodoxe syriaque Saint-Marc à Jérusalem. Parmi ces manuscrits figure celui d’Ithāf al-aḫsā bi-faḍā’īl al-Masǧid al-Aqṣā (publié 880/1475) rédigé par un savant et théologien égyptien chaféite, le šayḫ Šams al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Suyūṭī al-Manhāǧī al-Mutawwafī (849/1445-911/1505) actuellement conservé à la Bibliothèque de l’Université hébraïque de Jérusalem. Malgré l’absence d’un centre commun de préservation des manuscrits palestiniens, l’auteur salue les efforts de préservation et de numérisation du patrimoine palestinien conduit par Heritage Revival Foundation, la Bibliothèque d’al-Bīrā, le Centre pour la restauration de manuscrits d’al-Aqṣā et la Fondation Bayt al-Quds pour les études pa- lestiniennes. L’écrivain conclut que les manuscrits palestiniens sont un trésor national et une source d’information sur l’histoire de l’identité palestinienne, marquée au fil du temps par les influences islamiques et chrétiennes. Ce patrimoine doit donc être im- pérativement préservé.

Juin 2020. Al-Ḥurrā – La Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël s’apprête à mettre en ligne 2.500 manuscrits du Moyen-Orient numérisés. La Bibliothèque nationale d’Israël à Jérusalem mettra en ligne plus de 2.500 manuscrits rares provenant du Moyen-Orient31. Les conservateurs de la Bibliothèque ont nu- mérisé les manuscrits durant trois ans en respectant les standards de conservation. La

29 https://pulpit.alwatanvoice.com/articles/2020/05/06/521454.html 30 Ḥisām Abū al-Naṣr, Tāriḫ al-maḫṭūṭāt bi-Falasṭīn, Jérusalem, Centre de recherche de l’Organisation de libération palestinienne, 2017, p. 1-59. 31 https://www.alhurra.com/latest/2020/06/11/ املكتبة-الوطنية-ا الرسائيلية-تعرض-خمطوطات- اسالمية-ا الن نرتت nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 48 Actualités nouvelle plateforme, accessible au public, exposera le contenu numérisé avec une courte explication trilingue (anglais, arabe et hébreu). Parmi le contenu déjà numérisé et bientôt en ligne, des manuscrits coraniques et des œuvres littéraires ornés de feuilles d’or et de lapis-lazuli datant du ixe s. La Bibliothèque dispose également d’une copie des manuscrits du poète persan Nūr al-Dīn Ǧāmī (817/1414-898/1492) et d’une amulette datant du xe s. fabriquée à partir d’un coran. Raquel Ukeles, Directrice des collections Islam et Moyen-Orient à la Bibliothèque nationale, a affirmé que le processus de numérisation permet d’étudier certains manuscrits qui ne peuvent pas être ex- posés à cause de leur fragilité.

QATAR

Mai 2020. Agence de presse iranienne – Le musée des Arts islamiques à Doha renferme plus de 800 manuscrits coraniques. Durant la crise sanitaire du COVID-19, le musée d’Arts islamiques du Qatar, à Doha, a mis en ligne dans le cadre de son programme de musée digital la collection d’antiquités, de mobiliers et de documents historiques qui ont été numérisés. Parmi les ressources mises en ligne sur le site du musée, une banque de plus de 800 manuscrits coraniques datant du xiie s. jusqu’à la période ottomane au xixe s.32 a été publiée. Parmi ces manuscrits figure la dernière section (ǧuzʾ)33 d’un Coran en 30 volumes datant du xiie-xiiie s., produit au Maroc ou en Tunisie. Il s’agit d’un des exemplaires les plus rares du monde arabe. Le manuscrit est écrit à l’encre marron foncé. Les marques diacritiques sont rendues en bleu, rouge et jaune. Les titulatures royales sont marquées de couleur or et les titres et bordures d’images en rouge. La bibliothèque du musée a répertorié deux des cinq pages manuscrites de ce volume qui s’inscrit dans la plus grande collection coranique du Bīsūnġūr al-Tīmūrī. Les archives de la bibliothèque renferment également les plus anciennes traductions européennes du Coran telles que

32 https://iqna.ir/ar/news/3476419/ قطر-متحف-الفن-الاساليم-يتوي-عىل-800-خمطوطة-قرأآنية 33 https://www.qm.org.qa/en/blog/museum-islamic-arts-quran-manuscripts nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 49 Actualités la traduction latine de Théodore Bibliandre (1543)34, française d’André du Ryer (1649)35 et allemande d’Abraham Hinkelman (1694)36.

34 Théodore Bibliandre (1504-1564) ; Mohammed Hammam Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Ed- ucation, Science and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 26-31 (ill.). 35 André du Ryer (1580-1660) ; Abdelhamid Drira, « Kazimirski dans l’histoire du Coran : histoire de la traduction du Coran du XIIe s. au début de XXe s. », The Arabist. Budapest Studies in Arabic, 40, 2019, p. 11-46, p. 22sq., en ligne : https://eltearabszak.hu/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Arabist-40-1.pdf ; M. H. Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 50-57 (ill.). 36 Abraham Hinkelman (1652-1695) ; M. H. Fikri, The Early Translations of the Meanings of the Holy Qurʾan in Europe. Selections from Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, Qatar Foundation for Education, Sci- ence and Community Development, Doha, Arab and Islamic Heritage Library, 2011, p. 42-45 (ill.). nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 50 Actualités

ENCART : PROJECT OF PUBLICATION

Research of the philological notes from The Arabian Journey 1761–1767 Peter Forsskål’s zoological notes and F. C. von Haven’s linguistical notes

Philippe Provençal (Natural History Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen)

This project started when it came to my attention in the course of my research on Arabic biological terms that a modern survey of the linguistic observations made during the Danish-Arabian Expedition 1761–1767 was missing, and that a large part of these observations had in fact never been published. Here lay a treasure trove of linguistic observations made by trained philologists, which were waiting to be investigated. The aims of the project are the following: 1. Publish Frederik von Haven’s hitherto unpublished philological notes together with an updated commentary. 2. Finish the current work with Peter S. Forsskål’s notes of Arabic animal names.

Background The Danish-Arabian Expedition 1761–1767 (often called the Carsten Nie- buhr Expedition) was planned as a multidisciplinary one. The Royal Danish Expedition to Arabia 1761–1767 (hereafter referred to as the Arabian journey), and its place in the history of scientific expeditions, has recently been described by Lawrence J. Baack (2013). The results and collections of the expedition have been analysed in publications by Ian W. J. Hopkins (1962), Wolfgang Klausewitz & Jørgen G. Nielsen (1965), Stig Torben Rasmussen (1990), Frank Nigel Hepper & Ib Friis (1994), Philippe Provençal (2010; 2017) and at two symposia, one in Eutin in 1999 (Josef Wiesehöfer & Stephan Conermann, 2002), and one in Copenhagen in 2011 (Ib Friis et al., 2013)1.

1 See the complete references in our bibliography for all works cited in the project presentation. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 51 Actualités

The scientific staff of the expedition consisted of the philologist Frederik Christian von Haven (1727–1763), the natural historian Peter S. Forsskål (1732–1763), the physician Christian Carl Kramer (1732–1764) and the cartographer Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815). In its first years the expedition went to Istanbul, Egypt, the Red Sea and Yemen, and the members of the scientific staff successfully assembled a wide collection of animals, plants and artefacts and made notes, descriptions, drawings and maps of the areas through which the expedition travelled. Scientists and scholars have been using much of this material since the 18th century. However, some of the most important results from the Arabian Journey 1761–1767 were the philological ones. Not only was the philologist of Arabic and other Semitic languages, Von Haven, appointed as a member of the scientific staff, but the philological tasks were clearly stipulated and described in the Royal Order of 15 December 1760.

The state of the art Forsskål’s notation of Arabic designations for plants, animals and their products were written in the local Arabic dialect and published by Nie- buhr in Forsskål (1775a and b). The Royal Order of 15 December 1760 stipulated that Forsskål should note the local Arabic names of plants, animals and their products in both Latin and Arabic characters, and that if the same item had different names in different places, these various names should be noted. Significant updating and systematisation of the botanical descriptions and the Arabic botanical designations will be found in the works of F. N. Hepper & I. Friis, The Plants of Pehr Forsskål’s Flora Aegyptiaco Arabi- ca, 1994, and in Ph. Provençal, The Arabic Plant Names of Peter Forsskål’s Flora Aegyptiaco-Arabica, 2010. Ph. Provençal’s book represents, together with F. N. Hepper & I. Friis, a completely updated systematization and cataloguing of Forsskål’s botanical work by having been written as a supplement to the former. On the other hand, the zoological notes still await a corresponding updating, but this task is currently being undertaken by Ph. Provençal at the Natural History Museum of Denmark.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 52 Actualités

This page from the Descriptiones Animalium of Peter Forsskål is from the chapter Faunæ Orientali Conspectus. It shows a few of the zoological notes of the author together with the notes on local Arabic names of the species treated.

While the philological notes provided by both Niebuhr and Forsskål have been published and are the subject of earlier investigations, the philological notes gathered and written by F. C. von Haven remain unpublished, even though they make up a substantial part, 228 pages, of his journal from the Arabian journey. These pages are 23 x 38.5 cm in size (S. T. Rasmussen. & A. H. Haslund 2005, p. 21). The pages are all written by hand. Most of the journal is based on a draft and both the draft and the journal itself were written in the course of the journey. The number of lines varies but may reach 61 lines on a page.

Interest of von Haven’s journal Examples found during a preliminary examination of von Haven’s journal, which were carried out by Ph. Provençal at the Royal Library in Copenha- gen on June 13, 2009, showed that the Arabic and Semitic terms that von Haven noted and commented were specialised. They are not among the usual lexemes, which are found in the accepted dictionaries.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 53 Actualités

Take, for example, the word ʿasqalān, which Von Haven noted in Egypt. He wrote: “a small red animal or worm, which is used to be laid on the breasts when children are not able to get milk from them. It is said to give milk in abundance.” The word ʿasqalān is the same as the Arabic name for the town of Ascalon in Palestine, but this animal has not been found in any of the consulted dictionaries (A. de B. Kazimirski (1860), F. J. Steingass (1884), E. W. Lane (1877)) and is absolutely worthy of a closer examination. There are, then, 228 pages of unpublished notes on the dialects of Egypt and Yemen gathered in 1761–1763, which are waiting for a modern survey.

This is a photograph of a jambiya which was acquired by the members of the expedition during their stay in Yemen in 1763. Courtesy of the National Museum of Denmark. Item number EFb1. Photo, Torben Eskerod. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 54 Actualités

The age of the notes makes them linguistically very interesting, as they testify to the vocabularies of vernacular Arabic of their time. Besides contributing words and concepts which may have vanished during the in- tervening 258 years, this exceptional fieldwork may also contribute to our understanding of the interaction between dialects and Classical Arabic and among the various dialects. Copenhagen, 19 July 2020.

Literature cited Baack, Lawrence J. 2013. “A naturalist of the Northern Enlightenment: Pe- ter Forsskål after 250 years”, Archives of natural history 40/1, pp. 1–19. Forsskål, Peter. 1775a. Descriptiones Animalium—Avium, amphibiorum, piscium, insectoum, vermium quæ in itinere orientali observavit Petrus Forskål, post mortem auctoris edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller. _____ . 1775b. Flora Aegyptiaco—Arabica sive descriptions plantarum quas per Ægyptum Inferiorem et Arabiam Felicem detexit ilustravit Petrus Forskål, post mortem auctoris edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller. _____ . 1776. Icones Rerum Naturalium, quas in itinere orientalis depingi curavit Petrus Forskål. Post mortem auctoris ad regis mandatum aeri incisas edidit Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller. Freytag, Georg & Wihelm Friedrich. 1837. Lexicon arabico-latinum, Halle, C. A. Schwetschke. Friis, Ib, Michael Harbsmeier & Jørgen Bæk Simonsen. 2013. Early scientific expeditions and local encounters. New perspectives on Carsten Nie- buhr and ‘The Arabian Journey’. Proceedings of a symposium on the occasion of the 250th anniversary of the Royal Danish Expedition to Arabia Felix, “Scientia Danica” H4, vol. 2, pp. 1–252, Copenhagen, Royal Academy of Science and Letters. Hepper, Frank Nigel & Ib Friis. 1994. The Plants of Pehr Forsskål’s Flora Ae- gyptiaco Arabica, Kew, Royal Botanic Gardens. Hopkins, Ian W. J. 1962. “The maps of Carsten Niebuhr: 200 years after”, Cartographic journal 4, pp. 115–118. Kazimirski, Albert de Bibenstein. 1860. Dictionnaire Arabe-Français, Mai- sonneuve et Cie, Paris. Klausewitz, Wolfgang & Jørgen G. Nielsen. 1965. “On Forsskål’s collection of fishes in the Zoological Museum of Copenhagen”, Spolia Zoologi- ca Musei Hauniensis XXII. Lane, Edward William. 1956. Arabic—English Lexicon, New York, Frederic Ungar Publishing Co. [rééd. 1879 Londres, William & Norgate].

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 55 Actualités

Niebuhr, Carsten. 1772. Beschreibungen von Arabien aus eigenen Beobach- tungen und im Lande selbst gesammelten Nachrichten abgefasset von Carsten Niebuhr, Copenhagen, Möller. _____ . 1774. Reisebeschreibungen nach Arabien und andern umliegenden Ländern, Copenhagen, Möller. Provençal, Philippe. 2002. “The cultural significance of the results in Natu- ral History made by the Arabic Travel 1761–1767—Peter Forsskål’s contribution to Arabic lexicography”, in: Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815) und seine Zeit, Josef Wiesehöfer und Stephan Conerman (eds), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag. _____ . 2010. The Arabic plant names of Peter Forsskål’s Flora Aegyptiaco- Arabica, coll. “Biologiske Skrifter”, 57, Copenhagen, Royal Academy of Science and Letters, pp. 1–155. http://www.royalacademy.dk/Publications/Low/2824_Provençal,%2 0Philippe.pdf _____ . 2017. “Les manuscrits de l’expédition scientifique danoise de 1761– 1767 au Yémen”, Chroniques du manuscrit au Yémen, Nouvelles séries 5/24, pp. 74–96. http://www.cdmy.org/cmy/cmy24.pdf Rasmussen, Stig Torben (ed.). 1990. Den Arabiske Rejse. En dansk ekspedi- tion set i videnskabshistorisk perspektiv, Copenhagen, Munksgaard, Det Kongelige Bibliotek. _____ & Anne Haslund Hansen (eds). 2005. Min Sundheds Forliis. Frederik Christian von Havens rejsejournal fra Den arabiske Rejse 1760–1763, Copenhagen, Vandkunsten. Steingass, Francis Joseph. 1982. Arabic English Dictionary, New Delhi, Cosmo Publication [rééd. London, Crosby Lockwood & Son, 1884]. Wiesehöfer, Josef & Stephan Conermann (eds). 2002. Carsten Niebuhr (1733–1815) und seine Zeit: Beiträge eines interdisziplinären Symposi- ums vom 7.–10. Oktober 1999 in Eutin, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 56

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 57 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Articles

NOTE ON A STEELYARD BALANCE IN AN ARABIC MANUSCRIPT IN HEBREW CHARACTERS FROM YEMEN1

Mohammed Abattouy (Doha Historical Dictionary of Arabic The Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies, Doha)

with the collaboration of Gabriele Ferrario (University of Bologna)

Abstract The website of Les Enluminures, an antique store based in Paris specialising in illuminated medieval manuscripts, displays a few pages of a precious manuscript containing several Arabic scientific texts on astronomy, optics and philosophy, in Hebrew characters of Yemenite style. The codex’s provenance is from Sanaa, and it is dated 904/1499. On folio 83v, a short passage on statics includes a picture of the steelyard balance, which is the subject matter of this note. In the following short account, we present a short description of the manuscript, with a focus on the folio containing the drawing of the steelyard, which is transcribed into Hebrew and Arabic characters and translated into English. This preliminary work yielded a first result: the determination of the source of the first part of the Arabic text in Hebrew characters in an important scientific and didactic book of the polymath al-Bīrūnī.

Résumé Le site web Les Enluminures, une maison d’antiquaires de Paris, spécialisée dans les manuscrits médié- vaux, affiche quelques pages d’un précieux manuscrit contenant plusieurs textes scientifiques arabes d’astronomie, d’optique et de philosophie, en caractères hébreux, écrits dans un style yéménite. Le codex provient de Sanaa et est daté de 904/1499. Sur le feuillet 83v, un court passage de statique contient l’image d’une balance à peson, qui constitue le sujet de cette note. Nous souhaitons présenter une brève description du manuscrit, puis nous concentrer sur le feuillet contenant le dessin de la balance, qui est transcrit en caractères hébreux et arabes et traduit en anglais. Cet examen préliminaire a fourni un premier résultat : la détermination de la source de la première partie du texte, un fameux livre scientifique à caractère didactique d’al-Bīrūnī.

1 [N. d. l’Ed. The Editorial Committee of nCmY is grateful to Les Enluminures for having kindly reacted to his message and shared an image of the folio of the manuscript with acceptable resolution. This allowed definitely the transcription of the text in Hebrew characters to happen]. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 58 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

ملخص

يعرض موقع الويب التابع ملتجر Les Enluminures لبيع افوظات القدمية، اذلي يوجد مقره بباريس ويتخصص يف خمطوطات العرص الوس يط، بضع صفحات من خمطوط مثني يتض ّمن مجموعة من النصوص العلمية العربية يف الفكل واملناظر والفلسفة، ُك ِتب ت حبروف عربية وب أسلوب ميين. يعود منش أ هذا اموع اىل صنعاء ويتح ّدد اترخيه يف 904 هـ/1499 م. يف الورقة 83ظ، جند نصا قصريا يتوي عىل صورة مزيان قبّاين )قرسطون( يش ّلك موضوع هذه الورقة، اليت هندف من نرشها اىل تقدمي وصف موجز للمخطوط والرتكزي عىل الفقرة املتعلّقة بملزيان. ونقدم يف املقاةل النص مكتوب حبروف عربية وعربية ويف ترمجة اجنلزيية. وقد أدى الفحص ا أل َّويل اىل العثور عىل نتيجة أوىل تمتثّل يف حتديد مصدر القسم ا ألول من النص يف كتاب علمي وتعلميي شهري للعاِلم املعروف البريوين.

Keywords steelyard balance, Arabic science, Hebrew Manuscript, Yemen, Kūšyār b. Labbān (d. 420/1029), History of Sciences, science of weights

Mots-clés balance à peson, science arabe, manuscrit hébreu, Yémen, Kūšyār b. Labbān (m. 420/1029), histoire des sciences, science des poids لكامت مفتاحية املزيان القباين، العمل العريب، خمطوط عربي، المين، كوش يار بن ل ّبان )مات 420/1029 ، (اترخي العلوم، عمل ا ألثقال

I. Introduction The website2 of Les Enluminures, an antique store based in Paris specialising in illuminated medieval manuscripts3 displays a few pages of a manuscript by the Persian astronomer and mathematician Kūšyār b. Labbān (d. 420/1029), Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ wa-al- balīġ (The comprehensive and extensive astronomical tables), in Arabic in Hebrew characters, in a recognizable Yemenite style. According to the extensive description provided by the auction house online, the manuscript is on paper, its provenance is

2 I mentioned the Hebrew manuscript which is the subject matter of the present note in an invited lecture presented on 18 October 2017 at the Institute for Advanced Studies, Princeton: “The Corpus of the Arabic Science of Weights: Textual Tradition, Theoretical Scope and Significance in the History of Me- chanics” (seminar of Professor Sabine Schmidtke at the School of Historical Studies https://www.hs.ias.edu/islam_past_events). The present note originated in discussions with Dr. Anne Regourd held in Doha, Qatar, in early 2020. I thank her for engaging encouragement and stimulating comments on an earlier version of the paper. 3 Les Enluminures: Original Illuminated Manuscripts specializing in manuscripts and miniatures from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; online at https://www.lesenluminures.com. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 59 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance from Sanaa, and it is dated 904/1499.4 On folio 83v, a short passage on statics includes a picture of the steelyard balance, which is the subject matter of this note. In this note, we wish to present a short description of the manuscript, with a focus on the folio containing the drawing of the steelyard, hoping that this short account will help in providing more information on the codex and its contents.

Fig. 1. Picture of the steelyard in the Hebrew manuscript on f. 83v © Les Enluminures.

4 See the full description of the manuscript, its historical details and philology at https://www.textmanuscripts.com/medieval/astronomy-hebrew-60473. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 60 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

II. Description of the codex5 The codex in Hebrew characters of which f. 83v presents a short passage on statics, including a picture of the steelyard (qarasṭūn), is composed of iii + 128 + iii folios (134 in total). Its paper size is 235 × 165 mm, f. 6 is a singleton (186 × 120 mm). It does not contain any watermarks. There is a modern foliation in Arabic numerals on the upper left fore edge recto side in pencil, and a medieval foliation on the verso side. The codex is written in black ink, contains table rulings, diagrams, and headings in rubric, with single column text throughout (justification 170 × 110 mm). It also contains over one hundred large astronomical tables in rubric and black ink on ff. 25v–82r (justification 167 × 112 mm), seventy-seven geometric calculations in rubric and black ink on ff. 83r, 86v–91v, 92v–94v, 95v–96v, 97v, 99v–106r, and 109v, and twenty-one calculation tables in rubric and black ink on ff. 1r, 82v, 118v–119r, 125v–126r, 127v, and 128v. The main part of the codex reproduces in Hebrew characters the Zīǧ of Kūšyār b. Labbān, an early and little-studied astronomical handbook which survives in nine Arabic-alphabet copies and four Hebrew-alphabet copies, of which this one is among the most interesting. Contemporary notes in the manuscript claim that it is based upon Kūšyār’s own autograph, and it contains the complete tables (absent in many of the extant copies), which is evidently a positive feature and a good tool to gain precise knowledge about the measures and data contained in these tables.

5 In the following description of the codex, we follow mainly the description provided online on the website of the auction house. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 61 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 2. Two pages of astronomical tables from the Hebrew manuscript.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 62 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

The codex was written in Yemen, in Sanaa precisely, in 1499, according to the date stated in the colophon. The collection (maǧmūʿ) contains the following texts and fragments, all of them, like the Zīǧ of Kūšyār, are in Arabic, written out in Hebrew characters.  f. 1r: a note on the Milky Way (al-maǧarra).  f. 1r: a short passage copied from Al-zīǧ al-Ḥākimī of the renowned Egyptian astronomer Ibn Yūnus (10th century)6.  f. 83v: a short passage on statics, the ancient and medieval science of equilibrium, including a picture of the steelyard balance.  ff. 84r–84v: a long note on the dateline (or, in their terms, the possibility that the same instant could be Thursday for one person and Friday for another, for example).  f. 84v: a short passage on finding hidden things, by a certain Muḥammad b. Aflaḥ al-Ḫazarūnī, on whom no further information could be gleaned from historical sources.  f. 85r: two short items attributed to Plato’s Timaeus.  ff. 1–119: Kūšyār b. Labbān’s Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ, tables and instructions for their use in computing the positions of the planets and other astronomical information (the tables start on f. 84).7  ff. 119v–120r: The beginning of a treatise on twilight. The author mentions Ibn Muʿāḏ al-Ǧayyānī (d. after 471/1079)8 and Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ṭāhir.9 The first is a known Andalusi mathematician and astronomer who also wrote on the subject.  ff. 120v–125v: Fragment of a rather extensive, unidentified work on arithmetic, divided in maqāla (book), bāb (chapter), and faṣl (section). Apparently, the logic behind binding the texts in this collection suggests that it was done by someone familiar with scientific subjects. He probably collected them for his own use, and with the aim of preserving these Arabic texts in Hebrew characters, to ensure their transmission in the cultural milieu of the Yemenite Hebrew community. As for the provenance of the manuscript, the online description informs us that it was in the collection of the Yemeni Jewish scholar Joseph Qafah, himself born in the old city of Sanaa in 1917. Written in Yemen (Sanaa) in 1499, dated by colophon, the co-

6 D. A. King, “Ibn Yūnus,” 2007, pp. 573–574. 7 According to the description online of the manuscript, obviously from here onwards a new numbering begins. 8 E. Calvo, “Al-Jayyānī,” 2007, pp. 652–563. 9 Probably Abū Manṣūr ʿAbd al-Qāhir b. Ṭāhir al-Baġdādī (d. 428/1037), a mathematician who wrote a famous Kitāb fī al-misāḥa on arithmetics. See A. S. Saʿīdān, “The ‘Takmila fi’l-Hisab’ of al-Baghdadi,” 1987, pp. 437–443. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 63 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance dex is part of the heritage of the Jewish community of Sanaa, which was a robust community of the country and the only non-Muslim minority.

III. The Arabic science of weights and balances The balance is an instrument of everyday life, charged with history and science. In Is- lamic classical times, this familiar instrument was the object of an extensive scientific and technical debate of which dozens of treatises on different aspects of its theory, construction, and use are the precious remains. Being the focus of intense research work in the last decades, the Arabic science of weights is now a constituent part of the history of theoretical mechanics.10 Different sorts of balances were the object of such an extensive enquiry, including the normal equal-armed balance (called in Arabic mīzān, ṭayyār, and šāhīn), the steelyard (called successively qarasṭūn, qaffān, and qabbān) and sophisticated balances for weighing absolute and specific weights of sub- stances. Several drawings of balances are preserved in Arabic manuscripts, such as those of al-Ḫāzinī (fl. ca. 515/1121 [Fig. 3]), 11 al-Ḥarīrī (d. 516/1122), 12 and al-Qazwīnī (d. 682/1283).13 Further, some specimens of the Arabic medieval balances have survived and are presently kept in museums [Fig. 4].

10 The corpus of the Arabic science of weights was reconstructed and its status reevaluated in studies such as: M. Abattouy, “Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context: Thābit ibn Qurra, al-Isfizārī and the Arabic Traditions of Aristotelian and Euclidean Mechanics,” 2001; id., Matn al-Muẓaffar al-Isfizārī fī ʿilmay al- aṯqāl wa-al-ḥiyal. Taḥqīq naqdī wa-dirāsa tārīḫiyya li-nuṣūṣ ǧadīda fī taqlīd al-mīkānīkā al-ʿarabiya [The Mechanical Corpus of al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Ingenious Devices: Critical Edition and Historical Analysis of New Texts in the Tradition of Arabic Mechanics], 2013 [in Arabic]; id., “The Cor- pus of Mechanics of Al-Isfizārī: Its Structure And Signification in the Context of Arabic Mechanics,” 2016, pp. 124–146; id., “The Corpus of the Arabic Science of Weights (9th–19th Centuries): Codicology, Textual Tradition and Theoretical Scope,” 2018. 11 On Al-Ḫāzinī and his encyclopedia of mechanics Kitāb mīzān al-ḥikma [Book of the balance of wisdom] (515/1121), see a short bio-bibliographic outline in M. Abattouy, “Al-Khāzinī,” 2007, and online at http://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Khazini_BEA.htm. 12 Abū Muhammad al-Qāsim al-Ḥarīrī was a poet and writer, author of the famous Maqāmāt [The As- semblies], a collection of stories written in a style mixing verse and literary prose. See: Th. Preston, Makamat Or Rhetorical Anecdotes of Al Hariri of Basra, 1850, and the English translation by Th. Chenery, The Assemblies of Al Harîri, 1867, vol. 1. 13 Abū Yaḥyā Zakariyā b. Muḥammad al-Qazwīnī a physician and geographer, author of a celebrated treatise of cosmography ʿAǧāʾib al-maḫlūqāt [The Wonders of Creation], extant in illustrated manuscripts. See: P. Berlekamp, Wonder, Image, and Cosmos in Medieval Islam, 2011. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 64 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 3. Picture of a steelyard and its graphical reproduction, from al-Ḫāzinī’s Book of the Balance of Wisdom (515/1121).14

14 M. Abattouy, The Corpus of Al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Mechanical Devices. New Arabic Texts in Theoretical and Practical Mechanics from the Early XIIth Century. English Translation, Partial Analysis and Historical Context, 2015, p. 83. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 65 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 4. Steelyard in bronze with engraved inscription (Middle East; 8th–9th century, arm: 52.5 cm; David Museum in Copenhagen, Inv. no. 12/1994).15

The balance most widely used in the Islamic lands of medieval times was the equal-armed platform scale, made mostly in copper. There were tiny balances for gold and jewels, average ones for retail traders, and huge balances for the merchants of grains, wood, wool, etc. In general, the balances had beams and weights made of steel or iron. Steelyards were also widely employed. The use of steelyards dates back to Ancient times in the Mediterranean region. A counterweight is moved along the arm until it and the object to be weighed are in balance. The arm can typically be turned, since it has several balance points and their scales, making it possible to weigh both heavy and light objects. Steelyards were used

15 The steelyard is engraved not only with numerals and a weight indicator (raṭl = ca. 1 pound), but also an early religious inscription in Kufi script: “In the name of the merciful and compassionate God/ there is no god but Allāh, He alone, He has no equal/ Muḥammad is the messenger of Allāh.” See online: https://www.davidmus.dk/en/collections/islamic/materials/metal/art/12-1994. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 66 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance since the advent of Islam, and the balance shown in Fig. 4 bears the name of the Umayyad Caliph Marwān b. Muḥammad, known as Marwān II (r. 127/744–132/750 CE). The Greek name of the steelyard balance is charistion. The instrument was used extensively in Roman times. It later entered the Arab world, where its name was ren- dered as qarasṭūn.16 Composed of a lever or a beam (ʿamūd) suspended by a handle that divides it into two unequal arms, the center of gravity of the instrument is located under the fulcrum. In general, the shorter arm bears a basin or a scale-pan in which the object to be weighed is set or suspended from a hook. The cursor-weight, rummāna in Arabic, moves along the longer arm in order to achieve equilibrium. This arm, which has generally a quadrangular cross section, bears two different scales which are engraved along the two opposite sides. Due to the fact that the steelyard can be suspended by two hooks, there are two independent graduations. According to the choice made, there will be different relations between the lengths of the longer and smaller arms of the lever, corresponding to the different scales. On the beam or near the fulcrum, the number of units or fractions corresponding to the capacity of the balance was engraved, as was the official stamp of the authorities. The advantage of the steelyard is that it provides an acceptable precision in weighing and allows heavy loads to be supported by small counterweights. In addition, it can be carried around easily.17

IV. A “Hebrew” balance similar to Arabic steelyards The balance we find in the above-mentioned manuscript is identical to Arabic specimens preserved in manuscripts or as mechanical vestiges, like the ones reproduced in Figs 3–4. Its depiction looks similar to Arabic pictures of this kind of balance: Two unequal arms compose a beam from which a scale and a moving weight are suspended; the moving weight is supposed to be displaced along the beam to ensure equilibrium with the weighed object deposited in the scale pan [Fig. 1]. The illustration depicts a scale balance in rubric and black ink (dimensions: 100 × 110 mm). Here are the few components of the rudimentary drawing:  The beam occupies the middle of the page in the form of a bar from which a scale hangs; its extremity on the right finishes in a triangular form intended to prevent the moving weight from falling off. The beam is drawn in thick black ink, with borders in red. The usual markings or graduations are absent from it; they are usually employed to mark specific positions along the beam which are intended to help signal the reading of weights. Their absence is another proof of the rudimentary character of the drawing.

16 On the ancient history of the steelyard, see Th. Ibel, Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter, 1908; P. Damerow, J. Renn, S. Rieger & P. Weinig, “Mechanical Knowledge and Pompeian Balances,” 2002. 17 M. Abattouy, “The Arabic Science of Weights (‛ilm al-athqāl): Textual Tradition and Significance in the History of Mechanics,” 2008, pp. 84–89. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 67 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

 An important piece of traditional steelyards is also absent: the conventional “tongue” or lisān, a protuberant piece attached to the beam to ascertain equilibrium when it meets the suspension system of the balance.  The scale for weighing is prominently depicted on the right, suspended from the short arm of the steelyard with three chains in red, with a pan at the bottom.  The usual rummāna or moving weight in the form of a pomegranate is clearly visible in the right part of the depiction, near the end of the beam. It is a mobile object, sliding along the beam and acting as counterpoise to the weight(s) placed in the scale suspended from the short part of the beam; this short part of the beam doesn’t appear in the manuscript page (it is left to the reader to imag- ine its presence on f. 83r). The movable cursor is a fundamental part of the equilibrium system when it is produced by even distribution of weights on each side of the vertical axis.  The names of different parts of the balance are marked clearly, each part designated by the corresponding word.  The hook (ʿaqrab) from which to suspend the balance is absent too; it should be placed precisely on the notch near the position where the round chain attached to the scale meets the body of the beam, in the middle of the short part of the later. It is maybe marked on the right hand page, absent from the available picture. The suspension item indicated in the middle of the beam does not apply to the classical depictions of steelyards. The drawing of the balance is inserted on the page and surrounded by text, which is a traditional usage we find in medieval manuscripts, from all cultural areas. It is preceded and followed by two paragraphs of text, which the author of this note was unable to understand, because of his ignorance of Hebrew characters. It is clear that the text is about the steelyard balance depicted on this same page. It is probably part of a longer text.

V. Transcription and translation of the passage on statics The transcription and translation of the explanatory Judaeo-Arabic text found on the side of the illumination of the balance is an important achievement, due to the kind collaboration of our colleague Gabriele Ferrario.18 This important passage was transcribed into Hebrew and Arabic characters, then translated into English. We present hereafter the edition, the Arabic transliteration and English translation of the Judaeo-Arabic text on the page 83v of the codex, and then some comments on the content.

18 University of Bologna, Department of Philosophy and Communication Studies. The author wishes to thank Gabriele Ferrario for his transcription of the concerned passage in Hebrew and Arabic characters, and its translation into English. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 68 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Text edition 1 מא תכאפי אלנסבה אן יכון אלֿתאני ואלֿתאלֿת פי גנבה ואחדה והי צֿ אהרה פי ֿתקל אלקרסטון והו אלקבאן פאן נסבה בעד אלעקרב פיה ען אלעלאקה אלי בעד אלרמאנה ענהא כנסבה ֿתקל אלרמאנה אלי אלֿתקל אלֿדי יעאדלה פי אלכפה – והֿדה צורה ֿדלך עלי מא וגד באלנסיך 5 סורה קרסטון ֿדכר אצול פי מעני נסב תתעלק באלדואיר נסבה זאויה תקע עלי מרכז דאירה אלי זאויה אֿכרי עלי ֿדלך אלמרכז או אלי זאויה תקע עלי מרכז דאירה אֿכרי מסאויה להא מֿתל נסבה אלקוס אלי אלקוס 10 וֿדלך אלהאויה אלתי תקע עלי אלמחיט לאנהא נצף אלתי תקע עלי אלמרכז ונסבה אלאצנאף ואלצֿ עאף ואחדה לאן אחרי אלזאויתין אן כאנה מֿתלי אלזאויה אלאֿכרי פתכון אלקוס מֿתלי אלקוס וכֿדלך אן געל נצפה או ֿתלֿתה לאן תלך אלזאויה אֿדא 15 קסמה עלי ֿדלך אלגז פתציר אלזואיה אלקסי מֿתל זאויה פתכון אלנסב מתסאויה מֿתל מא קלנא פי אלמֿתלֿתאת וכֿדלך אן כאנת אֿכרי מֿתל אלחמסין אלסבעין – תם תמת

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 69 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Arabic transliteration ١ ما تاكيف ال نسب ان يكون الثاين والثالث يف جنبه واحده ويه ظاهرة يف ثقل القرسطون وهو القبان؛ ف ان نس به بعد العقرب فيه عن العالقة اىل بعد الرمانة عهنا كنس بة ثقل الرمانة اىل الثقل اذلي يعادهل يف الكفة - وهذه صورة ذكل عىل ما وجد بلنس يك ]sic[.19 ٥ صورة قرسطون ذكر أصول يف معىن نسب تتعلق بدلوائر نس بة زاوية تقع عىل مركز دائرة اىل زاوية أخرى عىل ذكل املركز او اىل زاوية تقع عىل مركز دائرة أخرى مساوية لها مثل نس بة القوس اىل القوس ١٠ وذكل الزاوية الىت تقع عىل ا يط ألهنا نصف اليت تقع عىل املركز ونس بة الانصاف والضعاف واحدة ألن احدى الزاويتني أو أكنه مثيل الزاوية ا ألخرى فتكون القوس مثيل القوس وكذكل ان جعل نصفه أو ثلثه ألن تكل الزاوية اذا ١٥ قسمت عىل ذكل اجلز]ئ[ فتصري زواية القيس مثل زاوية فتكون النسب متساوية مثل ما قلنا يف املثلثات وكذكل ان اكنت أخرى مثل امخلسني الس بعني - مت متت

19 The last word is incomprehensible. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 70 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

English translation What is the inverse ratio (takāfu˒ al-nisba)? It is when the second and the third [terms] are on the same side, and this is apparent/obvious in the weights of the steelyard (qarasṭūn), which is the qabbān, where the ratio of the distance of the hook (al- ʿaqrab) from the fulcrum (ʿilāqa) to the distance of the [running/mobile] counterpoise (rummāna) from it is like the ratio of the weight (ṯiql) of the counterpoise (rummān) to the weight that balances it in the scale (kaffa). And this is its image, according to what was found in the [manuscript copy?].

Image of the steelyard

Mention of the principles on ratios related to circles. The ratio of an angle that is located on the centre of a circle to another angle located on that centre, or to an angle located on the centre of another equal circle, is like the ratio of the arc to the arc. This is so, because the angle that is formed on the cir- cumference is half the one that is formed on the centre, and the ratios of the parts and of the multiples are equal; for one of the angles is like two angles, then the arc is double the arc. The same is correct in the case of the half or the third. So if this angle is divided on this portion—, then the [little] angle of the arc is like the angle and the ratios are equal, as we said in the case of triangles, and similarly if the other is (like) fifty or seventy. The End. [The treatise] is completed.

The original text is divided in two parts: The first part is a sentence quoting the formula of the law of the lever as formulated by Abū al-Rayḥān Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Bīrūnī (362/973–after 442/1050), the famous Muslim polymath from the first half of the 5th/11th century. The passage is extracted from his book Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art of astrology], written in Ghaznah, Afghanistan, in 1029 CE.20 By discovering the source of the first part, it is proved beyond doubt that at least in part, the text preceding the illumination is related to the balance and belongs to one of the classical treatises on this topic. As for the second passage, no source was found.21

20 Al-Bīrūnī, Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art of astrology], 1934, reproduced from Brit. Mus. MS. Or. 8349. Publication in facsimile of the manuscript, with English translation facing the text by R. Ramsay Wright. 21 The author of this note analysed thoroughly the fortunes of nisba mutakāfiʿa; see: M. Abattouy, “Sur quelques démonstrations grecques et arabes de la loi du levier: transmission et transformation,” 2000. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 71 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Fig. 5. Extract from the facsimile of al-Bīrūnī’s manuscript of Kitāb al-tafhīm related to the inverse ratio, the mathematical relation laying at the core of the law of the lever.22

VI. Conclusion In medieval times, Arabic-speaking Jews copied out many Arabic books on science, philosophy, and other subjects into the Hebrew alphabet. The copied text in the Judeo- Arabic codex under scrutiny in this note of Kūšyār b. Labbān, entitled Al-zīǧ al-ǧāmiʿ, is his major astronomical work, a Zīǧ [astronomical handbook with tables]. It is written in Arabic, the scientific language in the Islamic territories between 9th–16th centuries at least. It consists of four Books: I) Elementary operations; II) Tables; III) Cosmol- ogy; IV) Proofs.23 The Zīǧ of Kūšyār b. Labbān is extremely interesting because it is a relatively early work, which contains two parts (Books III–IV) on theoretical foundations, not provided in most other zīǧs, and because Kūšyār’s own innovations made his methods somewhat different from those of his predecessors in the Arabic tradition of astronomy and even in Ptolemy’s Almagest, the latter being the most important source of ancient Greek astronomy.24 It was known in the Islamic world from the ninth century, after it was translated twice at least and extensively commented upon. The version contained in this codex includes tables and instructions for their use in computing the

22 Al-Bīrūnī, Kitāb al-tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm, 1934, p. 17, definition no. 55. 23 The Arabic original of the zīǧ was edited in part with English translation and commentary: M. Bagheri, Books I and IV of Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj: An Arabic Astronomical Handbook by an Eleventh- Century Iranian Scholar, 2006. The critical edition was based on nine different manuscripts, preserved in Istanbul (3), Cairo, Leiden (2), Berlin, Moscow and Alexandria. Only three of these manuscripts contain the entire text. 24 See for more details E. S. Kennedy, A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables. Transactions of the Ameri- can Philosophical Society, 1956; Gl. van Brummelen, “Mathematical Methods in the Tables of Planetary Motion in Kūshyār b. Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj,” 1998. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 72 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance positions of the planets and obtaining other astronomical information. This astronomical handbook was popular among the Jews of Yemen, and there are three other copies transcribed into Hebrew characters, all of them of Yemeni provenance.25 Furthermore, we identified the source of the first part of the folio on the balance in a famous sentence of al-Bīrūnī’s Kitāb al-tafhīm presenting the law of the lever, the most important law of ancient and medieval mechanics, used since Greek times to describe equilibrium in the various types of balances. The source of the second part should be a text of mathematics, on the geometry of circles, arcs and angles. The determination of this text should give us a further idea on the scientific texts available to the scribe who copied or authored the folio 83v in Sanaa in 1499.

Bibliography

Manuscript source & object

KUSHYAR IBN LABBAN, Al-zij al-jami wa-l-baligh (“The comprehensive and extensive tables”) [Astronomical handbook], online at: https://www.textmanuscripts.com/medieval/astronomy-hebrew-60473 Les Enluminures: Original Illuminated Manuscripts specializing in manuscripts and miniatures from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Website: https://www.lesenluminures.com Steelyard, bronze with engraved inscription Middle East; 8th–9th century, David Col- lection, Copenhagen, Islamic Art: Metal, Inv. no. 12/1994. Online at: https://www.davidmus.dk/en/collections/islamic/materials/metal/art/12-1994

Edited sources

Bagheri, Mohammad. 2006. Books I and IV of Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj: An Arabic Astronomical Handbook by an Eleventh-Century Iranian Scholar, Doctoral thesis, Utrecht University, The Netherlands. Al-Bīrūnī, Abū al-Rayḥān Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad (362/973-after 442/1050), Kitāb al- tafhīm li-awāʾil ṣināʿat al-tanǧīm [Book of instruction in the elements of the art of astrology], pub. in facsimile of the manuscript, with English translation facing the text by R. Ramsay Wright, London, Luzac, 1934.

25 Identified by Y. T. Langermann, “Arabic Writings in Hebrew Manuscripts: A Preliminary Relisting,” 1996, p. 151. For more on astronomy in Yemen, see David A. King, Mathematical Astronomy in Medieval Yemen: A Bibliographical Survey, 1983. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 73 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Studies

Abattouy, Mohamed. 2000. “Sur quelques démonstrations grecques et arabes de la loi du levier : transmission et transformation,” in: Abdessalam Ben Maissa (ed.), Ᾱliyyāt al-istidlāl fī al-ʿilm. Les mécanismes de l’inférence dans les sciences, Rabat, The Faculty of Letters Press, coll. “Colloques et séminaires,” 84, pp. 7–43. A PDF version of the article is online at: https://www.academia.edu/44293239/M_Abattouy_2000_Quelques_d%C3%A9mo nstra- tions_grecques_et_arabes_de_la_loi_du_levier_Transmission_et_transformation _____ . 2001. “Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context: Thābit ibn Qurra, al-Isfizārī and the Arabic Traditions of Aristotelian and Euclidean Mechanics,” Science in Context 14, pp. 179–247. _____ . 2007, “Al-Khāzinī,” in: Thomas Hockey (ed.), The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 629–630; online at: http://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Khazini_BEA.htm _____ . 2008. “The Arabic Science of Weights (ʿilm al-athqāl): Textual Tradition and Significance in the History of Mechanics,” in: Emilia Calvo, Merce Comes, Roser Puig & Monica Rius (eds), A Shared Legacy: Islamic Science East and West, Barce- lona, Universitat de Barcelona, pp. 83–114. _____ . 2013. Matn al-Muẓaffar al-Isfizārī fī ʿilmay al-aṯqāl wa-al-ḥiyal. Taḥqīq naqdī wa- dirāsa tārīḫiyya li-nuṣūṣ ǧadīda fī taqlīd al-mīkānīkā al-ʿarabiyya [The Mechani- cal Corpus of al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Ingenious Devices: Criti- cal Edition and Historical Analysis of New Texts in the Tradition of Arabic Me- chanics], London, Al-Furqān Foundation, pp. 14–28. [In Arabic]. _____ . 2015. The Corpus of Al-Isfizārī in the Sciences of Weights and Mechanical Devices. New Arabic Texts in Theoretical and Practical Mechanics from the Early XIIth Cen- tury. English Translation, Partial Analysis and Historical Context, London, Al- Furqān Foundation. _____ . 2016. “The Corpus of Mechanics of Al-Isfizārī: Its Structure And Signification in the Context of Arabic Mechanics,” Micrologus: Nature, Sciences and Medieval So- cieties 24, pp. 121–172. _____ . 2018. “The Corpus of the Arabic Science of Weights (9th–19th Centuries): Codi- cology, Textual Tradition and Theoretical Scope,” in: Ibrahim Chabbouh & François Déroche (eds), Research Articles and Studies in Honour of Iraj Afshar, London, Al-Furqān Foundation, pp. 229–278. Berlekamp, Persis. 2011. Wonder, Image, and Cosmos in Medieval Islam, New Ha- ven/London, Yale University Press. Brummelen, Glen van. 1998. “Mathematical Methods in the Tables of Planetary Motion in Kūshyār ibn Labbān’s Jāmiʿ Zīj,” Historia Mathematica 25, pp. 265–280.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 74 M. Abattouy Note on a Steelyard Balance

Calvo, Emilia. 2007. “Ibn Muʿādh al-Jayyānī,” in: Thomas Hockey et al. (eds), The Bio- graphical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 652–563. Online at: https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Ibn_Muadh_BEA.htm Chenery, Thomas. 1867–1898. The Assemblies of Al Harîri, transl. from the Arabic, with an introduction, and notes, historical and grammatical, London, Williams & Norgate [Imprint on cover: Royal Asiatic society, 1898], 2 vols. Damerow, Peter, Jürgen Renn, Simone Rieger & Paul Weinig. 2002. “Mechanical Knowledge and Pompeian Balances,” in: Jürgen Renn & Giuseppe Castagnetti (eds), Homo Faber: Studies on Nature, Technology, and Science at the Time of Pompeii, Rome, L’Erma, pp. 93–108. Ibel, Thomas. 1908. Die Wage im Altertum und Mittelalter, Erlangen, Junge. Kennedy, Edward S. 1956. A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, The American Philosophical Socie- ty, “Monograph,” 46, part 2. King, David A. 1983. Mathematical Astronomy in Medieval Yemen: A Bibliographical Sur- vey, Malibu (CA), Undena Publications for the American Research Center in Egypt, ser. “Publications of the American Research Center in Egypt, Catalogs,” 4. _____ . 2007. “Ibn Yūnus,” in: Thomas Hockey et al. (eds), The Biographical Encyclope- dia of Astronomers, New York, Springer, pp. 573–574. Online at: https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Ibn_Yunus_BEA.htm Langermann, Y. Tzvi. 1996. “Arabic Writings in Hebrew Manuscripts: A Preliminary Re- listing,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6, pp. 137–160. Preston, Theodore. 1850. Makamat or Rhetorical Anecdotes of Al Hariri of Basra, Trans- lated from the Original Arabic with Annotations, London, James Mad- den/Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Saʿīdān, Aḥmad Salīm. 1987. “The ‘Takmila fi’l-Hisab’ of al-Baghdadi,” in: David A. King & George Saliba (eds), From Deferent to Equant: A Volume of Studies in the History of Science in the Ancient and Medieval Near East in Honor of E. S. Kennedy, New York, New York Academy of Sciences, pp. 437–443. Sezgin, Fuat. 1978. Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums. Vol. 6: Astronomie bis ca. 430H, Leiden, E. J. Brill.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 75 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

“The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa) by al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ: Editio Princeps of a Treatise on Miscellaneous Theological Topics*

Mostafa Ahmadi (Independent Researcher)

Hassan Ansari (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ)

Jan Thiele (Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo, CSIC, Madrid)

Abstract This article offfers a critical edition ofthe surviving parts of al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, a work on miscellaneous theological topics. A unique fragment of this treatise is preserved in the manuscript collection of the Ambrosiana Library in Milan (ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b). Al-Raṣṣāṣ quotes Al- ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa in several of his works. We provide these cross-references in this article in order to confĳirm our identifĳication of ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b.

Résumé Cet article offfre une édition critique des parties préservées d’Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, un texte d’al- Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ qui traite de sujets théologiques variés. Un fragment unique de ce traité est préservé dans la collection des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Ambrosienne de Milan (ar. E 208, feuillets 151b–160b). Al-Raṣṣāṣ cite Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa dans plusieurs de ses textes. Nous fournissons ces références dans ce qui suit afĳin de confĳirmer notre identifĳication du manuscrit ar. E 208, feuillets 151b–160b.

ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ّﺗﻘﺪم ﻫﺬﻩ اﳌﻘﺎةل ﲢﻘﻴﻘًﺎ ﻟﻸﺟﺰاء اﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ «اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ» ﻟﻠﺤﺴﻦ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص وﻫﻮ ﻛﺘﺎب ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﰲ ﻋﲅ اﻟالكم، ﰎ الاﺣﺘﻔﺎظ ﲜﺰء ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨــﻪ ﰲ ﶍﻮﻋــﺔ ﺧﻄﻴــﺔ ﲟﻜﺘﺒــﺔ أﻣــﱪوزايان ﲟﻴﻼﻧــﻮ (ar. E ٢٠٨ ، ق ١٥١ب - ١٦٠ب). وﻗﺪ ذﮐﺮ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺬا وﻳﻘﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﺗﻪ؛ وﳓﻦ ﺑﺪوران ﻧﻘﺪم ﻫﺬﻩ الاﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﺎت ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ أﮐﱶ ابﻟﻨﺴـﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﻄﻮﻃﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ.

* The English introduction was written by Hassan Ansari and Jan Thiele, and the critical edition was prepared by the three authors of this article. Hassan Ansari wishes to thank the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton for granting him a Long-Term Membership during the preparation of this article. Jan Thiele gratefully acknowledges funding from the Spanish Government’s Ramón y Cajal programme (RYC-2015-18346). We wish to thank the librarians of the Oriental Department at Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin for their assistance in consulting manuscripts for the preparation of this article. We are grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 76 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Keywords Zaydism, Yemen, manuscript, Ambrosiana collection (Milan), al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ (d. 584/1188), kalām, Muʿtazilism

Mots-clés Zaydisme, Yémen, manuscrit, collection de l’Ambrosienne (Milan), al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ (m. 584/1188), kalām, muʿtazilisme

اﻟﳫﲈت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴـﻴﺔ اﻟﺰﻳﺪﻳﺔ، اﻟﳰﻦ، ﳐﻄﻮﻃﺔ، ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ أﻣﱪوزايان ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ، اﳊﺴﻦ اﻟﺮﺻﺎص (ت ٥٨٤\١١٨٨)، ﻋﲅ اﻟالكم، اﳌﻌﱱةل

I. Introduction This contribution presents an as yet unedited Zaydī kalām work, which is preserved in a unique manuscript copy at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan. The Ambrosiana houses the largest collection of Zaydī manuscripts in the Western world. It consists of some 1,900 codices collected by the Lombardian merchant Giuseppe Caprotti (1862–1919) in Yemen between 1882–1919 that are of outstanding importance for the historiography of Zaydī thinking and manuscript culture. The majority of its contents is nonetheless unaccounted for by modern scholarship. The work presented in this study is a kalām treatise by the sixth/twelfth-century Zaydī scholar al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Raṣṣāṣ (d. 584/1188) from Yemen. The text is entitled Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa. Al-Raṣṣāṣ was an influential representative of the Bahšamī branch of Muʿtazilism, which developed in Yemen after the unifĳication of the South Arabian and the Iranian Zaydī communities under a single political and religious rulership. (Previously, the two community had recognized diffferent Imams.) Al-Raṣṣāṣ was the teacher of the later Imām al-Manṣūr bi-Allāh ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamza (d. 614/1217), who patronized Bahšamī scholarship and persecuted its ideological detractors. It was under al-Manṣūr bi-Allāh’s reign that Bahšamī kalām, as espoused in the works of his teacher al-Raṣṣāṣ, came to be the theological mainstream among the Zaydī community of Yemen.1 Al-Raṣṣāṣ was a prolifĳic author, primarily in the fĳield of rational theology, but he also left some works on legal methodology. His theological works include manuals or compendia that discuss the proof of God, His attributes and His relation to His creatures, as is typical for this genre of text. However, most of his theological works put great emphasis on metaphysical issues. These texts offfer sophisticated discussions of questions related to ontology, encompassing specifĳically the ontology of the world within the conceptual framework of kalām atomism, and also the ontology of God’s

1 For a detailed account of the historical context see H. Ansari, S. Schmidtke & J. Thiele, “Zaydī Theology in Yemen,” 2016, pp. 476–483 (reprinted as H. Ansari, S. Schmidtke & J. Thiele, “Zaydī Theology in Yemen, Third/Ninth through Ninth/Fifteenth Centuries,” 2017); for a comprehensive study on al-Raṣṣāṣ see J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 77 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

attributes. Al-Raṣṣāṣ was also centrally concerned with causality. So far, only a small portion of his shorter works has been edited: a fragment of Al-barāhīn al-ẓāhira, a treatise on the essence-existence distinction;2 Kitāb al-muʾaṯṯirāt wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt, an attempt to formulate a comprehensive theory on causation;3 Muḫtaṣar fī iṯbāt al- aʿrāḍ, on the proof of accidents;4 Al-ʿašr al-fawāʾid al-lāzima ʿan ṣīġat dalīl wāḥid, containing ten questions on the free will problem;5 and a relatively short manual on theology, entitled Al-mūǧaz fī uṣūl al-dīn.6 All of his longer theological works still remain in manuscript, including Kayfĳiyyat kašf al-aḥkām wa-al-ṣifāt ʿan ḫaṣāʾiṣ al- muqtaḍiyāt wa-al-muʾaṯṯirāt, an important systematic exposition of the Bahšamī theory of attributes, a major work on atomism, entitled Al-kāšif li-al-baṣāʾir ʿan iṯbāt al- ǧawāhir, and his longer theological compendia. Finally, a number of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works are lost, including three treatises he repeatedly quotes in the context of metaphysical discussions.7 The aim of this article is to continue previous effforts to produce critical editions of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works in kalām and to make them accessible to a wider scholarly audience. Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa must have been one of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s earlier works in the chronology of his extant writings. It was completed before the year 573/1177–1178.8 The text has survived only partially in an apparently unique copy contained in MS Ambrosiana, ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b. It is preceded by a fragment of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Kitāb al-tibyān li-Yāqūtat al-īmān wa-wāsiṭat al-burhān, which is incomplete at the beginning (fols 1–151a). The codex can be dated thanks to the scribe’s colophon at the end of the Tibyān, which states that the copy was completed in Rabīʿ I 620/April–May 1223 (fol. 151a). Two ownership statements allow us to identify one Yaḥyā b. Ǧābir as the person who possessed (and possibly copied) the manuscript.9 We have no proper biography of Yaḥyā b. Ǧābir, but he is listed in the entry on Muḥammad b. al-Amīr al- Muqtadir (d. 720/1320) in Ṭabaqāt al-Zaydiyya al-kubrā among other late sixth/twelfth and early seventh/thirteenth-century Yemeni-Zaydī personalities who left their notes (ḫaṭṭ) in a manuscript containing the two collections of Zaydī traditions entitled

2 Edited in H. Ansari, “Al-Barāhīn al-ẓāhira,” 2007. 3 In J. Thiele, Kausalität, 2011. 4 In J. Thiele, “A Zaydī Treatise on the Proof of Accidents,” 2018; translated into Turkish by Z. Şeker (2019). 5 Edited and distributed online by Ǧ. al-Šāmī. 6 Edited and distributed online by Ǧ. al-Šāmī. 7 For short descriptions of the content of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s works see J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 23–54. 8 See J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 56–57; the terminus ante quem can be established thanks to a reference to Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa in Al-tibyān, and the latter can be dated before the death of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s teacher, qāḍī Ǧaʿfar b. Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Buhlūlī in 573/1177–1178. Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa also refers to Al-tibyān, and so both texts must have been written in parallel. 9 MS Ambrosiana, ar. E 208 is described in O. Löfgren & R. Traini, Catalogue, 1975–2011, vol. 3, p. 92, no. 1038 and H. Ansari & S. Schmidtke, “Muʿtazilism in Rayy and Astarābād,” 2012. The ownership statements are found on fols 61a and 151a. Fol. 61a also includes a list of books possessed by Yaḥyā b. Ǧābir; a facsimile of it is found in O. Löfgren & R. Traini, Catalogue, 1975–2011, vol. 3, between pp. 138 and 139; the book list has been discussed by H. Ansari & S. Schmidtke, “Muʿtazilism in Rayy and Astarābād,” 2012, pp. 66–67, and A. d’Ottone, “La bibliothèque d’un savant yéménite au xiiie siècle d’après une note manuscrite autographe,” 2013. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 78 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Maǧmūʿ al-fĳiqh li-Zayd b. ʿAlī and ʿUlūm Āl Muḥammad [= Amālī Aḥmad b. ʿĪsā b. Zayd].10 In their catalogue of the Ambrosiana collection, Löfgren and Traini record our text under the title Masāʾil, based on the following three lines on the bottom of fol. 151a: ﻳﺘﻠﻮ ذكل ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ | ﻓﳱﺎ ﻃﺮاﺋﻖ ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﺸـﻴﺦ اﻷﺟﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺣﺴﺎم ادلﻳﻦ وزﻳﻦ اﳌﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ اﳊﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﶊﺪ | اﻟﺮﺻﺎص رﲪﻪ ﷲ Al-Raṣṣāṣ himself quotes a text of his entitled Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa frequently in his Kayfĳiyyat kašf al-aḥkām wa-al-ṣifāt ʿan ḫaṣāʾiṣ al-muʾaṯṯirāt wa-al-muqtaḍiyāt and once in his Al-tibyān.11 These references allow us to confĳirm that the fragment presented in this article actually is Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa. Al-Raṣṣāṣ’s text consists of miscellaneous theological issues. The title of the work, “The new methods,” might allude to the fact that he attempts in this book to propose some new solutions to problems raised by his detractors. It is written in the dialectical form of questions and answers. The topics of these questions are arranged arbitrarily, and in the absence of either a transparent structure or an overall argument it is impossible to speculate how much or which parts of the original text are missing at the end. The copy of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa does not include any introduction. Rather, it starts immediately after the basmala and ḥamdala with the fĳirst question (§1), which discusses the hypothesis that “things cannot possibly possess an attribute by virtue of a non-existent entity” (lā yaǧūzu istiḥqāq ḏāt min al-ḏawāt li-ṣifa min al-ṣifāt li-maʿnā maʿdūm). After a short demonstration of this hypothesis, al-Raṣṣāṣ adds a detailed discussion of the corollary of its antithesis: namely that one must concede the possibility that things can possess multiple so-called ṣifāt ḏātiyya (“attributes of the essence” or “attributes of the self”), which could either be identical (mutamāṯila) or distinct (muḫālifa). The term ṣifa ḏātiyya (or ṣifat al-ḏāt) denotes in Bahšamī doctrine attributes that describe things as what they are in and by themselves (for example “being an atom” [kawnuhu ǧawharan] for atoms, “being black” [kawnuhu sawādan] for black; with regard to God, al-Raṣṣāṣ speaks of “His most specifĳic attribute” [ṣifatuhu al- aḫaṣṣ]).12 From a Bahšamī perspective, it was consequently absurd to assume that things possess more than one such attribute. The next section (§2) discusses the principle that things resemble one another whenever their ṣifat al-ḏāt is identical, and that they are distinct whenever their ṣifat al-ḏāt is distinct. In the two following sections (§§3 and 4), the text examines contrariety between things. This is followed by a discussion of an objection to the principle that things are known by virtue of their ṣifa ḏātiyya (§5): al-Raṣṣāṣ refutes the claim that this hypothesis leads into circular

10 See H. Ansari & J. Thiele, “MS Berlin, State Library, Glaser 51,” 2015, p. 69. 11 These cross-references are provided below. 12 For the ṣifat al-ḏāt/ṣifa ḏātiyya in Bahšamī doctrine see R.M. Frank, Beings, 1978, pp. 53–57, and specifĳically for al-Raṣṣāṣ’s conception, J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 194–198. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 79 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

reasoning.13 The topic of the next section (§6) is visual perception. It is followed by two sections related to ethics: the fĳirst of the two (§7) discusses gratitude (šukr) and ingratitude (niʿma), and the second (§8) pain (alam), reward (ṯawāb) and compensation (ʿiwaḍ). The next section (§9) deals with analogical reasoning and discusses under which conditions a valid analogy between this world and God’s realm (istidlāl bi-al-šāhid ʿalā al-ġāʾib) can be drawn. In the following section (§10), al-Raṣṣāṣ refutes an objection against the Bahšamī notion of so-called “skilful acts” (fĳiʿl muḥkam), that is, acts that require specifĳic skills beyond their mere physical requirements.14 In the last section of this fragment (§11), an opponent asks about the interdependence among being living (ḥayy), desiring (muštahin), and disliking (nāfĳir). The text of Al- ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa breaks offf in the middle of al-Raṣṣāṣ’s response to this eleventh question. There is no overall logical or thematic relationship between the questions of Al- ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, even though a number of sections can be thematically grouped: §§1–5 examine the “attribute of the essence” from diffferent angles, and §§6 and 7 address moral obligations. However, it appears that al-Raṣṣāṣ addresses in Al-ṭarāʾiq al- mustaḥdaṯa a number of issues, whose inquiry he resumed in a more comprehensive and systematic fashion in later writings. Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa would thus have laid some groundwork for subsequent texts: it seems specifĳically relevant for his later reflections on the theory of attributes in the Kayfĳiyya, which frequently cites Al-ṯarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, as we will outline in the next section.

II. Cross-references In the following we provide cross-references to quotations from Al-ṭarāʾiq al- mustaḥdaṯa found in al-Raṣṣāṣ’s Kitāb al-tibyān and the Kayfĳiyya.15 They confĳirm the identifĳication of MS Ambrosiana, ar. E 208, fols 151b–160b as al-Raṣṣāṣ’sAl-ṯarāʾiq al- mustaḥdaṯa and offfer some additional insights into the missing content of the work.

13 More precisely, the objection goes as follows: the claim that God knows Himself (a corollary of His omniscience) presupposes that He knows, this presupposes that He lives, this presupposes that He exists, this entails that He is a ḏāt (“entity,” “object” or “thing”), this is tantamount to He is known; this according to the opponent’s objection, leads to the absurd conclusion that God’s knowing Himself presupposes that He is known. 14 For this notion see D. Gimaret, Théories de l’acte humain, 1980, p. 19, and J.R.T.M. Peters, God’s Created Speech, 1976, pp. 241–242. The opponent in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa asks if these “skilful acts” are caused (muʾaṯṯira) by the agent’s knowledge, power or will and then dialectically refutes each possibility. Al- Rasṣṣāṣ’s response consists—in accordance with the Bahšamī theory—in the claim that skilful acts are caused by the agent’s power on condition that he knows, and that our acting “in a specifĳic manner” (ʿalā waǧh dūn waǧh) is caused by our power on condition that we will. 15 أ :We use the following sigla for the manuscripts of the Kayfĳiyya: MS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80 (accessible online: http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000259E400000000); MS Berlin /accessible online: http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de) ب :Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29 SBB0000423500000000); MS Ḍaḥyān (northern Yemen), Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī: /accessible online: https://elibrary.mara.gov.om/mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale-althqafett) ض ل :mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale-althqafett/ktab/?id=11593#book/5); MS Leiden UB, OR 6355 (accessible online: http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:2037053). nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 80 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Citation 1: Kitāb al-tibyān MS Milan, Ambrosiana ar. E 208, fol. 78b–79a: ﻓﻨﺤﺘﺎج ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ أن ﻧ ّ ﺒﲔ ّ أن ﻛﻮن اﳌﺮﻳﺪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ﲟﺎ اﳌﻌﻠﻮم أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻛﲈ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ﲟﺎ اﳌﻌﻠﻮم أﻧّــﻪ ﻳﻘﻊ وأن ﻧ ّ ﺒﲔ ّ أن إرادة اﻟﺸـئي ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ ّﻟﻀــﺪﻩ ّ وأن اﻹرادة ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼــﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘــﻬﺎ ﺑﺄن ﻻ ﻳﻜــﻮن. ﻓﻬــﺬا وﺟــﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻨﺎ إﱃ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ذﻛﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺎب واﻋﲅ ّ أن ﻫﺎﺗﲔ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﳊﺪوث أو ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ٣ اﳊﺪوث ﺑﻞ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺎن ابﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث ﻓﺈن ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﳊﺪوث ﻓﻼ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﳍﲈ ﰲ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل وذكل ّ ﻷن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ّﲱﺔ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل وﰲ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ إﻧّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا وذلكل ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻊ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﱔ واﻟﻨﺎﰂ وﻻ إرادة وﻻ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ وﻛﺬكل ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ أﺣﺪان ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻘﻊ وﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﺮﻩ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻓﻴﻔﻌهل ﺑﺄن ﺗ ّ ﺘﻐﲑ ادلواﻋﻲ وإﻧّﲈ ﻳﺴـ ّ ﳣﺮ ٦ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص ادلواﻋﻲ واﻹرادة وﻳﺴـ ّ ﳣﺮ اﻧﺘﻔﺎؤﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص اﻟﺼﻮارف واﻟﻜﺮاﻫــﺔ ﻓﻘــﻂ وإﻧّــﲈ اﺳـ ّ ﳣﺮ وﺟﻮد اﻹرادة ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص ادلواﻋﻲ ووﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﺮاﻫﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻮص اﻟﺼﻮارف ّ ﻷن ادلاﻋﻲ إﱃ اﳌــﺮاد ﻳﺪﻋﻮ إﱃ إرادﺗﻪ واﻟﺼﺎرف ﻋﻦ اﳌﻜﺮوﻩ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ إﱃ ﻛﺮاﻫﺘﻪ ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﳍــﲈ ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ ﰲ ذكل، ﻓــﻼ ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ إذا ٩ ﰷﻧﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﺎن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺘﲔ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث ﻓﺒﲔ اﻟﻌﻠﲈء اﺧﺘﻼف ﰲ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫــﲈ ﰲ وﻗــﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ، ﳁﳯﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎل ّأﳖﲈ ﺗﺆﺛّﺮان ﰲ ذكل ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ اﳌــﻮﺟﺒﺎت ّ وأن ﻛــﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ًﻗﺎدرا ﻻ ﺗﺄﺛــﲑ هل ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮﻩ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪوث وذكل ﻫﻮ اذلي ّ ﳝﺮ ﻟﻘﺎﴈ اﻟﻘﻀﺎة ﻋﲈد ادلﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳉّﺒﺎر ﺑﻦ أﲪــﺪ وﻟﻠﺸـﻴــﺦ اﳉــﻠﻴﻞ أﰊ ١٢ ﶊّﺪ اﳊﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ أﲪﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺘّﻮﻳﻪ رﲪﻬﲈ ﷲ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻛﺘﳢﲈ وﻣﳯﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎل ّ أن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ّ وأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا أو ًﰷرﻫﺎ ﴍط ﰲ ذكل وأﺟﺮوا وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮﻩ ﳎــﺮى أﺣﲀم اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ّ ﻓﺈن ذكل إﻧّﲈ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا وﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﴍط ﰲ ذكل وذكل ﻫﻮ اﶈﲄ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴـﻴّﺪ ١٥ اﻹﻣﺎم اﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ّ ابﳊﻖ أﰊ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ رﴈ ﷲ ﻋﻨﻪ وﻫﻮ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﴈ ﴰﺲ ادلﻳﻦ أدام ﷲ ّﻋﺰﻩ وﻫﻮ اذلي ﻧﴫانﻩ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

٨ اﻟﺼﻮارف] اﻟﺼﻮاف ١١ ّوأن] +ﺗﺄﺛﲑ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

The issue referred to is the question to what extent the agent’s knowledge, will or aversion afffect his acts. The question is discussed in §10 ofAl-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, where al-Raṣṣāṣ defends the Bahšamī position that acts are performed “in a specifĳic manner” (ʿalā waǧh dūn waǧh) on condition that the agent knows or acts intentionally; yet it is the agent’s power, which causes his acts to happen.

Citation 2: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 65a–b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 2b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 5; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 172b:

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 81 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وإﻧّﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﳐﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ًأﻳﻀﺎ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﲀن ﻻ ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ّ إﻻ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ وﻟﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ هل ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﲀﻧﺖ اثﺑﺘﺔ هل ﰲ ﰻ ﺣﺎل ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﰲ ﰻ ﺣﺎل وأن ﻻ ﺗﺆﺛّﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳉﻮاز ﰲ ﺣﲂ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻓﱱﻳهل. إذ ﺣﲂ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺗﺮاﺧﻴﻪ وﻻ اﻧﻔاكﻛﻪ ﻋﳯﺎ ٣ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن وﰲ اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ وﻏﲑ ذكل. ﻓﺒــﻄﻞ ﲠــﺬﻩ اﶺــةل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠــﻬﺎ ﲠــﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز. وﳏﺎل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻪ ﰲ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ. إذ اﳌﲈﺛةل ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ّ إﻻ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﺘﲔ ٦ ذاﺗﻴّﺘﲔ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل. ﻓﻠﻬﺬا ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ّ أن ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ّ إﻻ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ

٢ هل٢] — أ؛ ﰠ (ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ) ل | ﺣﺎل١] + ﻓﲀن (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)، ض | وأن ﻻ] وأﻻ، ل ٣ ﻋﳯﺎ] ﻣﳯﺎ، أ ب ٥ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ] ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ، ض ٦ إذ] إذا، ض ٨ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ] ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎة، ض

Here, al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, §1, where he argues that one thing cannot possess two distinct “essential attributes” (ṣifatayn muḫtalifatayn ḏātiyyatayn)—the unacceptable corollary of postulating two “essential attributes” would be that a thing would be distinct from itself.

Citation 3: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 65b-66a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 3b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 6–7; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 173a–b: واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ أو ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ. ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻷﻧّﻪ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﴩط أو ﻻ ﺑﴩط. ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﴩط ّ ﻷن اﻟــالكم ﰲ ذكل اﻟﴩط ﰷﻟــالكم ﻓﻴــﻪ، ّﻓﺈﻣﺎ أن ﳛــﺘﺎج ﰻ ﴍط إﱃ ﴍط إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﳖﺎﻳــﺔ هل وذكل ﳏﺎل ّوإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻨــﳤـﻲ إﱃ ﴍط ﻻ ﳛــﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط ٣ ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻧﻘﺘﴫ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ وأن ﻧﻘﴤ ّ ﺑﺄن ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط ّ ﻷن اذلي ﻷﺟهل ﳚﺐ الاﻧﳤﺎء إﱃ ﴍط ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍط هل ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﳚﺐ الاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ واﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺑﺄﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﴩط. وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻻ ﺑﴩط ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ واﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ أوﱃ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻟﻜــﻮﳖﲈ ﲨ ًﻴــﻌﺎ ٦ ﻣﺴـﺘﺪاﻣﲔ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺟﻨﺲ وﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻓﻴﻜﻮن أوﱃ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّﺗﻘﺪم ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﴩط ﻣﻘﺘﴣ. وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ ّ ﻷن ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ اﻟﱵ ﱔ ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻻ ﳜﻠﻮ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻋﻨﻪ أو ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻩ أو ﺗﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴﺔ. وﳏﺎل أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻋﻨــﻪ أو ﻋــﻦ ٩ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ واﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ّﺗﻘﺪم. وﳏﺎل أن ﺗﻜﻮن ذاﺗﻴﺔ ّ ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ١٢

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 82 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

١ ذاﺗﻴًّﺎ] +اودا (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)، أ ٢ أو] أوﱃ، أ | ﻣﻘﺘﴣ] ﻣﻘﺘﴤ، أ ٤ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ] ﻫﻨﺎ، ل | ﻧﻘﴤ] ﻳﻘﺘﴤ، ل ٦ ﻳﻜﻮن٢] + اﳌﻘﺘﴣ، ل ٨ ﱔ] ﻫﻮ، ب ل ٩ ﳜﻠﻮ] ﳜﻠﻮا، أ ب | وﳏﺎل] ﳏﺎل، ل

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion that is closely linked to the one referred to in the previous Citation 2, and which is also found in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa: things cannot possibly possess more that one “essential attribute.” If they possessed more than one, they would either be identical or distinct. In either case one would have to concede that a thing could be “other” (ġayran) than itself.

Citation 4: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 66b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 4b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 8; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 174b: وﻛﺬكل ﻓﺈﻧّﲈ ﰷن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا ﺑﺄن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﴍﻃﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻪ اﻟﺜﻼث وﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟــﻬﺎ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ وﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ًﴍﻃﺎ ّ ﻷن ﺟﻨﺴﻪ وﻗﺒﻴهل اثﺑﺖ ﻣﻊ اﳉــﻮاز ﻓﻠــﻮ ﰷن ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺎت اﻟﺜﻼث ﻟﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﳌﻮﺟﻮدات ﻣﻦ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ واﻷﻋﺮاض. إذ ﻻ ٣ ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮت اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

٢ وﺻﻔﺘﻪ] وﺻﻔﺔ، ض | ﻓﻠﻮ] ڡﻠﻮا، أ

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to a discussion in Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa which argues that an “efffector” (muʾaṯṯir) cannot be actual if the condition for its being efffective (šarṭ taʾṯīrihi) is not fulfĳilled. The quoted section is missing in the surviving fragment of the text.

Citation 5: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 66b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 4b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 9; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 174b: وﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ذكل إذا ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ّ ﺑﺄن ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﺎﺗﻪ اﻟﺜﻼث وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا ﴍط ﰲ اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ أن ﻳﻘﻮل ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﳚﻮز ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ وﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ واﻷﻋﺮاض ﳊﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﲛﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ وﻫﻮ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد وذكل ﻷﻧّــﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻠــﺰم ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺼــﻮل اﻟﴩط ٣ ﺟﻮاز ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻛﲈ ﻳﻠﺰم ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﺟﻮاز ﺣﺼﻮل اﻟﴩط ﻷﻧّﻪ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒــﻮت اﻟﴩط وإن اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﺆﺛَّﺮ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﲞﻼف اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴّﻨّﺎ ذكل ﳇّﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ٦

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 83 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

١ ّ ﺟﻞ ّوﻋﺰ] ﺗﻌﺎﱃ، ب ٢ ّ ﺟﻞ ّوﻋﺰ] ﺗﻌﺎﱃ، ب | ّاﻷﺧﺺ] —، أ ٤ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ] اﳌﴩوط (ﲱﺢ ﻓــﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ)، ض | ﺛﺒﻮت] ﺣﺼﻮل، ب؛ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺣﺼﻮل، ض ٥ ﺣﺼﻮل] ﺛﺒﻮت، أ | ﲞﻼف…٦ اﻹﻃﻼق] —، ب

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers to the same discussion as in the previous Citation 4.

Citation 6: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 69b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 9b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 21; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 179a–b: وراﺑﻌﻬﺎ ّ أن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒــﻮﲥﺎ ّ إﻻ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘــﺤﻴﻞ اﺧــﺘﺼﺎص ّ اﻟﻌــةل اﳌﺆﺛّــﺮة ﻓــﳱﺎ ابذلات اخمل ّﺘﺼﺔ ابﻟﺼﻔﺔ وﲟﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ وﻗﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻞ ﻻ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ّ اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳉﻨﺲ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ أو اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ّ إﻻ ﲟﻮﺻﻮف واﺣﺪ. إذ ﻟﻮ ﺟﺎز اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﲟﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻮﺟﳢﺎ ٣ ﻟﻶﺧﺮ ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﳢﺎ ﳍــﲈ ًﻣــﻌﺎ ﻓ ّﻴــﺆدي ذكل إﱃ اﻧﻘــﻼب اﻟﺼﻔــﺔ ﺣــﳬًﺎ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣﺴـﺘﻮﰱ ﰲ ّأول ﻣﺴﺄةل ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

١ ﳌﺎ] + ﻻ، ل ٤ ﻓ ّﻴﺆدي] وﻳﺆدي، ض

Here, al-Raṣṣāṣ explicitly refers to the fĳirst masʾala of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, where he argues that two “attributes” (ṣifāt) cannot be grounded in one single “cause” (ʿilla), because otherwise the ṣifa would convert into a ḥukm (that is, a “characteristic” that is ontologically distinct from an “attribute”).16

Citation 7: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 73a–b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 16b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 40–41; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 186a: وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ أن ﻳﻘﻮل ّ أن اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻟﻮﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﱔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ذواﲥﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم ﰲ ّ اﻟﻌــةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة أن ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﰲ إﳚﺎب ﲨﻴﻊ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت إذ ﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ ﴍط اﻹﳚﺎب ﶺﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻬﺎ وذكل ﻷﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺻﻔﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻞ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ واﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ّ اﻟﻌةل ﳊﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻺﳚﺎب ﻟــﻬﺎ وﻫــﻮ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ّ وإﻻ ٣ ﰷن ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺣﺼﻮهل ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ. إذ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺣﺼــﻮل اﳌﺆﺛِّــﺮ أو اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻣــﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻩ أو اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿــﻌﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄــﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛــﺔ، وﻛﻮن ﻫﺬﻩ ّ اﻟﻌةل ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ﳐﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﳏﺎل ّﻷﳖﺎ إن ﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻓﺬكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴــﺔ ٦

16 For a discussion of this passage and the diffference betweenṣifa and ḥukm see J. Thiele, Theologie, 2013, pp. 136–137.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 84 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ وﻗﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز ﻛﲈ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﰲ ّأول ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﺘﺎب وإن ﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﰲ ﺣﺎل أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ﳚﺐ ﻓامي ﻗﺒهل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال ﻟﻔﻘﺪ ِّاخملﺼﺺ ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ذاﺗﻴﺔ واﺳـــﺘﺤﻘﺎق اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪة ﻟﺼــﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴــﺔ أﻛــﱶ ﻣــﻦ واﺣــﺪة ﳏﺎل ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒــﲔ ﰲ اﻟﻄــﺮاﺋﻖ ٩ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل

This passage contains two cross-references: the fĳirst refers to a missing section ofAl- ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa, which argues that a muqtaḍī (that is an attribute that causes another attribute)17 cannot be actual if the condition of its being efffective (iqtiḍāʾ) is not fulfĳilled; the second quotation refersto the same discussion as in Citation 3.

Citation 8: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 75b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 20a; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 51–52; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 189b: وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻠﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ّ اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳉﻨﺲ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ّ ﻷن ﻏﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ّ اﻟﻌةل ﻟﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة اﻟﱵ أوﺟﺒﳤﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣ ً ﺜﻼ ﻟﻬﺎ ﳌﺎ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ أن ﲤﺎﺛﻞ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﰷﺷﻔﺎ ﻋﻦ ﲤﺎﺛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﺛّﺮ ﻓﳱﺎ ﻓﻜﺬكل ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ ٣ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ً ﳑﺎﺛﻼ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اﳌﲈﺛةل ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ًﻏﲑا ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

١ ﺗﻜﻮن] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ، ض ٢ ﻣﺜﻞ] + ﻫﺬﻩ، ب ٣ أوﺟﺒﺖ] ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ، ض ٤ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت] —، ب

Al-Raṣṣāṣ argues here that the notion of equality (mumāṯala) presupposes the presence of multiple objects. Otherwise, one would arrive at the absurd conclusion that things could be other than themselves, as discussed in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al- mustaḥdaṯa.

17 For al-Raṣṣāṣ’s defĳinition of the muqtaḍī in his Kitāb al-muʾaṯṯirāt see J. Thiele, Kausalität, 2011, .٤٧ ,٤ ,pp. 78–79

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 85 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Citation 9: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 75b–76a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 20b–21a; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 53–54; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 190a–b: ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ّ اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﻤهل ﻗﺒﻴﻞ واﺣﺪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺈﳚﺎب اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ذكل أوﱃ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ. إذ ﻻ ّﳐﺼﺺ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ وﻻ ﺣﺎﴏ ﻳﻌﻘﻞ إذ اﻟﲁ ﻗﺪ ﴰﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ واﺣﺪ. ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌ ًﺘﻘﺪا أو ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا أو ًﰷرﻫﺎ إذا ﰷن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ أو ﻣﺮاد أو ﻣﻜﺮوﻩ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ٣ ﺑﺬكل اﻟﻐﲑ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺎت وإذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌ ًﺘﻘﺪا أو ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا أو ًﰷرﻫﺎ إذا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ هل ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ وﻻ ﻣﺮاد وﻻ ﻣﻜﺮوﻩ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّ ﻷن ّ اﻟﻌةل ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ّ إﻻ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻛﲈ ّﺗﻘﺪم وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ وﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن ذكل ﲨﻊ ﺑﲔ اﻟﻨﻔﻲ واﻹﺛﺒﺎت ﰲ ﺣﲂ واﺣﺪ وذكل ٦ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺟامتﻋﻪ ذلات واﺣﺪة واﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ذكل ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﴐورة. وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻘﻮل إذا أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻــﻔﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّــﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أوﺟﻪ أو وهجﲔ ﻛﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا أو ًﰷرﻫﺎ إذا ﺗﲀﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﳱﲈ اﻟﴩوط اﻟﱵ ذﻛﺮان ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ وأوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّ إﻻ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻜﻮن اﳊﻲ ﻣﻌ ًﺘﻘﺪا إذا ﱂ ٩ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻋﻠّﺘﻪ ًﻋﻠﻤﺎ وﻛﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا أو ًﰷرﻫﺎ إذا ﱂ ﺗﺘﲀﻣﻞ اﻟﴩوط اﻟﱵ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ إﱃ ﻏﲑ ذكل. ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ابﻟﻐﲑ ﺑﺄﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ وأن ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ ّ إﻻ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ واﺣﺪ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ وذكل ﳏﺎل. ًوأﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻠﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﻤهل ﻧﻮع واﺣﺪ ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ إذا أوﺟــﺒﺖ ﺻــﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﺘﲔ ﳑّﺎ ١٢ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻐﲑ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ ﲠﲈ وذكل ّﻳﺆدي إﱃ أﺣﺪ ابﻃﻠﲔ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﻬﺎ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﲠﲈ وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت وﻛﻮن اﻟﴚء ًﻏﲑا ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ١٥ ّوإﻣﺎ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻬﺎ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻘﲔ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺘﲔ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﲠــﲈ وذكل ﳏﺎل […]

In analogy to the discussion in Citation 8, al-Raṣṣāṣ argues that the notion of distinctness (muḫālafa) presupposes the presence of multiple objects. Otherwise, one would arrive at the same absurd conclusion that things could be other than themselves, as discussed in §1 of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa.

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Citation 10: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 81a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 28a; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 80; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 197b: وﻣﱴ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﰲ اذلوات ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﺸﱰك ﰲ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺎن وﱂ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ الاﺷﱰاك ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻦ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﳌﺎ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ّ أن ﻣﺎ اﺧﺘﻠــﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّــﺔ ﺛﺒﻮﺗــﻪ ﰲ اذلوات ﻓﻬــﺬا ﺣﳬــﻪ. وإذا ﱂ ﳚﺐ ابﻻﺷــﱰاك ﰲ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﱂ ﳚﺐ ابﻻﺷﱰاك ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﻷﻧّﻪ اتﺑﻊ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺜﺒﻮت ﻓﻴﺜﺒﺖ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺜــﺒﺖ هل اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ إذا ٣ ﺣﺼﻞ ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ هل وﻟﻴﺲ ﳚﻮز ﻓامي اﺧ ّ ﺘﺺ ﲟﻘﺘﻀﻴــﻪ ّ إﻻ أن ﳚــﻮز اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻪ ﺑﴩط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ هل ّ ﻷن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺛﺒﻮت ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﻓﻼ ﳚﻮز ًإذا ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﺣﺼﻮل ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻩ ﳌﺎ اﺧ ّ ﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ٦

١ وﻣﱴ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ] — ل | ﻳﺸﱰك] ﳜﺘﻠﻒ (ﲱﺢ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ) ض ٢ اﻟامتﺛﻞ] + ﻋﲆ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ض | ّ أن ﻣﺎ] إﳕﺎ، ل ض ٣ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ] ﺛﺒﺖ، أ ض | هل] ﻟﻬﺎ، ض ٤ هل١] —، ب ٥ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ] ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ، أ ض

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same missing discussion from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as in Citation 7.

Citation 11: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 81b; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 28b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 81–82; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fols 198a–b: واذا ﺛﺒﺖ ذكل وﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮد اذلوات ًاتﺑــﻌﺎ ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓــﻬﺎ ﰲ اﳉﻨــﺲ وذلكل ﺟﺎز أن ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﴍط وﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﻮن واﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ واﳊﻴﺎة واﻟﻌﲅ ﻓﲀن وﺟﻮد اﻟﻜﻮن ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ّﲟﺠﺮد ّ اﶈﻞ وﰷن وﺟﻮد اﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد اﶈﻠّﲔ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ ﻻ ﺑﻮن ﺑﻴﳯﲈ وﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ وﰷن وﺟﻮد اﳊﻴﺎة ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد ٣ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﶺﺎد ﻣــﻊ رﻃﻮﺑــﺔ وﲣﻠــﺨﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴــﺔ وروح إﱃ ﻏــﲑ ذكل وﰷن وﺟــﻮد اﻟﻌــﲅ ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮد ﺑﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻟﺴﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺒﲎ. واﻧّﲈ ﺟﺎز اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬﻩ اذلوات ﳌﺎ اﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﲠﺎ اﻷﺟﻨﺎس ّ وإﻻ ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ﺟﻨﺴﻬﺎ ًواﺣﺪا ﱂ ﳚﺰ اﺧﺘﻼف ﴍط وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻨﻘﺾ أﺣﺪ أﺻﻠﲔ ﻗﺪ ّﺗﻘﺮرا ٦ وﻋﻠﲈ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ّ اﳌﻀﺎد ﻷﺣــﺪ اﳌﺜــﻠﲔ ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ًّﻣﻀﺎدا ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ ّ وإﻻ ﻟــﺰم ﻛــﻮﳖﲈ ﳐﺘﻠــﻔﲔ واﻟــﺜﺎﱐ ّ أن ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺑﺄزﻳﺪ ﳑّﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑــﻪ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﺧــﺮ ﺑﻞ ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﴍط وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ًواﺣﺪا ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن وﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل. ٩ وإﻧّﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻧّﻪ ﻳﻨﻘﺾ أﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ اﻷﺻﻠﲔ ّ ﻷن اﳌﺜﻠﲔ ﻣﱴ ﺟﺎز أن ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﴍط وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﻓﻴﺸﱰط ﰲ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط ﰲ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ وﰷن ﻷﺣﺪﻫﲈ ًّﺿﺪا ّوﻗﺪران ّ أن هل ًّﺿﺪا ﻟﺰم ﻣﻦ ذكل أﺣﺪ ابﻃﻠﲔ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ًّﺿﺪا ﻟﻶﺧﺮ وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﴤ ّ ﺑﺄن ﻣﺎ ّ ﻳﻀﺎد أﺣﺪ اﳌﺜﻠﲔ ﻻ ّ ﻳﻀﺎد اﻵﺧﺮ ١٢ وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼف ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّﺗﻘﺪم ّوإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًّﺿــﺪا ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻷﻧّــﻪ ﻻ ﳜﻠــﻮ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﺸــﱰط

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 87 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬا ّ اﻟﻀﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد ّ ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺜﻠﲔ أو ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ّ إﻻ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ دون اﻵﺧﺮ أو ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ. ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﺸﱰط وﺟﻮدﻩ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ ١٥ وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ًﻣﻌﺎ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﴤ ّ ﺑﺄن أﺣﺪ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﴩوط ﰲ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ إذ ﺻﺎر وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬا ّ اﻟﻀــﺪ ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ﲟﺠﻤــﻮع ﴍﻃــﻲ وﺟــﻮد ّﺿــﺪﻳﻪ اﳌﺜــﻠﲔ ّ وﰻ واﺣــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ّﺿــﺪﻳﻪ ﻟﻴــﺲ وﺟــﻮدﻩ ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ ﲟﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﴩﻃﲔ واﺧﺘﺼﺎص أﺣﺪ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ دون اﻵﺧﺮ ﰲ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺑﴩط زاﺋﺪ ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ١٨ ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

١ اذلوات] اذلات، ل ٣ ﻣ ًﴩوﻃﺎ١] + ﲟﺠﺮد (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)، ض ٤ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ] + ﺑﻮﺟﻮد (ﻣﺸﻄــﻮب)، ض ٥ اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ] + اﳌﻔﺎرﻗﺔ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)، ض ٧ وﻋﻠﲈ] أو ﻋﻠﲈ، ل | ّ وإﻻ ﻟﺰم] والاﻟﺰام، ب ٩ ًواﺣﺪا] واﺣﺪ، ض وﻏــﲑ ذكل] —، ب ١٢ ّإﻣﺎ أن] اﻣﺎان، ب | ّﻳﻀﺎد ١] ّﺿــﺎد، أ ض ل ١٣ ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ] + ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘــﺪم (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)، ض | ﳜﻠﻮ] ﳜﻠﻮا، ب ١٤ وﺟﻮد٣] وﺟﻮدﻩ الا ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﱰط ﺑﻪ وﺟﻮد (ﲱﺢ)، أ ١٥ ﳏﺎل] + أن (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ض | ﻳﺸﱰط٣] ﻳﺸﱰﻃﻪ (ﲱﺢ)، ض ١٦ ﻣﴩوط] ﻣﴩوﻃﺎ، ض ١٩ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ] ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ، ب ل

This passage includes two cross-references to Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa. Both refer to §3 of the treatise, where al-Raṣṣāṣ argues that whenever the coming into existence of a thing is possible, the existence of its contrary (ḍidd) must be possible too, such that the existence of two contraries must always be possible under the same condition(s).

Citation 12: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 86a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 34b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, pp. 103–104; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 204b: ّ وإن اﻗﺘﻀﺎءﻫﺎ ﺑﴩط ﻓﻼ ﳜﻠﻮ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ أﲨﻊ ﺑﴩط واﺣﺪ أو ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّ ﰻ واﺣﺪة ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﴩط ﳜ ّﺘﺼﻬﺎ. ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ أﲨﻊ ﺑﴩط واﺣﺪ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ﻣﺎ ّﺗﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد ﻣﻦ اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ ذكل ﳇّــﻪ ﳌــﻌﲎ واﺣــﺪ ﳊﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻪ. وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ ﺑﴩوط ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ﺟﻮاز اﺟامتع ﺗكل ٣ اﻟﴩوط ﳌﻌﲎ واﺣﺪ ﳑﺎ اﺧ ّ ﺘﺺ ابﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ّ ﻷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚــﻮز ﺛﺒﻮﺗــﻪ ﻣــﻊ اﺳـــﺘﺤﺎةل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋــﻪ ﻋــﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ

١ ﳜﻠﻮ] ﳜﻠﻮا، أ ب | ﳜ ّﺘﺼﻬﺎ] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ، ب ؛ ﳜﺼﻬﺎ ل ٥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ] ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ، ل

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same missing discussion from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as in Citation 7.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 88 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

Citation 13: Kayfĳiyya MSS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, fol. 87a; Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, fol. 35b; Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, p. 108; Leiden UB, OR 6355, fol. 206a: وﳏﺎل أن ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻪ ﰲ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ. إذ اﳌﲈﺛةل ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ّ إﻻ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴩط ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ذاﺗﻴﺘﲔ وذكل ﳏﺎل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذكل ﻣ ّ ﺒﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮاﺋﻖ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ وﻏﲑ ذكل ﻓﺒﻄﻞ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ ﳌﺎ ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ ٣

٣ ﰲ] + ﻛﺘﺎ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ض

Al-Raṣṣāṣ refers here to the same section from Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa as in Citation 2.

III. Critical Edition of Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa18

١٥١ب ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ اﻟﺮﲪﻦ اﻟﺮﺣﲓ واﶵﺪ وﺣﺪﻩ

[١] ﻣﺴﺄةل ﰲ أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ذات ﻣﻦ اذلوات ﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﳌﻌﲎ ﻣﻌﺪوم اذلي ّ ﻳﺪل ﻋﲆ ذكل ّ أن اﳌﻌﲎ اﳌﻌﺪوم ﻻ ﳜ ّ ﺘﺺ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ اذلوات دون ﺑﻌــﺾ، ﻓﻠﻴــﺲ ﺑﺄن ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﺼﻔــﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﺎ ّﲱﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻟﻌﺪم الاﺧﺘﺼﺎص. وﻟﻮ أوﺟﳢﺎ ّ ﻟﲁ ﻣﺎ ّﲱﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﱂ ﳜﻞ ٣ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﶺﻴﻊ اذلوات اﻟﱵ ﻳﺼــﺢ ﻋــﻠﳱﺎ أو ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛــةل أو ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ. ﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﳜﺮهجﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﺻﻔﺔ إﱃ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﺣﳬًﺎ ّ ﻷن اﳊﲂ ﻫﻮ ٦ اﳌﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻌﲅ اذلات ﻋﻠﳱﺎ إﻻ ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻐﲑ، وﻻ ﻳﻌﻘﻞ اﳊﲂ ّ إﻻ ﻋﲆ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﰷﺣامتل اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﺮض وﻣﺎ ﺟﺮی ﻫﺬا اجملﺮی. ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ ﳌﺎ ﺟﺎز أن ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﻦ دوﳖﲈ ّ ﻷن اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮدة ﻋﻦ اﳌﻮﺻﻮف، إذ ﻟﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﻛﺬكل ﻟﲀﻧﺖ ً ذاات أﺧﺮی وﻣﻮﺻﻮﻓًﺎ آﺧﺮ، ﻓﲀن ذكل ّﻳﺆدي إﱃ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ٩ واﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﺎت إﱃ ﻏﲑ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ وﻫﺬا ﳏﺎل. وإﻧّﲈ اﳌﻮﺻﻮف ﻳﻌﻘﻞ وﻳﻌﲅ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻓﲀن ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﻻ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻫــﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ دون اﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﲔ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﻦ ﻓﲀﻧﺖ ﺗﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺣﳬًﺎ، وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷان ﻓﺮﺿﻨﺎ اﻟالكم ﰲ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة ذلوات ﻛﺜﲑة. ١٢

18 As is typical for Yemeni manuscripts, diacritical pointing is used very sparingly in MS Ambrosiana ar. E 208 and had to be reconstructed to large extent by the editors.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 89 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وﳏﺎل أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل ّ ﻷن ّ اﻟﻌةل اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺐ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺔ واﺣﺪة، إذ ﻟﻮ ّﺗﻌﺪت ذكل وﻻ ﺣﺎﴏ ﻟﻠﺰم اﻟ ّﺘﻌﺪي إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫــﯽ، وﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻟﱱاﻳــﺪ اﻟﻌــﻠﻞ ﺣــﲂ وﻫــﻮ ﺗﺰاﻳــﺪ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ّ ﻷن ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫﯽ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫﯽ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﺗﻨﺎﱔ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ، وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ١٥ ّ أن ﻟﱱاﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ًﺗﺄﺛﲑا ﰲ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ّ وإﻻ ﱂ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻣﻪ وذكل ﺧﻠﻒ ﻣــﻦ اﻟــالكم، ّوﻷﳖﺎ ﻟﻮ أوﺟﺒﺖ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣــﺪة ﻟﻠــﺰم أن ﺗﻜــﻮن ﰲ ذاﲥﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ﻟﻺﳚﺎب أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة، وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ّ ﻷن اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻻ ﻳﱱاﻳﺪ ١٨ إﻻ ﺑﱱاﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﳛﺼﻞ ﲝﺴـﺒﻪ وﻣﻮﺟﺒًﺎ ﻋﻨﻪ. وﳏﺎل ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣامتﺛــةل أﻛــﱶ ﻣــﻦ واﺣــﺪة ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﳑﺎﺛــةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ ّﻷﳖﺎ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﲀن ﻣ ً ﺜﻼ ﻟﻬﺎ، وﱔ ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﺼــﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴــﺔ، وﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﳑﺎﺛــةل ٢١ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اﳌﲈﺛةل ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ ّ ﻷن ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ أن ﻳﻘﻮم إﺣــﺪی اذلاﺗــﲔ ﻣــﻘﺎم اﻷﺧــﺮی، وذكل ﻳﺴـﺘــﺪﻋﻲ ﻏﲑﻳﻦ ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣامتﺛةل أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة. ١٥٢أ وﳏﺎل أن ﻳــﻮﺟﺐ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﺻــﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ | ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ﻹﳚﺎب ٢٤ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ، وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗــﻘﺘﻀﳱﺎ ّ ﻷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴣ ﻣــﱴ ﰷن ًﰷﺷــﻔﺎ ﻋــﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت واﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ واﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ، وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ّﻷﳖﺎ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﳋﺎﻟﻔــﻬﺎ ٢٧ ﺑﻪ، وﱔ ﺻﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﺼﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ، وﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﲑﻳﺔ ّ ﻷن ﺣﻘﻴــﻘﳤﺎ ﱔ أن ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮم إﺣــﺪی اذلاﺗــﲔ ﻣــﻘﺎم اﻷﺧــﺮی، وذكل ﻳﺴـﺘــﺪﻋﻲ ﻏﲑﻳــﻦ، ﻓــﲀن ذكل ﻳــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛــﻮن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ً ذواات ﻛﺜﲑة ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ، وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷان ﻓﺮﺿﻨﺎ اﻟالكم ﰲ ذات واﺣﺪة ّوﻷﳖﺎ ﻟــﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﳐﺎﻟﻔــﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ ٣٠ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ إذا ﻗﺪران ًّﺿﺪا ﻟﻬﺎ وﻃﺮوءﻩ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ّ ﻷن اﻟﴚء اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﻀﺎد اخملﺘﻠــﻔﲔ اﻟﻐﲑ ّﺿﺪﻳﻦ وﰷن ﳚﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻣﻌﺪوﻣﺔ وذكل ﳏﺎل. ﻓﺒﻄﻞ أن ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ّ ﻟﻌــةل ﻣﻌﺪوﻣﺔ. ٣٣ وﻣﱴ ﻗﻴﻞ: ﻓﺈذا ﰷﻧﺖ اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل اتﺑﻌﺘﲔ ﻟﻠﻐﲑﻳﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم إذا اﺳـﺘﺤﻘّﺖ اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ أو ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻟذلات أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ وﻻ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ّﻷﳖﺎ وإن ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﳌﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ أو ﳋﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ، ﻓﲅ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ ﴍط ذكل وﱔ اﻟﻐﲑﻳﺔ، ِواﳌﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﱴ ﺣﺼﻞ ٣٦ وﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ ﴍط إﳚﺎﺑﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻮﺟﺐ.

١: ٢١ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ] ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ (ﻣــﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴــﺢ) ٢٤ ﳐﺘﻠﻔــﺔ٢] + ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ٣٤ ﰷﻧﺖ] + اﳌﲈﺛــةل (ﻣﺸﻄــﻮب) اتﺑﻌﺘﲔ] اتﺑﻌﲔ ٣٥ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ…اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ] اخملﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ أو ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﳌامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ (ﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 90 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﻗﻠﻨﺎ: ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ اذلات ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﻣامتﺛﻠﺘﲔ أو ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻟﻮﺟﺐ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛــﻮﳖﺎ ًﻏــﲑا ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ ّ ﻷن ّ ﰻ ﺻﻔﺔ أﺛّﺮت ﰲ ٍ ﺣﲂ ﺑ ٍ ﴩط ﻓﺎﻟﻮاﺟﺐ ﻓامي اﺧﺘﺺ ﺑﺘكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮة أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ذكل اﻟﴩط ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺖ ٣٩ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﻆّ اﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ. أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أن ﻛﻮن اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ًﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﳌﺎ أﺛﺮ ﰲ ّ ﲢــﲒ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﱂ ﳚــﺰ ﰲ ذات ﲣﺘﺺ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ّ إﻻ ّ وﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد ﺗكل اذلات ﻟﺘﺜﺒﺖ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﲒة ّ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺴـﺘﻘﲓ ﻛﻮن ﺻﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ وﱔ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ًﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﻣﺆﺛّﺮة ﲠﺬا اﻟﴩط. وﻛﺬكل اﳊﺎل ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ، ّﻓﺈﳖﺎ ﳌﺎ ﰷﻧﺖ ﻣﺆﺛّــﺮة ﰲ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ ٤٢ ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﺟﺒﺖ ﰲ ّ ﰻ ﻣﺎ اﺧ ّ ﺘﺺ ﲠﺎ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻟ ّ ﻴﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﲟﻘﺘﻀﺎﻫﺎ. وﻛﺬكل اﳊﺎل ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت واﳌﺆﺛّﺮات، ﻓﻠﻮ اﺧ ّﺘﺼﺖ اذلات ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة ﻟــﻮﺟﺐ ١٥٢ب أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ًﻏﲑا | ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ، وذكل ﳏﺎل ّ ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺼﲑ ً ذواات ﻛﺜﲑة وﻻ ذاﺗﲔ، إذ ﻟﻮ ٤٥ ﺟﺎز ذكل ﱂ ﳜﻞ ّإﻣﺎ أن ﳜ ّ ﺘﺺ ّ ﰻ ذات ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ أو ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﺬكل. ﻓﺈن ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﺬكل ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ّ ﻷن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ّ ﰻ ذات أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺗ ّ ﳣﲒ ﲠﺎ. وإن اﺧ ّﺘﺼﺖ ّ ﰻ ذات ﻣﳯﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﺰم ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ً ذواات ﻛﺜﲑة ًأﺑﺪا ً وأزﻻ ّ ﻷن اذلات إﻧّﲈ ﺗﺼﲑ ً ذاات ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ، ﻓﺈذا ﰷﻧﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات اثﺑﺘــﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴــﻊ ٤٨ اﻷﺣﻮال وﰷﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﳐ ّﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة، وﰷﻧﺖ إﻧّﲈ ﺗﺼــﲑ ً ذواات ﻛﺜــﲑة ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻛﺜﲑة ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ً ذاات واﺣﺪة وأن ﺗﻜﻮن ً ذواات ﻛﺜﲑة ًأﺑﺪا ًوأزﻻ. ﻓﺜــﺒﺖ ّ أن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﺗﺼﲑ ً ذواات ﻛﺜﲑة ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﰷﻧﺖ ً ذاات واﺣــﺪة، وإذا اﺳـــﺘﺤﺎﻟﺖ اﻟﻐﲑﻳــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ٥١ اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻟﺼﻔﺎت ذاﺗﻴﺔ أﻛﱶ ﻣﻦ واﺣﺪة. ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ اﳌﺴﺄةل.

[٢] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی إن ﻗﻴﻞ: ﻗﻮﻟﲂ ّ إن ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺔ واﳌﲈﺛــةل ﺑﴩط الاﻓــﱰاق والاﺗــﻔﺎق دون أن ﻳﻜــﻮن الاﺗﻔﺎق ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻠامتﺛﻞ والاﻓﱰاق ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻼﺧﺘﻼف ﻳﻨﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﻟﲂ ّ إن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ٣ ﺣﳬﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدﻳﻦ ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻨﻌﱲ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎت ﰲ اذلوات ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﱔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻷﻧّﲂ ﻗﺪ أﺟﺰﰎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات أن ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﺣﳬﲔ ّﺿﺪﻳﻦ وﻫﲈ اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ّﺿﺪﻳﻦ وﻫﲈ الاﺷﱰاك ﻓﳱﺎ والاﻓﱰاق ﻓﳱﺎ. ٦ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ: ّ إن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ﻓﺮﻗًﺎ وذكل ّ ﻷان إﻧّﲈ ﳕﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﴤ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدﺗﲔ ﺑﴩﻃﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﲔ أو ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدﻳﻦ، ﻣــﱴ ﰷن اﳌــﻘﺘﴣ ًﰷﺷــﻔﺎ ﻋــﻦ اﳌــﻘﺘﴤ ﻛ ّ ﺘــﺤﲒ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ وﺳــﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﻋﻦ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ أن اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﻣــﱴ ﰷﻧﺖ ﰷﺷــﻔﺔ ﻋــﻦ ﻣــﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ ﰷن ٩ اﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ أو ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﺎ ًﰷﺷﻔﺎ ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ أو ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﺎ، ﻓذلكل ﻣﻨﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻊ أﻧّﻪ

٤٢ ًﺟﻮﻫﺮا] ًﺟﻮاﻫﺮا ٤٩ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة] + ﳇﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻄﻮﺑﺔ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 91 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣامتﺛةل ﰲ اذلوات ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ واﳌ ّﺘﻀﺎدة اﻟﲀﺷﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﲥﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛــﺬكل اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ واﳌامتﺛةل، ّﻓﺈﳖﲈ ﻟﻴﺴـﺘﺎ ﰷﺷﻔﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻــﻔﺔ اذلات، ﺑﻞ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ذكل، ّ ﻓﺈان ﻻ ﻧﻌــﲅ اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ ١٢ ١٥٣أ واﳌﲈﺛةل إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻌﲅ ﲟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﳜﺎﻟﻒ اذلات وﳝﺎﺛﻞ ّإﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ﲨةل أو ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ، ﻓذلكل ﺟﺎز أن | ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ﺻــﻔﺔ اذلات ﻣﻊ اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩﻃﲔ ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮان ﰷﺷﻔﲔ ﻋﳯﺎ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﲈ ًﰷﺷﻔﺎ ﻋﻦ ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﺎ. ﺗ ّ ﺒﲔ ذكل ّ أن ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات إﻧّﲈ ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﲤﺎﺛﻞ اﳌﺸﱰﻛﲔ ﻓﳱﺎ واﺧﺘﻼف اﳌــﻔﱰﻗﲔ ﻓــﳱﺎ، ﳁــﱴ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ١٥ ﻟﻠﺤﳬﲔ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳊﺎﻟﲔ ﰲ الاﺷﱰاك والاﻓﱰاق ﻓﻼ ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺎﻟﻔــﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻬﺎ، وإﻧّــﲈ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم ذكل ﻟﻮ اﻗﺘﻀﺖ اﻟامتﺛﻞ ﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﺷﱰاك وﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﻓــﱰاق أو الاﺧﺘــﻼف ﻣــﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﻓﱰاق وﻣﺮة ﺑﴩط الاﺷﱰاك، ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ ﻋﺮوض ﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨــﻌﻨﺎ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﻣــﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ١٨ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت ﺑﴩط ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اذلوات، وذكل ﻷﻧّﻪ ﰷن ﻳﻠﺰم أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣــﲂ اخملﺎﻟــﻒ ّ واﳌﻀﺎد ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﺑﺼﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ وﻻ ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدﺗﲔ وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل إﻻ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ّوﻣﻀﺎدة ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ، ﻓﻴﺠﺐ ﻓامي ﻳﻘﺘﴤ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺣﲂ اخملﺘﻠﻒ. وﻣﺎ ٢١ ّﺗﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ اﻗﺘﻀﺎء اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﻣﻊ الاﻓــﱰاق والاﺷــﱰاك ﳜﺎﻟﻔــﻪ ّ ﻷن اذلات اﻟﻮاﺣــﺪة ﲤﺎﺛﻞ ﺑﺼﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ، وﲣﺎﻟﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ، ﻓﻘﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻫﺬان ذلات واﺣﺪة وإﻧّﲈ ﰷن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﳑﺎﺛةل ﳌﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻔﺘﻪ وﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﳌﻦ ﻣﺎﺛﻠﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺎةل واﺣﺪة. ٢٤ وﳑﺎ ﻳ ّ ﺒﲔ اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿــﻌﲔ أن ذﻛــﺮان ﻟــﻠﴩط ﰲ اﻗــﺘﻀﺎء ﺻــﻔﺔ اذلات ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺔ واﳌﲈﺛــةل ّﺗﻮﺳــﻊ وﳎﺎز، ﻻ أﻧّﻪ اﺷﱰاط ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّ ﻷن اﻟﴩط ﻳﻘﺘﴤ الاﻧﺘﻈﺎر وﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ اﳌﴩوط أن ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻪ، وأن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ وﻻ ّ ﺷﻚ ّ أن ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎرق ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ﰲ ﺻﻔﳤﺎ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال، ٢٧ وﻛﺬكل ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻔﺎرﻗﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎل ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻮال. ﻓﺈذا أردان إزاةل اﻹﺷﲀل، ﻗﻠﻨﺎ: ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﺗﻘﺘﴤ ﳑﺎﺛةل اذلات ﳌﺎ ﺷﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ وﳐﺎﻟﻔﳤﺎ ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ. وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل ﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ّ ﻷن اﳌﴩوط ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ّ وﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اترة وﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ أﺧﺮی ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻳﻘــﻒ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﳌ ّﺘﺠــﺪد، ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺟــﻮد اﳌ ّﺘﺠــﺪد ﰷن ٣٠ ١٥٣ب ﻣﺴـﺘﻘ ً ﺒﻼ ﻣﻨ ًﺘﻈﺮا ّ ﰒ ﺻﺎر ﻣﺎﺿ ًﻴﺎ ّ وﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻻ | ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻃﺮوء اﻷﺿﺪاد ﻓامي ﻳﺒﻘﯽ وزوال وﻗﺖ ّاﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻓامي [...] ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺪ ذكل. وﳑﺎ ﻳﻮﰣ اﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ أﻧّﻪ إﻧّﲈ ﻟﺰم أن ﺗﻜﻮن اذلات ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ٣٣ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﻟﻜﻮن اﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﰷﺷﻔﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ذاﺗﻴﺘﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺘﲔ ﳍﲈ، وذكل ّ ﻷن اخملﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﰲ ﺣﺎل اﻟﻌﺪم واﻟﻮﺟﻮد. واﳌﻘﺘﻀﺎة ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ إﻻ ﺑﴩط اﻟﻮﺟﻮد، ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷﻧﺖ ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺔ ﻟﻼﺧﺘــﻼف ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ الاﺧﺘﻼف ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻌﺪم، وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ. وﻟﻴﺲ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﺑﲀﺷــﻒ ٣٦ ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﴩط، وإﻧّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﰷﺷﻒ ﻋﻦ اﺧﺘﻼف اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﻣﱴ ﰷن اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ًﰷﺷﻔﺎ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ. وذكل

٢: ٢٦ ﻳﺼﺢ] ﻣﻨ ًﺘﻈﺮا ﻣﺴـﺘﻘ ً ﺒﻼ (ﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ) ٣٢ ...] ﳇﻤﺔ أو ﳇﻤﺘﲔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮأ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 92 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ّ ﻷن اﻟﴩط ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ًﴍﻃﺎ ﰲ ﺻﻔﺎت ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﻀﺎدة ّوﻣﺼﺤ ًﺤﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﻜﻮن اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻣ ّ ًﺘﺤﲒا ﻣﻊ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﰷﺋﻨًﺎ ﰲ اﳉﻬﺎت، وﻛﻜﻮن اﶺةل ﺣﻴّﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺻﻔﺎت اﶺةل، ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﲀن ﳐ ًﺘﻠﻔﺎ ﰲ اذلوات وﻣ ًّﺘﻀﺎدا ٣٩ وﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻓﺴﺎدﻩ. وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل اﻗﺘﻀﺎء ﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ واﳌﲈﺛةل ﻋﻨﺪ الاﻓﱰاق والاﺷﱰاك ّ ﻷان ﱂ ﻧﻘﻞ ّإﳖﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ًﻣﻌﺎ ذلات ﻣﻊ ذات واﺣﺪة، ﺑﻞ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﳱﲈ ﻟذلات ﻣﻊ ذاﺗﲔ، ﻓﲅ ﳝﺘﻨــﻊ اﺟامتﻋﻬــﲈ ﻟــذلات ﻣــﻊ ذاﺗﲔ ّ ﺣﱴ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﺗﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﲔ ﻟذلاﺗﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺘﲔ. ٤٢

[٣] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی اذلي ّ ﻳﺪل ﻋﲆ ّ أن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ وﺟﻮد ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﻮ ّ أن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد إﱃ أزﻳــﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛــﺘﺎج إﻟﻴــﻪ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ّ ﻷن ذكل ﻳﻘــﺪح ﰲ ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ ٣ ﺑ ّﺘﻀﺎدﻫﲈ ﺑﺄن ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ إﻧّﲈ اﻣﺘﻨــﻊ وﺟــﻮدﻩ، ﻻ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﺧــﺮ ﺑﻞ ﻷﺟﻞ أﻧّــﻪ ﳛــﺘﺎج ﰲ وﺟﻮدﻩ إﱃ أﻣﺮ ﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ، ّإﻣﺎ ّ ﻷن اﳌﻮﺟﻮد ﳛﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج اﻵﺧﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ أو ّ ﻷن اﻟــﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﱂ ﳜــﱰ ﲢﺼــﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج اﻵﺧﺮ إﻟﻴﻪ، وذلكل ﻻ ﻧﻌﲅ ّ ﺗﻀﺎد ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ إﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻧﻌﲅ أﻧّﻪ ﻻ وﺟﻪ ﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎع اﺟامتﻋﻬﲈ ﺳﻮی اﻟ ّﺘﻀﺎد، ٦ ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ أن ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎج أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد إﱃ أزﻳﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج إﻟﻴﻪ اﻵﺧــﺮ، وﻗــﺪ ﺛــﺒﺖ ّ أن ّ ﰻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﻟﻴﺲ ﲟﻮﺟﻮد ﻻ ّ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ، وﻗﺪ اﻣﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ اﶺﻊ، ١٥٤أ ﻓﲅ ﻳﺒﻖ إﻻ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﺪل ﻓﻴﺠﺐ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ | وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ، ّ وإﻻ ﺑــﻄﻞ ٩ ﺣﲂ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ّﲱﺔ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ. وﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ وﺟﻮد ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻟﺒﻄﻠﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﺑﻴﳯــﲈ ّ ﻷن ّ اﻟﻀﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﻲ ّﺿﺪﻩ إﻻ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ وﺟﻮدﻩ، ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ﳛﺘﺞ إﱃ أزﻳﺪ ﳑﺎ ﳛﺘﺎج إﻟﻴــﻪ ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﰲ ١٢ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﺟﺒﺖ ّﲱﺔ وﺟﻮد ّ ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ ّ اﳊﺪ اذلي ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺒــﺪل ّ ﻷن اذلي ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻫﻮ اذلي ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ وﻫﻮ اذلي ﳛﺘﺎﺟﺎن إﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد وﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ اﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﻊ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل اﺟامتﻋﻬﲈ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻟﺒﻄﻠﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﻣﻦ ١٥ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧّﻪ إذا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ ﻟﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ، ﺑﻞ ﰷن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ ﻋﲆ ّ ﰻ ﺣﺎل وﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺬا ﻷﺟﻞ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﻷﻧّﻪ ﱂ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ، وذلكل اﻣﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺳﻮا وﺟﺪ اﻵﺧﺮ أو ﻋﺪم، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﻣﺘﻨﺎع وﺟﻮدﻩ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ إﱃ ذاﺗﻪ ﻻ إﱃ وﺟﻮد ّ ﺿﺪ هل، وذكل ﻇﺎﻫﺮ. ١٨

٣٨ ﻟﻬﺎ] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ٤٠ ﺛﺒﺖ] + ﺧﻼ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٣: ٢ ﻣﻦ٢] + وﺟﻮد (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ١٣ وﺟﺒﺖ] وﺟﺐ + وﺟﻮد (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ١٦ ﻳﻜﻦ١] + ﻟﻮﻻ ١٧ اﻵﺧﺮ١] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 93 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

[٤] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ، وادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ذكل ﻣﺎ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ أن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ أن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ اﻵﺧﺮ. ّ وأن ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘّﻬﲈ أن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ ّ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮﻻﻩ ّ ﻟﺼﺢ ٣ وﺟﻮدﻩ، وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل إﻻ ﰲ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ دون اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺴــﻮاد ﰲ ّ ﳏﻞ ﻷﺟﻞ ّﲡﺪد وﺟﻮد اﻟﺒﻴﺎض ﰲ ّ ﳏﻞ آﺧﺮ. وﻻ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﴚء ﰲ ﲨةل ﻷﺟﻞ ّﲡﺪد وﺟﻮد اﳉﻬﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﰲ ﲨةل أﺧﺮی. وﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻓﳱﲈ ًأﻳﻀﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺪل ّ ﻷن اﻟﺒﺪل إﻧّﲈ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋــﲆ ّ ﳏﻞ واﺣــﺪ أو ّ يح واﺣــﺪ، وﻻ ٦ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻓامي ﳜ ّ ﺘﺺ ّ ﲟﺤﻞ أو ّ يح ﻣﻊ اﺳـﳣﺮار وﺟﻮدﻩ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﻐﲑﻩ ّ ﻷن ﻣﺎ ﳜﺘﺺ ّ ﲟــﺤﻞ أو ﲨــةل ﻓﺈﻧّــﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺣﻠﻮهل ﰲ ﻏﲑﻫﲈ ﻣﻊ اﺳـــﳣﺮار وﺟــﻮدﻩ، وﻣﺎ ﳜﺘــﺺ ابﻟــﺒﺎرئ ﺳـــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻹرادة واﻟﻜﺮاﻫــﺔ وﳜﺘــﺺ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﰷن ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﰲ ّ ﳏﻞ ﰲ اﻹرادة واﻟﻜﺮاﻫﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻴﳯﲈ وﰲ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﰲ ٩ ﺟﻨﺴﻪ، ﻓﻠﻮ ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ اﳌ ّﺘﻀﺎدات ﻣﺎ ﻳ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﻧﻮﻋﻪ ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ وﻻ ﻳ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﳾء ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻪ ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻣﺎ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ أن ﻣﻦ ّ ﺣﻖ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ أن ﳝﺘﻨﻊ وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻷﺟﻞ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ، وأن ّ ﺗﺼﺢ ﻓﳱﲈ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺪل ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮان ﻣﻦ ّ أن ذكل ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﰲ ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ّ وﻷان إﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﺒﻊ ١٢ ﻟﻠ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ وﻟﻠﻌﲅ ﺑﻪ. ﺑﻴﺎن ذكل ّ أن اﳌ ّﺘﻀﺎدات ﻋﲆ ﴐﺑﲔ، ﻣﺪرك ﰷﻷﻟﻮان، ّ ﻓﺈان إﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﺎ ابﻣﺘﻨﺎع ﻛﻮن ّ اﶈﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺴﻮاد واﻟﺒﻴﺎض وﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻷﻟﻮان، وإﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ابﻧﺘﻔﺎء أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻋﻨﺪ ّﲡﺪد ﺣﺼﻮل اﻵﺧــﺮ وذكل ﻫــﻮ ١٥ ١٥٤ب اﻟﺘﻀﺎد ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ | ﻓﺈذا رأﻳﻨﺎ ًﺳﻮادا وﺑ ًﻴﺎﺿﺎ ﰲ ﳏﻠّﲔ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫﲈ وﻫﻮ أن ﻧﻌﲅ ّ أن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺎ إذا ﻃﺮأ ﻋﲆ اﻵﺧﺮ ﻧﻔﺎﻩ، وذكل ﻫﻮ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ وإن ﰷن ﲟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺪرك، ﻓﻼ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟ ّﺘﻀﺎدﻩ إﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﰲ أﺣﲀﻣﻪ ّوﺗﻀﺎدﻫﺎ وﻫﻮ اﻣﺘﻨﺎع ﻛﻮن اذلات أو ّ اﳊﻲ ﻋﲆ ﺻــﻔﺘﲔ ﺻــﺎدرﺗﲔ ﻋﳯــﲈ أو ﺣــﳬﲔ ﺻــﺎدرﻳﻦ ١٨ ﻋﳯﲈ. ّ وإان ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ﻣﱴ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ّ أن اذلات أو ّ اﳊﻲ ﻣﱴ ّﲡﺪد هل إﺣــﺪی اﻟﺼــﻔﺘﲔ أو أﺣــﺪ اﳊــﳬﲔ اﻧﺘﻔــﯽ اﻵﺧﺮ، ﻓﻴﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﺬكل إﱃ ّ ﺗﻀﺎد ﻣﺎ أوﺟﳢﲈ وذكل ﻫﻮ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ، ّ ﰒ إذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ وﺟﻮد ّاﻟﻀﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ هجﺘﲔ أو ﳏﻠّﲔ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ّأﳖﲈ ﻣﻦ هجﺘﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻋــﲆ ّ ﳏﻞ واﺣــﺪ أو ّ يح واﺣــﺪ ﻟــﲀان ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻓــﻴﺎن أو ّ ﰠ ٢١ وﺟﻮدﻫﲈ ﰲ ّ اﶈﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﺪل ﻟﲀن ّﲡﺪد وﺟﻮد أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﳝﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد اﻵﺧﺮ. ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﻨﺎء ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ إﱃ إﺛﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ إﱃ إﺛﺒﺎﺗﻪ ًّﺿﺪا ﻟﻠﺠﻮاﻫﺮ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳﺼﺎدف وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﻗﺒهل ﺑﻮﻗﺖ إﻻ وﻳﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﻻ ﳏﺎةل ﳊﺼﻮﳍﲈ ﻋــﲆ ﴍط ّﺗﻀﺎدﻫــﲈ وﻫــﻮ ﳎــﺮد ٢٤ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد، وإﻧّﲈ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًّﺿﺪا هل ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ أن ﻟﻮ ﰷن ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ وﻗﺖ أو ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ذكل اﻟﻮﻗﺖ أو ﻋﲆ ذكل اﻟﻮﺟﻪ. وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ّ أن ذكل ﻻ ﻳﻨﺎﰲ ﰲ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ واﻟﻔﻨﺎء ّ ﻷن اﻟﻔﻨﺎء وإن اﺧﺘﺺ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ّﻓﻀﺪﻩ وﻫــﻮ اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ﻻ ﳜﺘــﺺ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻮد ﺑــﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧــﻪ ابﻗــﻴًﺎ وﻣــﻦ ٢٧

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 94 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﻣﻘﺪورات اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ﳁﺎ ﻣﻦ وﻗﺖ إﻻ ّ وﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮد اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ، ًﻓﺈذا ﻻ ّ ﻳﻀﺎد ﻓﳱﲈ ّ إﻻ ﻋﲆ اﳉﻨﺲ، وﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺟﺎز أن ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ ﰲ ﻧﻮع وﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﳉﺎز أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ّ ﻟﻠﻌةل اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ ٍ وﺟﻪ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺛﺒﻮت ّﺿﺪﻫﺎ ً ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﳯﺎ ﻓﺘﻜﻮن اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب. ٣٠ وﺑﻴﺎن ذكل ّ أن ﻣﺎ ّﲱﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ّ اﻟﻌةل اﳌﻮﺟﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻟ ّ ﻴﺼﺢ ﻇﻬﻮر ّﲱﳤﺎ ابﻟﻮﺟﻮب اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ إﻻ ّ ابﻟﻌةل ﻟﺘﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ًأﺻﻼ، ﻓﺈذا ّﺗﻘﺮر ذكل ﻓﻠﻮ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺛﺒﻮت اﳌﻌﲎ اﳌﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﺘكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ّاﳌﻀﺎدة ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ﲠﺬﻩ اذلات اخمل ّﺘﺼﺔ ﲠﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ٣٣ ﻟﻌﺎد ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺼﺎدرة ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮان ﻣﻦ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ أﺣﺪ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ّﲱﺔ اﻵﺧﺮ، وﻗﺪ أوﲵﻨﺎ ﰲ «ادلﻻةل ﻋﲆ أﻧّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻏﲏ» ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﺘﺒﻴﺎن ّ أن ّﲱﺔ أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ّﺿﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮهجﲔ، أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ أن اذلي ّﻳﺼﺤﺤﻬﺎ ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ ﺿﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذﻛــﺮان ٣٦ ﻫﻨﺎك؛ واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮن اذلات ً ﺟﺎﻫﻼ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺜﺒﺎت ﺟﻮاز أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺗﺰول ﺑﺰواهل وإﻧّﲈ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ١٥٥أ ﻳﻜﻮن ً ﺟﺎﻫﻼ | ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﺑﴩط أن ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ أﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﺟﺎﻫﻼ. وإذا ﺛﺒﺖ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﺛﺒﻮت ّﺿﺪﻫﺎ، وﺟﺐ ﻟﻮ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﺛﺒﻮت ٣٩ ّ ﺿﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ّ ﻟﻠﻌةل ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل أن ﻻ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ، وذكل ﻳﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب وﻛﻮﳖﺎ اثﺑﺘﺔ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻳُﻐﻨﳱﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﲎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ وﳛﻴﻞ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ّﻟﻌةل، ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻮل ّﺑﺼﺤﺔ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﻌﻠﻞ ّ ﺗﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ دون اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّﻳﺆدي إﱃ اﻟﻘﻮل ﺑﺒﻄﻼﳖﺎ، وﻳﻌﻮد ﻋﲆ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ، ﻓﻮﺟﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ٤٢ ﰲ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﺮاض ﰲ اﳉﻨﺲ إﻻ واﻟ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد ﰲ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ وﻟﻮ ﻻ ذكل ﻷﺟﺰان أن ﺗ ّ ﺘﻀﺎد اﻷﻛﻮان ﻋﲆ اﳉﻨﺲ دون اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ، ﻓﻼ ﳜﺮج اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﰷﺋﻨًﺎ ﰲ هجﺔ ﻣﻌﻴّﻨﺔ وﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل ﻓﻴﻪ، وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ﲞﻼف ذكل ﳌﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﳉﻮاﻫﺮ ﰲ اﳉﻬﺎت، وﻫﺬا واﰣ ﳌﻦ ّﺗﺄﻣهل ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ. ٤٥

[٥] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی إن ﻗﻴﻞ: إذا ﰷﻧﺖ اذلات إﻧّﲈ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﺎ ابﻟﺼﻔﺔ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ، وﻟﻮ ﻻ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ ﳌﺎ ّ ﰠ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ، وﰷن ﻋﻨﺪﰼ أﻧّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ وﺟﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ٣ ﻣﻊ ّ أن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻞ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣــﻴًّﺎ وﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣــﻴًّﺎ ﺑﻞ ّﲱﺘــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا، وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا ﺑﻞ ّﲱﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًذاات، ّ ﻓﺈن ﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺬات ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا، وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ً ذاات وﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻫﻮ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺗﻣﱰًّﺒﺎ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﲠــﺬﻩ ادلرﺟﺎت، ﻓﻜﻴــﻒ ٦ ﻳﻜﻮن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻣﱰّﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ؟ وﻫﻞ ﻫــﺬا إﻻ ﻗــﻮل ﺑﻮﻗــﻮف ّ ﰻ واﺣــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻣــﺮﻳﻦ ﻋــﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ، وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ابﻟﴚء ًاتﺑﻌﺎ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ وﱔ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ّ ﻓﺈن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ

٤: ٢٨ ﻋﲆ] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ٤٥ ﳌﺎ] + ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٥: ٥ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا٢] + وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٦ وﺷﻴﺌًﺎ] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 95 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻪ، ًﻓﺈذا ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ّ ﺣﱴ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ٩ ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ّ ﺣﱴ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ وﺟﺐ وﻗﻮف ّ ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ، ﻳ ّ ﺒﲔ ﻫﺬا ّ أان ﻟﻮ ّﻗﺪران أﻧّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳋﺮج ﻋﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻊ ّأﳖﺎ ﺗﻣﱰّﺒﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺣﺼﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ. ١٢ ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب: ّ أان ﻻ ﻧﻘﻮل إﻧّﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ ﲟﻌﲎ أﻧّﻪ إﻧّﲈ ﰷن ً ذاات ﻷﺟﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻟﻮﻻ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ ﰷن ً ذاات وإﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲏ ﺑﺬكل ّ أن ذاﺗﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ اﳌ ّﳣﲒة ﻣﻦ اﶈﺪاثت ﰷﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲜﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﻦ دون ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺆﺛّﺮ ﺳﻮی ذاﺗﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ، ﻓﻬﻮ ﲞﻼف ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻮهل ﰲ اﻟﺴﻮاد أﻧّﻪ ﺳﻮاد ذلاﺗﻪ، وﰲ اﳉﻮﻫﺮ ١٥ ١٥٥ب أﻧّﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ | ذلاﺗﻪ ّ ﻷن اﻟﺴﻮاد ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ًﺳﻮادا ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً ذاات ﻣ ّﳣــﲒة ﻋــﻦ ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ وﻛــﺬكل اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ، ﻓﺈﻧّــﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ ًﺟﻮﻫﺮا ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ً ذاات ﻣ ّﳣﲒة ﻋﻦ ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ، ﺑﻞ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ذكل، ّ ﻓﺈن اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ إﻧّــﲈ ﰷن ً ذاات ﻟﻜﻮﻧــﻪ ًﺟﻮﻫﺮا، وﻛﺬكل اﻟﺴﻮاد إﻧّﲈ ﰷن ً ذاات ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﺳﻮادا. ١٨ وإﻧّﲈ ﻣﻘﺼﻮدان ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﻮاد ﺳﻮاد ذلاﺗﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻞ، ّ وأن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﺳﻮادا ﺻــﻔﺔ واﺟﺒــﺔ هل ﻻ ﺗﻔﺘﻘــﺮ ﰲ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ إﱃ ﺻﻔﺔ أﺧﺮی ﺗﺮﺟﻊ إﱃ اﻟﺴﻮاد وﻻ إﱃ ﻏﲑﻩ، وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ﻛﻮن اﳉﻮﻫــﺮ ًﺟﻮﻫــﺮا، ﻓﺈذا ﰷن ﻛﺬكل ﺑﻄﻞ ﻣﺎ أوردﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ إﻟﺰام اﻟﺘﻮﻗّﻒ ّ ﻷان ﱂ ﳒﻌﻞ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ، ٢١ وإﻧّﲈ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﲠﺎ ﻳ ّ ﳣﲒ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ، وﱔ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ وﻋﺰ اﻷﺧﺺ، وﱔ اﻟﱵ وﺟﺒﺖ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﱘ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻷﺟﻞ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﲠﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺣﻴًّﺎ ًوﻣﻮﺟﻮدا، وﲠﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اذلوات. وﻣﺎ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ وﻗﻮف ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﰷن ًواﻗﻔﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ٢٤ ﺣﻴًّﺎ، وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًﺎ ًواﻗﻔﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا، وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻮﺟﻮدا ًواﻗﻔﺎ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، وﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ أن ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﱰﺗّﺐ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ، ﻓﺬكل ﲱﻴﺢ ﻟﻜﻦ إﻟﺰاﻣﻪ ﻟﻨﺎ أن ﳒﻌﻞ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ اتﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ّ ﻷان ﻗﺪ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ ﻣﺮادان ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻨﺎ أﻧّﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﱂ ذلاﺗﻪ وذكل ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮدان ًأﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ٢٧ ذلاﺗﻪ وﺣﻴًّﺎ ًوﻣﻮﺟﻮدا ذلاﺗﻪ، وﻗﺪ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻞ إﻧّﲈ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ اﻟﱵ ﲠﺎ ﻓﺎرق ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اذلوات. وﻗﻮهل: ﻟﻮ ّﻗﺪران أﻧّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﺮج ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳋﺮج ﻋﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﳏﳣﻞ، ﻓﺈن أراد أﻧّﻪ ﳜﺮج ٣٠ ﻋﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّ ﺣﱴ إذا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻋﺎﱂ ً أﺻﻼ ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻓﺬكل ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ّ ﻷن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﲠﺎ ﻳ ّ ﳣﲒ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ وﱔ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ، وﻻ ّ ﺷﻚ ّ أن اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اذلاﺗﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﰲ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟــﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ٣٣ وإﻧّﲈ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮن اﻟﴚ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ. ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ذكل ّ ﻷن ﻛــﻮن

١٠ ﻋﲆ…١٢ ﻣﳯﲈ] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ١٨ ﰷن] + ﺳﻮا (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 96 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻳﱰﺗّﺐ ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘﻪ ابﻟﴚء ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ّ ﻷن اﻟﻌﲅ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﲟﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﻏﲑ ﳾء وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﻫﻮ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻊ ّ أن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ واﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ. ٣٦ ١٥٦أ وإن أراد اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ أﻧّﻪ ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻣﺎ | ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻴﺚ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣــﻘﺘﴣ ﺻــﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧــﺺ وﺻﻔﺘﻪ اﻷﺧﺺ ﱔ اﳌﻘﺘﻀﻴﺔ ّﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ﳁﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّ دل ﻋﲆ ﺑﻄﻼن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻫﻮ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﳚﻮز أن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻘﺘﴤ وﺣﺼﻮل ﴍط اﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻪ وﻫﻮ اﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻷزﱄ، ٣٩ وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻠﺖ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧﺺ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻫﺎ اﻵﺧﺮ وﻫﻮ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، ﻓﺬكل ﲱﻴﺢ، وﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ذكل ﺗﻮﻗّ ًﻔﺎ ّ ﻟﲁ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ، ﺑﻞ إﻧّﲈ ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّ أن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّوﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﲈن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎن ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ّاﻷﺧﺺ، ﻓﺈذا ﺑﻄﻞ أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ دل ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻄﻼن ﺻــﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻴﺚ ّ أن ﺑﻄﻼﻧــﻪ ٤٢ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻄﻼن ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ اﳌﻘﺘﴤ ﺑﻄﻞ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺗﻪ، وذكل واﰣ ّ ﺑﲔ ﲝﻤﺪﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ. وﻋﻘﺪ اﳉﻮاب ﰲ ذكل ّ أن اﻟﺴﺆال ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻷﻧّﻪ ّ ﻇﻦ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ اﻷﻣﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّ ﻇﻦ ﺑﻞ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ، وإﻧّﲈ ﺗﻘﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ اﻷﺧــﺺ ٤٥ وإﻧّﲈ ﻳﻘﻒ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ، وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ وﺟﻮب ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ، وإﻧّﲈ ﻫــﻮ ّﲱــﺔ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ وﻟﻬﺬا ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻗﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﳾء ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻘًﺎ ﻋﲆ اﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّ إﻻ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ًوﳐﱪا ﻋﻨﻪ، ﻓﻘﺪ اﻧﻜﺸﻒ ّ أن ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎن ًﻣﻌﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ اﻷﺧﺺ ﻓﲅ ﺗﻘﻒ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ ٤٨ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وإن وﻗﻒ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻋﲆ ّﲱﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ﻓﲅ ﺗﻘﻒ ّ ﰻ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﻋﲆ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻪ، وﰲ ذكل ﺑﻄﻼن اﻟﺸـﳢﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﳖﺎ إﱃ ﻗﺪهمﺎ ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ.

[٦] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی اﻹدراك إذا ﻋﻠّﻖ ابﻟﺒﴫ ﱂ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ّ إﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﻻةل أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ إﺛﺒﺎت أﺣﺪ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﲔ ﻣــﻊ ﻧﻔــﻲ اﻷﺧــﺮی، وﻗﻮل ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮل إﻧّﻪ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل، ﻛﲈ ﻳﻘﺎل أدرﻛﺖ ﺑﺒﴫي ﺣﺮارة اﳌﻴﻞ ِوﺣ ّﺪة ادلواء، وإن ﱂ ﻳﺮﻫﲈ ﺑﺒﴫﻩ ﻓﻬﻮ ٣ ابﻃﻞ ّ ﻷن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈهل ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺎز، والكﻣﻨﺎ إﻧّﲈ ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﻠﻔﻆ. واذلي ﻳ ّ ﺒﲔ ّ أن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈهل ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺎز ﻫﻮ أﻧّﻪ ﳌﺎ ﻗﻴّﺪ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﺑﻪ ﴏﻓﻪ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻊ إﱃ اﻹدراك ّ ﶈﻞ اﳊﻴﺎة ﻟﻌﻠﻤﻪ ابﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل رؤﻳﺔ اﳊﺮارة ابﻟﺒﴫ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ّ أن اﻟﻠﻔﻆ ﻟﻮ أﻃﻠﻖ إﻃﻼﻗًﺎ وﱂ ﻳﻘﻴﺪ ﺑــﺬكل ٦ ١٥٦ب وﻻ ﻋﻠّﻖ ﺑﻪ ﳌﺎ ﺳـﺒﻖ | إﱃ ﻓﻬﻢ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﻨﻪ إﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ، أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أن أﺣﺪان إذا ﻗﺎل: أدرﻛﺖ ﺑﺒﴫي ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ إﱃ أﻓﻬﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ّ إﻻ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ دون اﻹدراك ابﻟﺒﴫ ﳌ ًﺴﺎ ﻓﻌﺮﻓﻨﺎ أﻧّــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ ﻟﺴـﺒﻘﻪ إﱃ اﻷﻓﻬﺎم ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ وأﻧّﻪ ﳎﺎز ﰲ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻹﻃﻼق إﱃ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ٩ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ.

٣٦ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ٢] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ٤٥ ﻋﲆ٣] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ٤٧ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻘًﺎ] ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘًﺎ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 97 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وﳑﺎ ﺗ ّ ﺒﲔ ذكل ّ أن أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺟﺮی ﻋﺮﻓﻬﻢ ّﺑﺄﳖﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻘﻠﻮن اﻹدراك ّﲝﺎﺳﺔ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ﺑﺈدراك ﻣﺪرك دون ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ّ إﻻ وﻳﺮﻳﺪون ﺑﻪ ذكل اﻹدرك اخملﺼﻮص دون ﻣﺎ ﳜﺎﻟﻔﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻹدراﰷت، ﻓﺼﺎرت ﻟﻔﻈــﺔ اﻹدراك ١٢ ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑﲔ اﻹﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎت ّ ابﳊﻮاس ﻋﲆ اﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ، وإﻧّﲈ ﺗ ّﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺈﻓﺎدة ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﳯﺎ دون ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻔــﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻌﻠّﻘــﻬﺎ ﺑﺘكل اﳊﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﱵ ﱔ ﴍط ﰲ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺔ، أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أن أﺣﺪان إذا ﻗﺎل: أدرﻛﺖ ﲞﻴﺸﻮﱊ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ، ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺒﻖ إﱃ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ ّ إﻻ أﻧّﻪ أدرك ﺑﻪ اﻷراﰁ اﻟﱵ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ﺗــكل ّاﳊﺎﺳــﺔ ﺑﺈدراﻛــﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ دون ﻏــﲑﻫﺎ ﻣــﻦ ّاﳊــﻮاس، ١٥ وﻛﺬكل إذا ﻗﺎل: أدرﻛﺖ ُﺑﺄذﱏ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ أو ﺑﻔﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ أو ﺑــﺒﴫي ﺷــﻴﺌًﺎ، ﻓﺈﻧّــﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺴـﺒــﻖ ﻣﻨــﻪ إﱃ اﻷﻓــﻬﺎم إﻻ إدراك اﳌﺪرﰷت اﻟﱵ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ﻫﺬﻩ ّ اﳊﻮاس ﺑﺈدراﻛﻬﺎ ﲠﺎ. ﻓﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺬكل ّ أن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈل اﻹدراك ﻣﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ابﻟﺒﴫ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ّ إﻻ ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ. وﳑﺎ ﺗ ّ ﺒﲔ أﻧّﻪ ﳎﺎز ﰲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ أﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ إدراك اﳊﺮارة ِو ّﺣﺪة ادلواء ﳌﺎ ١٨ ّ ﰠ إدراﻛﻬﲈ ّ إﻻ ابﻟﺒﴫ دون ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ّ اﳊﻮاس وﳌﺎ ّ ﰠ ﻣﻦ اﻷﲻﯽ إدراﻛﻬﲈ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ اﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪة ﳌﺎ ّﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ّ أن أﻫﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻠﻮن اﻹدراك ﻣﻌﻠﻘًﺎ ّﲝﺎﺳﺔ ﲣ ّ ﺘﺺ ﺑﺈدراك ﻣﺪرك ّ وإﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻮن ﺑﻪ ذكل اﻹدراك اخملﺘﺺ ﺑﺘــكل ّاﳊﺎﺳﺔ دون اﻹدراك اذلي ﻳﻜﻮن ًﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ّاﳊﻮاس، وﻻ ﻳﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻠﻮن ذكل ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ. ٢١ ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﳊﺮارة ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ إدراﻛﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﺮ ّاﳊﻮاس، ﻓﻴﻜــﻮن اﺳـــﺘﻌﲈل اﻟﻠﻔﻈــﺔ اﳌﻘﻴّــﺪة ﲠﺎ ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﻹدراك ًﳎﺎزا. وأﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن اﺳـﺘﻌﲈﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﳱﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﳐ ّﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺘكل ّاﳊﺎﺳﺔ وﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﺷـﻴﺎع ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺪرﻛﺔ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﺮ ّاﳊﻮاس، ًﻓﺈذا اﻷوﱃ ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ إدراﻛﻬﺎ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ابﻟﻌﲔ دون اﻟﺒﴫ، ﻓﺘﻘﻮل: أدرﻛﺖ ﺑــﻌﻴﲏ ﺣــﺮارة ٢٤ اﳌﻴﻞ، وذلكل ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻘﻮهل ﻟﻸﲻﯽ، ّ وﻷن هل ﻋﻴﻨًﺎ وإن ﱂ ﺗ ّ ﺴﻢ ًﺑﴫا ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﲱﻴﺤﺔ، ّ ﻓﺼﺢ ّ أن ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻹدراك اﳌﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﺒﴫ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ دون ﻏﲑﻫﺎ، وﻫﺬا واﰣ ﲝﻤﺪ ﷲ وﻣﻨّﻪ.

[٧] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی ١٥٧أ | إن ﻗﻴﻞ: إذا ﰷن اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻫﻮ الاﻋﱰاف ﺑﻨﻌﻤﺔ اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻣﻊ ﴐب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﻈﲓ، وﻋﻨﺪﰼ ّ أن اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻻ ﳛﺴﻦ ّ إﻻ ابﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق، والاﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺑﻪ وﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ًﻣﻌﺎ، وﰷن ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺣﺴـﻨــﻪ ﻋــﻦ وﺟﻮﺑــﻪ، ﻓﻜﻴــﻒ ٣ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻊ ذكل اﻟﻘﻮل ّ ﺑﺄن الاﻋﱰاف ﻻ ﳚﺐ إﻻ إذا ﰷن ﻫﻨﺎك ﲥﻤﺔ ﻓﻴــﺠﺐ إزاﻟــﳤﺎ وأﻧّــﻪ ﳛﺴــﻦ ﻣــﻊ زوال اﻟﳤﻤﺔ وﻻ ﳚﺐ، وذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ّ أن ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻦ وﺟﻮﺑﻪ. ﻗﻴﻞ هل: ّ إن اذلي ﻳﻘﻮل أﻧّﻪ واﺟﺐ وأﻧّﻪ ﳚﺐ ﻟﻼﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق إﻧّﲈ ﻫﻮ اﻋﺘــﻘﺎد ﻋﻈــﻢ ﺣﺎل اﳌﻨﻌــﻢ ﻷﺟﻞ ٦ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻪ، وﻻ ّ ﺷﻚ ّ أن ذكل واﺟﺐ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ّ ﰻ ﺣﺎل ﺧﻄﺮت اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﺎهل، ﻓﲅ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ ذكل ﻋﻦ وﺟﻮﺑﻪ. ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ إﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ والاﻋﱰاف ﲠﺎ ﻓﺬكل ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﻟﻼﺳـــﺘﺤﻘﺎق، وإﻧّــﲈ ﳚﺐ ﻹزاةل اﻟﳤﻤــﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ، ﻓﻌﻨﺪ زواﻟﻬﺎ ﻻ ﳚﺐ، ﻟﻜﻦ الاﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﴍط ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧّﻪ إﺧﺒﺎر ﻋﻦ وﺻﻮل ﻧﻌﻤﺔ إﻟﻴﻪ ٩

٦: ١١ ﻻ] + ﻳﻌﻘﻠﻮن (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) | ﻣﺪرك] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ١٢ اﻹدرك] ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ٧: ٤ إزاﻟﳤﺎ] ﻹزاﻟﳤﺎ ٧ واﺟﺐ] + ﻋﻠﻴﻪ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) | اﳌﻨﻌﻢ] + ﻋﻠﻴﻪ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 98 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﲑ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳُﻨئب ﻋﻦ ﻋﻈﻤﺔ ذكل اﻟﻐﲑ، وذكل ﻻ ﳛﺴﻦ ّ إﻻ إذا ﰷن ﺻــﺪﻗًﺎ. وﻣــﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ اﻟــﻐﲑ ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘًّﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳐﱪﻩ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ أﺧﱪ ﺑﻪ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ًﻛﺬاب، ﻓــذلكل ﱂ ﳛﺴــﻦ ّ إﻻ ﻣــﻊ الاﺳـــﺘﺤﻘﺎق، ﻓﺈذا ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ ابﻹﻇﻬﺎر ﻏﺮض ﻣﻊ زوال اﻟﳤﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﻐﺮض ﺑﻪ ﻣﻊ اﻧﺘﻔﺎء وﺟــﻮﻩ اﻟﻘﺒــﺢ ﻋﻨــﻪ وإن ﱂ ﳚﺐ، وإذا ﱂ ١٢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻏﺮض وﻗﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺑﻪ ﰷن ﻋﺒﺜًﺎ ﻗﺒ ًﻴﺤﺎ، وإذا ﰷن اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻮﺟﻮب اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ً ﴐوراي وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻌــﲅ ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﺎل اﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﻷﺟﻞ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻪ، ﻓﺎذلي ﳚﺐ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺒﺪ ﻳﻨﴫف إﱃ ﻋﺰﻣﻪ ﻋﲆ إﻇﻬﺎر اﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ والاﻋﱰاف ﲠﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﳤﻤﺔ وإﱃ ﻛﺮاﻫﺔ الاﻧﴫاف ﻋﲈ ﻳﺪﻋﻮﻩ إﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﺎهل، ﻓﻴﻨﴫف ذكل إﱃ أﻣﻮر اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻳﺔ. ١٥

[٨] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی إذا ﻗﻴﻞ: ّ ﻫﻼ ﰷن الاﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﰷﻓﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻷﱂ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎر ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﻟﻮﺻةل إﱃ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ أن اﳌﳫّﻒ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻌﻪ أﻗﺮب إﱃ ﻓﻌﻞ اﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ وﺗﺮك اﳌﻌﺼﻴﺔ اﻟذلﻳﻦ ﻫﲈ ﺳﺒﺒﺎن ﰲ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎق اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻫﺬا، ﻛﲈ ٣ ّ أن ﴐب اﻟﻮادل ﻟﻮدلﻩ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ أﻧّﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎر ﰲ ﺣﲂ اﻟﻮﺻةل إﱃ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﻌﲅ واﻷدب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﰷن ﻣﻌﻪ أﻗﺮب إﱃ الاﺷـﺘﻐﺎل ابﻟ ّ ﺘﻌﲅ واﻟ ّﺘﺄدب اﻟذلﻳﻦ ﻫﲈ ﺳﺒﺒﺎن ذلكل، وإن ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ اﻷدب ً ﺣﺎﺻﻼ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﴬب. ٦ ١٥٧ب ﻗﻠﻨﺎ: ّ إن ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ﻓﺮﻗًﺎ | وذكل ﻷﻧّﻪ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻧﻔﻊ اﻷدب ً ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﳌﺸﻘّــﺔ اﻟﴬب [...]ـــﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﲈ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺎن، ووﺻﻠﺘﺎن إﻟﻴﻪ، وﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘًّﺎ ﻋﻠﳱﲈ وﻻ ﻋﲆ واﺣﺪ ﻣﳯﲈ ﲞﻼف ﻧﻔﻊ اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻣﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ابﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﳌﺸﻘّﺘﻪ، ﻓﺘﺒﻘﯽ ﻣﺸﻘّﺔ اﻷﱂ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚــﱪﻫﺎ، ﻓﻴﻘﺒــﺢ ﻟــﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻋــﻮض ّ ﻷن ٩ اﻟﺜﻮاب ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ اﺳـﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻪ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﻏﲑ اﳌﳫّﻒ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻳﻘﱰن ﺑﻪ اﻟﺘﻌﻈﲓ اذلي ﻻ ﻳﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ّ إﻻ ﺑﻔﻌهل وﺻﺎر ذكل ﲟﲋةل ﺗﳫﻴﻒ ﷲ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﴩﻋﻴﺎت ً ﻓﻌﻼ ًوﺗﺮﰷ، ّﻓﺈﳖﺎ وإن ﰷﻧﺖ ًﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ وﺗﺮك اﻟﻘﺒﺎﰁ اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ، ﻓﻼ ﳜﺮج ﺑﺬكل ﺗﳫﻴﻔﻨﺎ ّإايﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﻇﻠﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜــﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘــﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﳚــﱪﻩ، ﻓﻜــﲈ ١٢ وﺟﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑةل اﳌﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺤﻘﻨﺎ ﲠﺬﻩ اﻟﺘﲀﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ ً ﻓﻌﻼ ً وﺗﺮﰷ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺨﺮج اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﻇﻠﻤﺎ، وﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ًﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﲠﺎ ﻣﻦ دون ﺛﻮاب ﻳﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ﲠﺎ، ﻓﻜﺬكل ﳚﺐ أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻛﻮن اﻷﱂ ًﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺴـﻨﻪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑهل ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻩ. ووﺟﻪ اﶺﻊ ﺑﲔ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ ١٥ ّ أن اﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﳌﺴـ ّ ﺘﺤﻖ ابﳌﻠﻄﻮف ﻓﻴﻪ ﰲ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ إﻧّــﲈ ﻫــﻮ ﻣــﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻘّــﺔ اﻟــﱵ ﻓﻴــﻪ، ﻓﺘﺒﻘــﯽ اﳌﺸﻘّــﺔ ّواﳌﴬة اﳊﺎﺻﻠﺘﺎن ﰲ اﻟﻠﻄﻔﲔ ﻋﺎرﻳﺘﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﻊ ﳚﱪﻫﲈ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن إﻟﺰام اﳌﺸﻘّﺔ واﻧﺰال ّاﳌﴬة ًﻇﻠﻤﺎ.

٨: ٣ اﻟﺜﻮاب] + ﻛﲈ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٧ ... ـﻢ] ﳇﻤﺘﺎن ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮآن، وﻟﻌهل وﳌﺸﻘﺔ اﻷﱂ ٨ وﻟﻴﺲ] + ﻣﺴـﺘﺤﻘّﻬﺎ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ١٥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑهل] ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻪ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 99 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

[٩] ﻣﺴﺄةل أﺧﺮی اﻋﲅ ّ أن الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻳﻨﻘﺴﻢ ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻛﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺪل ﺑﻪ ًراﺑﻄﺎ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ واﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ إﱃ ﻗﺴﻤﲔ، أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ذكل اﺳـ ً ﺘﺪﻻﻻ ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷــﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﳊــﲂ، واﻵﺧــﺮ أن ٣ ﻳﻜﻮن اﺳـ ً ﺘﺪﻻﻻ ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّ ﻋةل اﳊﲂ. ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﳊﲂ ﻓﲀﺳـــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺳـــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ًوﻣﺮﻳﺪا، ّ ﻓﺈان إﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺜﺒﻮت أﺣﲀهمﺎ، ّ ﰒ إذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل ٦ اﻷﺣﲀم ﰲ ّ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺛﺒﻮت ﺗكل اﻟﺼﻔﺎت ﰲ ﺣﻘّﻪ ّ ﺟﻞ ّ وﻋﺰ وإﻻ اﻧﺘﻘﺾ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﻟﳱﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ، أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أان إﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﻛــﻮن أﺣــﺪان ًﻗﺎدرا ّﺑﺼﺤــﺔ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ ﻣﻨــﻪ، ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ ّﲱــﺔ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﷲ ١٥٨أ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ أﻧّﻪ ﻗﺎدر. وﻛﺬكل ّ ﻓﺈان إﻧّﲈ ﻧﻌﲅ ﻛﻮن أﺣﺪان ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ّوأﳖﺎ | [...] ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ٩ وﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﺑﻮﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ّوﺗﴫﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻛﻮن الكﻣﻪ ًأﻣﺮا ًوﺧﱪا، ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا؛ إذ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻣﻊ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﳉﺎز أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪان ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻣﻊ وﻗﻮع أﻓﻌﺎهل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ، ﻓﲀن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮن ﻫﺬا اﳊﲂ ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮن ١٢ أﺣﺪان ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ. ّوأﻣﺎ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّ ﻋةل اﳊﲂ ﻓﴬابن، أﺣﺪﻫﲈ أن ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ّ اﻟﻌةل ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ، واﻵﺧﺮ أن ﻻ ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ، ١٥ ﺑﻞ ﻧﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ. وﻋﲆ الك اﻟﻮهجﲔ ﳚﺐ ﺣﺼﻮل اﳌﻌﻠﻮل أﻳامن ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﻠّﺘﻪ ّ وإﻻ ﻋﺎد ذكل ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ّ ﻋةل ﻓﻴﻪ ابﻟﻨﻘﺾ واﻹﺑﻄﺎل وذكل ﻻ ﳚﻮز. ّﻓﺎﻷول ﳓﻮ اﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺴﻦ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ّ ﻳﱲ إﻻ ﺑﻪ، ّ ﻓﺈان إﻧّﲈ ﻋﻠــﻤﻨﺎ ذكل ﳌﺎ ١٨ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ودلﻩ ﲟﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟ ّ ﺘﻌﲅ ﳌﺮاﺗﺐ اﻟﻌﲅ اﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ وﻣﻨﺎزهل اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺔ، ّ ﻓﺈن ذكل إﻧّﲈ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ّ ﻳﱲ إﻻ ﺑﻪ وﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺗﳫﻴﻒ ّ اهلل ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻌﺒﺎدﻩ أﻧّﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﳍﻢ ﳌﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻈﳰﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺎس ﲠﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ادلﻧﻴﺎ، ﻓﺈذا ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ذكل ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ّ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﺑﺄن ﳛﺴﻦ أوﱃ. ٢١ وأﺧﺮی ّ ﻷن ﻫﺬﻩ ّ اﻟﻌةل وﱔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻻ ّ ﻳﱲ ّ إﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺻةل ﰲ اﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ أﻗﻮی ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ودلﻩ ﲟﺸﻘّﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﲓ ﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﻟﻌﲅ ّ ﻷن اﻟﻨﻔﻌﲔ اﳌﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﳱﲈ ﰲ اﳌﻮﺿﻌﲔ وإن اﺷﱰﰷ ﰲ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﻋﻈﳰﲔ ﲝﻴﺚ ﳛﺴﻦ ّﲢﻤﻞ اﳌ ّ ﺸﺎق وﲢﻤﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﳌﺜﻠﻬﲈ وﰲ ﻛﻮﳖﲈ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﱲ ّ إﻻ ﺑﺬكل اﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﺾ. ﻓﻠﻠﻨﻔﻊ ٢٤ اﳌ ّﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻴﻪ ابﻟﺘﳫﻴﻒ ﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﻈﳰﺔ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮﻩ، أﺣﺪﻫﺎ أﻧّﻪ أﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻔﻊ اﳊﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺘﻌﺮﻳﺾ اﻟﻮادل ﻟﻮدلﻩ ﰲ

٩: ٢ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ] + ابﻋﺘﺒﺎر (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ١١ وﺟﻪ٢] + ﳉﺎز أن ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن أﺣﺪان ﻣﺮ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ١٢ ﻣﻊ] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 100 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

اﻟﻘﺪر، واﻟﺜﺎﱐ أﻧّﻪ داﰂ ﲞﻼف ﻣﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ، واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ أﻧّﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻦ ّ ﰻ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﺔ ﲞــﻼف ﻣﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫــﺪ ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ﻣﺸﻮب ابﻟ ّﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎت. ٢٧ ّوأﻣﺎ اﻟﴬب اﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ابﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻬﲈ ﰲ ّ ﻋةل اﳊﲂ وﻫــﻮ أﻧّــﻪ ﺗﻜــﻮن ّ اﻟﻌةل اثﺑﺘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻛﺜﺒﺎﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ أﻗﻮی، وذكل ﰷﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ّ أن اﻟﻈﲅ ﻟﻮ وﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﷲ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﲀن ﻗﺒ ًﻴﺤﺎ ﲟﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻈﲅ اذلي ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﺤﻪ ﴐورة ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫــﺪ ﰲ اﻟﻮﺟــﻪ ٣٠ ١٥٨ب اذلي ﻷﺟهل ﻗﺒﺢ وﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻇﻠﻤﺎ، ﻓﻌﲆ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ | ﳚﺮی اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ذكل.

[١٠] ﺳﺆال إذا ﻗﺎل ﻗﺎﺋﻞ: ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮن ﰲ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻫﻞ ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ أم ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ أم ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ؟ ٣ ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ: اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ، ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: ﻫﺬا ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﻮهجﲔ، أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ أن اﳌﺮﺟﻊ ابﻹﺣﲀم ﻟﻴﺲ ّ إﻻ إﱃ وﺟﻮدﻩ ﻋﲆ ﴐب ﻣﻦ ﺗاﻟﱰﻴﺐ والاﺗّﺴﺎق وذكل ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ، وﻻ ّ ﺷﻚ ّ أن وﺟﻮد اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻏﲑﻩ أو ﻗﺒهل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، ّ ﻓﺈن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻟﻴﺲ إﻻ ﻛــﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ًﻗﺎدرا؛ ٦ واﻟﺜﺎﱐ ّ أن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم أﺣﺪ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﳱﺎ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل، ووﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﰼ إﻧّﲈ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﻘﻠﻮن ذكل ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ. ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ: اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﺴـﺘﺪﻟّﻮن ﻋﲆ ٩ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲝﲂ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺼﺎدر ﻋﻨﻪ، وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ّ أن ذكل ﻓﺎﺳﺪ. ّ ﻓﺈن ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻻ ّ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑﲔ اﳌﺪﻟﻮل ّ وإﻻ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺄن ّ ﻳﺪل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ أوﱃ ﻣﻦ أن ّ ﻳﺪل ﻋﲆ ﻏﲑﻩ، ﻓﻼ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ الاﺳـﺘﺪﻻل ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ هل ﺑﻪ وﻻ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ هل ﻓﻴﻪ. ١٢ ًوأﻳﻀﺎ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﻨﺪﰼ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻫﻮ وﻗﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﳐﺼﻮص ووﻗﻮع اﻷﻓــﻌﺎل ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، ﻓﻺن ﺟﺎز الاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم ﻋــﲆ ّ أن اﳌﺆﺛّــﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﳉﺎز ذكل ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﻓﻴﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮن ١٥ ذكل ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﻮل ﻻ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ، ﺑﻞ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا [...] ووﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻫﻮ ﺣﺪوهثﺎ، وذكل ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﺑﻜﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، ﻓﻮﻗــﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺪوهثﺎ وأﻣﺮ زاﺋﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﳊﺪوث وأﻣﺮ زاﺋﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ًراﺟﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻣﻊ ّ أن اﳊﺪوث ١٨ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، وذكل ﺧﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ اﻟالكم.

٢٧ ابﻟ ّﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎت] اىﻟﯩﻌﺼﺎت ١٠: ١٧ ...] ﻟﻌهل ﺳـامي

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 101 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وإن ﻗﻠﱲ: اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ إﺣﲀم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: ﻫﺬا ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﻮهجﲔ، أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ّ أن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ راﺟﻊ إﱃ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺗﺮﻴﺐ ﳐﺼﻮص، وﻗﺪ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ ّ أن ذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا؛ واﻟﺜﺎﱐ أﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ذكل ٢١ ًراﺟﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻟﺒﻄﻞ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻃﺮﻳﻘًﺎ إﱃ اﻟﻌﲅ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن دلﻳﻪ واﳊﺎل ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ. اﳉﻮاب: ّ أن ّﲱﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ راﺟﻌﺔ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﳌﺎ ﻧﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ّ أن اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﶈﳬﺔ ﻗﺪ ّ ﺗﺼﺢ ١٥٩أ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺼﺪ وإرادة ﺑﺄن ﻳﺮﻳﺪ اﻟﲀﺗﺐ ﺣﺮﻓًﺎ ًﳐﺼﻮﺻﺎ، ﻓﻴﻘﻊ ﺧﻼف ذكل ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻹﺣﲀم | [...] ﻓﻴﻘــﻊ ٢٤ اﻟﻐﻠﻂ، ﻓﻴﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻟﻜﺘﺒﻪ، ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ذكل ًراﺟﻌﺎ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﳌﺎ ّﲱﺖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﳏﳬﺔ ّ إﻻ ﻋــﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ذكل وﻳﺮﻳﺪﻩ، وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ. وﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن اﳌﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ذكل ﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳــﺪا ﻟــﻮﺟﺐ ﻣــﱴ أراد اﻷﱊ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻌﺔ أن ّ ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ﺧﻼﻓﻪ. ّ وﻷن اﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺈﺣﲀم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ إﱃ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ ٢٧ وﺟﻪ ﳐﺼﻮص ﻣﻦ ﺗاﻟﱰﻴﺐ ﺑﺄن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ وذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﻛﲈ ذﻛﺮﻩ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﻞ، وﻛﺬكل ﻓﻠﺴـﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل ّ إن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ّﲱﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﳌﺎ ذﻛﺮ ﻣﻦ أﻧّﻪ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، وﻻ ﻧﻘﻮل ًأﻳﻀﺎ أﻧّﻪ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ّﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا. ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻮ ﰷن ﻛﺬكل ّ ﻟﺼﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﱊ أن ﻳﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا وذكل ٣٠ ابﻃﻞ، وﻟﻜﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل ّ إن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ّﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﻓﻘﻂ، وﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻣﺮ ًﺒﺎ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ، وﻛﺬكل ﻧﻘﻮل ّ أن اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا وﻏﲑ ﳑﺘﻨﻊ أن ﻳﻘﻒ وﺟﻮد اﻷﻓﻌﺎل أو وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ [اخملﺘﻠﻔﺔ] ﻋﲆ ﴍوط ﻛــﲈ ﻧﻌــﲅ ﻣــﻦ ّ أن ٣٣ اﻟﻘﺎدرﻳﻦ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻒ ّﲱﺔ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻣﳯﻢ ﻋﲆ ﴍوط. أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أن اﻟﻌﺎﱂ ابﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدر ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻘﺪر ﻋﲆ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ّ ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨــﻪ إﻻ ﻋﻨــﺪ وﺟــﻮد اﻵﻻت اﻟــﱵ ﻳــﻜﺘﺐ ﲠﺎ، وﻋﻨــﺪ وﺟــﻮد ّ اﶈﻞ اذلي ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ، وﻛﺬكل اﳋﻴﺎط ﻗﺎدر ﻋﲆ اﳋﻴﺎﻃﺔ وإن ﻋﺪﻣﺖ اﻹﺑﺮة وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ّ ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ اﳋﻴﺎﻃﺔ ّ إﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ وﺟﻮد ٣٦ اﻹﺑﺮة، وﻛﺬكل ّ ﻓﺈن اﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻗﺎدر ﻋﲆ إﳚﺎد اﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ ّ إﻻ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد ّاﶈﻞ، وﻛﺬكل ﰲ اﻟﻘﺪرة واﻟﻌﲅ وﺳﺎﺋﺮ أﻓﻌﺎل اﻟﻘﻠﻮب ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﻨﻪ إﳚﺎدﻫﺎ ّ إﻻ ﺑﴩط وﺟﻮد اﳊــﻴﺎة، وﻛــﺬكل اﳊﻴﺎة ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ّ إﻻ ﻣﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ، ﻓﻜﺬكل ﻻ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﻫﻮ اﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ٣٩ ﳏﳬًﺎ وإن ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ذكل ﻣﻨﻪ ّ إﻻ ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﺬكل ﻳﻜﻮن ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ًﻣﺆﺛﺮا ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا. ّﻓﺄﻣﺎ ﻗﻮهل: ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴـ ّ ﺘﺪل ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﲝﲂ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺼﺎدر ﻋﻨﻪ وﻻ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ هل ﺑﻪ؟ ٤٢ ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب ﻋﻨﻪ ّ أن ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّﺑﺼﺤﺔ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧّــﻪ ﴍط ﻓــﳱﺎ، ﻓﺎﺳـــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ١٥٩ب ﻋﲆ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ّﺑﺼﺤﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﶈﲂ ﰷﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﴩوط ﲟﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ، ّ ﻓﺈن ﺑﻴﳯﺎ وﺑﲔ | ﻣﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ّاﻟﺼﺤﺔ وﻫﻮ أﻧّﻪ ﻟــﻮﻻ اﻟﴩوط ﳌﺎ ّ ﻳﺼــﺢ اﳌﴩوﻃﺎت وﻫــﺬا اﻟﻮﺟــﻪ أﺣــﺪ وﺟــﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ اﻷدةل ٤٥

٢٤ ...] ﳇﻤﺘﺎن ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮآن ٢٨ ﻓﻌﻞ١] إﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺴﻄﺮ ٣٧ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ] + ﻋﺎﱂ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٤٥ أﺣﺪ] + ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 102 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

ﲟﺪﻟﻮﻻﲥﺎ، ﻓﺒﻄﻞ ﻗﻮهل أﻧّﻪ ﻣﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ ﻣﺆﺛًّﺮا ﰲ وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ هل ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﻷان ﻗﺪ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ ّ أن هل ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ وﻫﻮ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ اﻟﴩوط ﲟﴩوﻃﺎﲥﺎ. ّوأﻣﺎ ﻗﻮهل ّ أن وﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻫﻮ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ، وذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ٤٨ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا أو ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ. ﻓﺎﳉﻮاب ّ أن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﺒﻴﻞ ّ ﻷن وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ّ إﻻ وﻗﻮع ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻋﲆ ّ ﺣﺪ ﻳ ّﺘﻌﺬر ﳑﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻌﺎﱂ إﳚﺎدﻩ ﻋﲆ ذكل ﺗاﻟﱰﻴﺐ، وﻟﻴﺲ ذكل ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﳬًﺎ وﻻ ٥١ ﺻﻔﺔ اﺧﺘﺺ ﲠﺎ، وﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬكل وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﳬًﺎ اﺧﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ اﻟﻔــﻌﻞ واذلي ﻳ ّ ﺒــﲔ ذكل ّ أن اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ، وﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮاﻗﻊ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون وﺟﻪ، أﻻ ﺗﺮی ّ أن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ًالكﻣﺎ ﻛر ً ﻴﲀ ً ﻣﻠﺤﻮان ﻓﻴﻮﻗﻌﻪ ًأﻣﺮا أو ًﺧﱪا ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ًواﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ دون ٥٤ وﺟﻪ دون أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﳏﳬًﺎ وﻛﺬكل ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻘﻊ اﻟالكم اﳉﺰل اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﳌﻌﺮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﱔ، ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮن ًواﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻮﻩ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﳓﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﺧﱪا أو ًأﻣﺮا وﻏﲑ ذكل، وإن ﰷن ﳏﳬًﺎ، ﻓﺒﺎن ّ أن أﺣﺪﻫﲈ ﻏﲑ اﻵﺧﺮ، وﻣــﱴ ﺛــﺒﺖ وﺟﻪ اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ: ﻓﺎﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﳏﳬًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ واﳌﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ وﻗﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ٥٧ دون وﺟﻪ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا ﺑﴩط أن ﻳﻜﻮن ًﻣﺮﻳﺪا، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﳌًﺎ وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪا ﺗﺄﺛﲑ اﻟﴩوط ﲞﻼف ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًﻗﺎدرا، ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ﻳﺆﺛّﺮ ﰲ ّﲱﺔ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ وﺛﺒﻮﲥﺎ ًﻣﻌﺎ، ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻘﻮل ﰲ ذكل.

[١١] ﺳﺆال آﺧﺮ إذا ﻗﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞ: ﻣﺎ ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ّ أن ﻛﻮن ّ اﳊﻲ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ًوانﻓﺮا ﺑﴩط ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن، ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ: ّ ﻷن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻣﱴ أدرك ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸـﳤﻴﻪ ﻋﲆ ّ اﳊﺪ اذلي ﻳﺸـﳤﻴﻪ اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل زايدة ﰲ ﺟﺴﻤﻪ ًّوﳕﻮا ٣ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺼﻼح، وﻣﱴ انل ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻔﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل ً ﻧﻘﺼﺎان ﰲ ﺟﺴﻤﻪ ًوذﺑﻮﻻ. ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: ّ إن ذكل ﻻ ّ ﻳﺪل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎ ذﻫﺒﱲ إﻟﻴﻪ ّ ﻷن زايدة اﳉﺴﻢ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ إﻧّﲈ ﻳﻮﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﷲ ١٦٠أ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﲟﺠﺮی اﻟﻌﺎدة وﻛﺬكل اﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن | ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﳚﺮي اﻟﻌﺎدة ﺑﺄﻧّﻪ ﳜﻠﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺰايدة ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ، ٦ وﻻ ﳜﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﻞ اﳌ ّﺘﺼﻮر ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ابﻟﻘﺎدر ابﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋــﲆ ّأﳖــﲈ ﻳﻮﺟﺒﺎﻧــﻪ وﻳﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﻧﻪ؟ ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ: ّ إن ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ اﳌﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨــﻘﺼﺎن، ٩ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪون ابﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن؟ أﺗﺮﻳﺪون ﺑﺬكل أﻧّﻪ وﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ اذلات ذات أﺧﺮی ﳑﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴــﻬﺎ وﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ، ﻓﺘﻜﻮن ذكل زايدة أو ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴﻬﺎ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن ذكل ًﻧﻘﺼﺎان، ﳁﻌﻠﻮم ّ أن ﺟﻮاز ذكل راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟﻘﺎدر ًﻗﺎدرا ّ ﻷن ﺟﻮاز أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ اذلات ﻣﺎ ﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ أو أن ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ راﺟﻊ إﱃ ﻛﻮن اﻟــﻘﺎدر ًﻗﺎدرا. ١٢

١١: ١١ وﳝﺎﺛﻠﻬﺎ] + أو (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 103 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

وذلكل ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺛﺒﻮت ﻫﺬا اﳌﻌﲎ ﻓامي ﺗﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ً ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﺜﺒﺘﺎ ﰷﻷﻋﺮاض، ﻓﺈﻧّﻪ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻮاد ﰲ ﳏهل ﳑﺎ ﳚﺎﻧﺴﻪ أﺟﺰاء ﻛﺜﲑة ﻣﻊ أﻧّﻪ ﺗﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻﺳـــﺘﺤﺎةل ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ، أم ﺗﻌﻨﻮن ابﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ أﻧّﻪ ﻳﺄﺗﻠﻒ إﱃ ﺟ ٍ ﺴﻢ ﺟ ٌ ﺴﻢ آﺧﺮ أو ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻨﻪ، ﻓﻴﻜﻮن الاﺋﺘﻼف ١٥ زايدة والاﻧﻔﺼﺎل ًﻧﻘﺼﺎان، ﻗﻴﻞ ﻟﲂ: وﻣﻌﻠﻮم ًأﻳﻀﺎ ّ أن ﺟﻮاز ﻫﺬﻩ اﻟﺰايدة وﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻟﻴــﺲ ﲟــﻘﺘﴣ ﻋــﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ًوانﻓﺮا ﺑﻞ إﻧّﲈ ﺟﻮاز اﻹﺋﺘﻼف والاﻓﱰاق ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣ ّ ًﺘﺤﲒا، وذلكل ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﰲ اﻷﻋﺮاض ذكل ﳌﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﲒة، ﻓﻠﻮ ﰷن ﺟﻮاز ذكل ﻟﻠﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎل الاﺋﺘﻼف والاﻓﱰاق ﰲ اﶺﺎدات ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ١٨ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋﻠﳱﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّأﳖﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﲝﻴّﺔ، أم ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮن ّ أن ﻣﻌﲎ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻫﻮ أن ﻳﺄﺗﻠﻒ إﱃ ﺟﺴﻢ ّ اﳊﻲ ﺟﺴﻢ آﺧﺮ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ ﻳﺼﲑ ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّ اﳊﻲ ﺑﺄن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻓﺘﺜــﺒﺖ ﻷﺟﻞ ذكل ﻣــﻦ ﲨــةل ّ اﳊﻲ ﻓﺘﻜﻮن ذكل زايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ذكل وﻫﻮ أن ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﺎ ﰷن ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّ اﳊﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﲆ ٢١ وﺟﻪ ﳜﺮج ﻋﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﲨةل ّاﳊﻲ، ﻓﺬكل ًأﻳﻀﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﻮازﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﴣ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ّ ﻷان ﻟﻮ ﻗﺪران ّ أن ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻴًّﺎ وﱂ ﳜﻠﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﻮة وﻻ ًﻧﻔﻮرا ّ ﻟﺼﺢ أن ﻳﺰﻳﺪ إﱃ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺟ ًﺴﻤﺎ آﺧﺮ، وﳜﻠﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻓﻴﺼﲑ ﺑﺬكل ﻣﻦ ﲨةل اﳊﻲ وإن ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺷﻬﻮة وﻻ ﻧﻔﻮر. ٢٤ ﻓﺈن ﻗﻠﱲ: ﻟﺴـﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﲏ ابﻻﻗﺘﻀﺎء ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ اﻗﺘﻀﺎء اﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ وإﻧّﲈ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ اﻗــﺘﻀﺎء ادلﻻةل، ﻗــﻴﻞ ﻟــﲂ: وﻫــﺬا ١٦٠ب ًأﻳﻀﺎ ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ّ ﻷن اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﻮر ﻻ ّﻳﺪﻻن ﻋﲆ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن | ﺑﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻧﻌﲅ ذكل ﴐورة، ّ ﻓﺈن اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﻳﻌﲅ زايدة اﳉﺴﻢ ﻋﻨﺪ اﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪة ﴐورة، وﻛﺬكل ﻻ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮان دﻻةل ﻋﲆ ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ٢٧ ّ ﻷان ﻗﺪ ﻧﻌﲅ ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ﻓامي ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ وﻓامي ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ، وإن ﱂ ﻧﻌﲅ أﻧّﻪ ﻣﺸـ ٍ ﺘﻪ أم ﻻ، وﻷﻧّﻪ ﱂ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﳯﲈ وﺑﲔ اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن وﻻ ﺟﻮازﻫﲈ ﻋﻠﻘﺔ وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﳯﲈ ﺗﻌﻠّــﻖ ﱂ ﳚــﺰ أن ّ ﻳــﺪل ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ّ ﻷن ادلﻟﻴﻞ ﻻ ّ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ وﺑﲔ اﳌﺪﻟﻮل، ﻓﺈذا ﱂ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮا ّ أن ﺟﻮاز اﻟﺰايدة واﻟﻨﻘﺼﺎن ٣٠ ﴍط ﰲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ًوانﻓﺮا ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ّ إﻻ ّ أن ّﳎﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ّﻳﺼﺤﺢ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ًوانﻓﺮا، ﳁﱴ ﰷن ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﺣﻴًّﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺄﻣﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮاز ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ًوانﻓﺮا، وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﺗﺄﻣﻨﻮا ذكل ﱂ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻮﻩ ﻏﻨﻴًّﺎ، وﻣﱴ ﱂ ﺗﻌﻠﻤــﻮﻩ ﻏﻨﻴًّﺎ ﱂ ّ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻟﲂ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺪهل وﺣﳬﺘﻪ. ٣٣ واﳉﻮاب: ّ أان ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻧﻌﲅ اﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل اﻟﺸﻬﻮة واﻟﻨﻔﺎر ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ّ ﻟﺼﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻊ ذكل ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺪهل وﺣﳬﺘﻪ، ﺑﺄن ﻧ ّ ﺒﲔ أﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﲟﺸـ ٍ ﺘﻪ وﻻ انﻓﺮ، وذكل ﺑﺄن ﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ أن ذكل ﻳﻘﺘﴤ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗﻪ أو ﳌﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ذاﺗﻪ، وﻣﱴ ﰷن ﻛﺬكل وﻋﲅ ّ أن هل ﰲ إﳚﺎد اﳌﺸـﳤـﻰ ًﻧﻔﻌﺎ ﻋﻈ ًﳰﺎ وذلة ٣٦ ﰷﻣةل ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ هل ﻋﲆ أﺑﻠﻎ اﻟﻮﺟﻮﻩ وﻫﻮ ﻛﻮن ذكل ﻟذلات أو ﳌﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اذلات، وﻋﲅ أﻧّﻪ ﻻ ّﻣﴬة ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ إﳚﺎدﻩ ّ ﻷن ّاﳌﴬة ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻨﻔﺎر وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗﻪ ﳝﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًانﻓﺮا ً أﺻﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧّﻪ ﳚﺐ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻊ اﳌﺪرﰷت ّﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻛﻮﳖﺎ ﻣﺸـﳤﺎة هل وﺻﻔﺔ اذلات ﻣﱴ ّﲱﺖ وﺟﺒﺖ، ﳁﱴ وﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻊ اﳌﺪرﰷت ٣٩

٢٩ ﺑﻴﳯﲈ٢] + ﻋﻠﻘﺔ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب) ٣٣ ﻏﻨﻴًّﺎ] + وﻣﱴ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 104 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

اﺳـﺘﺤﺎل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًانﻓﺮا ً أﺻﻼ ّ ﻷن اﻟﻨﻔﺮة ﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ إﻻ ابﳌﺪرﰷت وﻗﺪ وﺟﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﶺﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ًانﻓﺮا ﻋﻦ ﳾء ﻣﳯﺎ ﻻﺳـﺘﺤﺎةل ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﴚء ًانﻓﺮا ﻋﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺎةل واﺣﺪة، وﻣــﱴ اﺳـــﺘﺤﺎل ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻟﻨــﻔﺎر اﺳـﺘﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ّاﳌﴬة اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ هل، ﳁﱴ ﻋﲅ ّ أن هل ﰲ إﳚﺎد اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ًﻧﻔﻌﺎ ﻋﻈ ًﳰﺎ وﻻ ّﻣﴬة ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﳱﺎ ﰷن ٤٢ ﻣﻠﺠﺄ ّ ﻷن اﳌﻠﺠﺄ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻎ داﻋﻴﻪ ًّﺣﺪا ﻻ ﻳﻘﺎوﻣﻪ ﺻﺎرف وﰷن داﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻘًﺎ ﲜﻠﺐ ﻧﻔﻊ إﱃ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ أو دﻓﻊ ﴐر ﻋﳯﺎ، ﻓﲀن ﳚﺐ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت أﻛﱶ ﳑﺎ أوﺟﺪﻩ ّ ﻷن اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﰷﳌﻮﺟﻮد ﰲ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ وﻻ ﴐر ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ، وأن ﺗﻮﺟﺪ اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ﻗﺒﻞ أن أوﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻓامي ﱂ ﻳﺰل وﰲ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺟــﻮد أﻓــﻌﺎهل ٤٥ اﳌﺸـﳤﻴﺎت ﺷﻴﺌًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﳾء والاﻗﺘﺼﺎر ﻋﲆ ﻗﺪر ﻣﳯﺎ دون ﻣﺎ زاد ﻋﻠﻴﻪ دﻻةل ﻋــﲆ ﺑﻄــﻼن ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻠــﺠﺄ إﱃ ذكل، وﻣﱴ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺠﺄ ﺑﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤــ ًﻴﺎ ذلاﺗــﻪ أو ﳌﺎ ﻫــﻮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﰲ ذاﺗــﻪ، ﻓﻴﺒــﻄﻞ ﻛﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺸـﳤــ ًﻴﺎ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻮﺟﻮب، وﻣﱴ ﰷن ﻣﺸـﳤ ًﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳉﻮاز اﻗﺘﴣ ذكل […] ٤٨

٤٤ ﳑﺎ] + ﻳﻮ (ﻣﺸﻄﻮب)

References

Manuscripts MS Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 29, accessible online, http://resolver. staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB0000423500000000. MS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Glaser 80, accessible online, http://resolver. staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB000259E400000000. MS Ḍaḥyān, Maktabat Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīm al-Hādī, no shelfmark, accessible online, https://elibrary.mara.gov.om/mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale- althqafett/mktbtt-muosstt-aliemam-zed-bn-ale-althqafett/ktab/?id=11593 #book/5. MS Leiden UB, OR 6355, accessible online, http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:2037053. MS Milan, Ambrosiana ar. E 208.

Published sources Ansari, Hassan. 2007. “Al-Barāhīn al-ẓāhira al-jaliyya ʿalā anna l-wujūd zāʾid ʿalā l- māhiyya by Ḥusām al-Dīn Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad al-Raṣṣāṣ,” in: Camilla Adang, Sabine Schmidtke & David Sklare (eds), A Common Rationality. Muʿtazilism in Islam and Judaism, Würzburg, Ergon, pp. 337–348. Ansari, Hassan & Sabine Schmidtke. 2012. “Muʿtazilism in Rayy and Astarābād: Abū l- Faḍl al-ʿAbbās b. Sharwīn (Studies on the Transmission of Knowledge from Iran to Yemen in the 6th/12th and 7th/13th C., II),” Studia Iranica 41/1, pp. 57–100. Ansari, Hassan, Sabine Schmidtke & Jan Thiele. 2016. “Zaydī Theology in Yemen,” in: Sabine Schmidtke (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology, Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 473–493.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 105 M. Ahmadi, H. Ansari & J. Thiele “The New Methods” (Al-ṭarāʾiq al-mustaḥdaṯa)

_____ . 2017. “Zaydī Theology in Yemen, Third/Ninth through Ninth/Fifteenth Centuries,” in: Hassan Ansari & Sabine Schmidtke (eds), Studies in Medieval Islamic Intellectual Traditions, Atlanta, Lockwood Press. Ansari, Hassan & Jan Thiele. 2015. “MS Berlin, State Library, Glaser 51: A Unique Manuscript from the Early 7th/13th-Century Bahšamite Milieu in Yemen,” in: David Hollenberg, Christoph Rauch & Sabine Schmidtke (eds), The Yemeni Manuscript Tradition, Leiden, E.J. Brill, pp. 66–81. d’Ottone, Arianna. 2013. “La bibliothèque d’un savant yéménite au xiiie siècle d’après une note manuscrite autographe,” in: Christian Müller & Muriel Roiland- Rouabah (eds), Les non-dits du nom : Onomastique et documents en terres d’Islam, Beirut, Presses de l’Institut français du Proche-Orient, pp. 67–84. Frank, Richard M. 1978. Beings and Their Attributes: The Teaching of the Basrian School of the Muʿtazila in the Classical Period, Albany, New York, State University of New York Press. Gimaret, Daniel. 1980. Théories de l’acte humain en théologie musulmane, Paris, J. Vrin. Löfgren, Oscar & Renato Traini. 1975–2011. Catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Vicenza/Cinisello Balsamo, Neri Pozza/Silvana Editoriale, 4 vols. Peters, J.R.T.M. 1976. God’s Created Speech: A Study of the Speculative Theology of the Muʿtazilî Qâḍî l-Quḍât Abû l-Ḥasan ʿAbd al-Jabbâr bn Aḥmad al-Hamaḏānī, Leiden, E.J. Brill. Al-Raṣṣāṣ, al-Ḥasan b. Muḥammad, Al-ʿašr al-fawāʾid al-lāzima ʿan ṣīġat dalīl wāḥid, ed. Ǧamāl al-Šāmī, Ṣaʿda, s.n., 1438/[2017]. Online, https://de.scribd.com/ اﻟﻌﴩ-اﻟﻔﻮاﺋﺪ-اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ-ﻋﻦ-ﺻﻴﻐﺔ-دﻟﻴﻞ-واﺣﺪ/document/341623505 _____ , Al-mūǧaz fī uṣūl al-dīn, ed. Ǧamāl al-Šāmī, Ṣaʿda, s.n., 1438/[2017]. Online, اﳌﻮﺟﺰ-ﰲ-أﺻﻮل-ادلﻳﻦ-ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻣﺔ-اﻟﻜﺒﲑ-اﳊﺴﻦ-ﺑﻦ-ﶊﺪ-اﻟﺮﺻﺎص/http://www.zaidiah.com/content Şeker, Zeynep & Jan Thiele. 2019. “Arazların İspatı Üzerine Zeydî Bir Eser: El-Hasan Er- Rassâs’ın Muhtasar Fî İsbâti’l-A’râz’ı,” Kader 17/1, pp. 255–271. Thiele, Jan. 2011. Kausalität in der muʿtazilitischen Kosmologie: Das Kitāb al-Muʾaṯṯirāt wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt des Zayditen al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ (st. 584/1188), Leiden, E.J. Brill. _____ . 2013. Theologie in der jemenitischen Zaydiyya: Die naturphilosophischen Überlegungen des al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ, Leiden, E.J. Brill. _____ . 2018. “A Zaydī Treatise on the Proof of Accidents: The Mukhtaṣar fī ithbāt al- aʿrāḍ by al-Ḥasan al-Raṣṣāṣ,” Shii Studies Review 2/1–2, pp. 319–335.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 106 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

A POLYTHEMATIC WORK FROM THE RASŪLID ERA: THE MANUSCRIPT OF ʿUNWĀN AL-ŠARAF OF IBN AL-MUQRIʾ (D. 837/1433) IN THE LIBRARY OF THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

Kinga Dévényi (Corvinus University of Budapest)

Abstract The article provides a meticulous description of an Arabic manuscript from among the Yemeni Arabic manuscripts which are found kept at the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Budapest. The manuscript contains an encyclopaedic work by Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), an accomplished author of Rasūlid Yemen. After giving information about the author and his time, the article describes the work, ʿUnwān al-šaraf, which contains five treatises on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence, Rasūlid history, Arabic grammar, prosody, and rhyme. The interest of this composition lies in its peculiar form. The main text on jurisprudence, which runs horizontally, is so contrived that the four other treatises can be read out of it vertically.

Résumé L’article fournit une description méticuleuse de l’un des manuscrits arabes yéménites de la Collection orientale de la Bibliothèque de l’Académie hongroise des sciences à Budapest. Le manuscrit contient une œuvre encyclopédique d’Ibn al-Muqriʾ (m. 837/1433), un auteur accompli du Yémen rassoulide. Après avoir donné des informations sur l’auteur et son époque, l’article décrit l’ouvrage intitulé ʿUnwān al-šaraf, qui contient cinq traités portant sur la jurisprudence chaféite, l’histoire rassoulide, la gram- maire arabe, la prosodie et la rime. L’intérêt de cette composition réside dans sa forme particulière. Le texte principal sur la jurisprudence, rédigé horizontalement, est conçu de telle sorte que les quatre autres traités peuvent être lus verticalement. خالصة تقدم املقاةل وصفا دقيقا طوطة عربية من بني اطوطات العربية المينية املوجودة يف القسم الرشيق ملكتبة أاكدميية العلوم ارية يف بودابست. وهذه اطوطة يه معل موسوعي البن املقرئ )ت ٨٣٧ هـ/١٤٣٣ م(، وهو مؤلف وعامل برع من علامء المين يف عهد ادلوةل الرسولية. بد أت املقاةل برتمجة املؤلف، والتعريف بلعرص اذلي عاش فيه، مث انتقلت اىل وصف خمطوطة: عنوان الرشف الوايف يف عمل الفقه والتارخي والنحو والعروض والقوايف، وحتتوي اطوطة عىل مخس رسائل: يف الفقه الشافعي، واترخي ادلوةل الرسولية، والنحو العريب، والعروض والقافية. وأصبح هذا الت أليف مشهورا برتتيبه الفريد حبيث أن النص الرئييس يف الفقه يمت عرضه أفقيا وميكن قراءة الرسائل ا ألربعة ا ألخرى منه معوداي.

Keywords manuscripts, Yemen, Hungary, Rasūlid era, polythematic work, Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al- šaraf

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 107 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Mots-clés manuscrits, Yémen, Hongrie, époque rassoulide, œuvre polythématique, Ibn al-Muqriʾ (m. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al-šaraf لكامت رئيس ية اطوطات، المين، ار، عهد ادلوةل الرسولية، كتاب متعدد املواضيع، ابن املقرئ )ت ٨٣٧ هـ/١٤٣٣ م( ، عنوان الرشف

I. Introduction Manuscripts from the rich literary heritage of Yemen can sometimes be found in libraries outside Yemen. From among these, a relatively unknown collection is held by the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (hence- forward LHAS), Budapest, where Yemeni manuscripts are available both in Arabic and Hebrew. After its foundation in 1826 by Count József Teleki (1790‒1855), the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences opened its doors for scholars in 1844, and for the use of all the citizens of the country in 1867, after having moved to its newly construct- ed neo-classical palace. In the course of the following decades, the collection was developed from several sources among which donations have always played a prominent part. This holds true for the collection of Hebrew manuscripts, Geniza fragments, and early printed books which had once formed part of the private collection of the emi- nent scholar David Kaufmann (1852‒1899), professor of the Rabbinical Seminary of Budapest. After Kaufmann’s untimely death, soon followed by the death of his wife, the collection was donated to the Academy in 1905 by his mother in law1. Among the over 600 Hebrew manuscripts of the Kaufmann collection, 35 are considered to have Yemeni origin, distinguished by their style of writing. These include manuscripts of different parts of the Bible, liturgical poems (piyyuts), and prayer books (mahzors)2. From among the ca. 500 Geniza fragment units, 15 can be confirmed as having a Yem- eni background3. The collection of Arabic manuscript is of smaller size4. It contains only 306 works in 179 manuscripts. The background of the collection is also more varied. No

1 The donation deed is preserved in the Collection of Manuscripts and Old Books of the Library. RAL No. 533. 1905. 2 No modern printed catalogue of the collection exists. The only printed catalogue which has been published so far is M. Weisz, “Katalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Bücher in der Bibliothek des Pro- fessors Dr. David Kaufmann s[eligen] A[ndenkens]”, 1906. Online entries are available both in the catalogue of the LHAS and the National Library of Israel. 3 No printed catalogue exists. The David Kaufmann Geniza fragments are available online at the platform of the Friedberg Genizah Project as part of the website of the Friedberg Jewish Manuscript Society of Toronto, Canada (https://fjms.genizah.org/). 4 It has recently been catalogued by K. Dévényi et al., Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2016. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 108 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ great collector can be singled out, although a significant part can be traced back to the small community of Muslims who lived in Hungary in the beginning of the 20th century, while another part was acquired in Istanbul by a Hungarian theologian, Lipót Mosony(i) (born Dangelmajer) (1886‒1940), who had been sent there in 1914 to search for archival documents relevant to the history of Hungary. From among the Arabic manuscripts, four non dated titles are relevant to Arabia, one directly to Yemen. These are as follows:  Ḥāšiya ʿalā Ḥāšiya ʿalā Šarḥ Muḫtaṣar al-Muntahā fī al-uṣūl by the Meccan qāḍī Muḥammad b. Ḥumayd al-Kafawī (d. 1174/1760) (Arab O. 39/4, ff. 95‒104v).  Menāsikü l-ḥacc, an anonymous Ottoman Turkish tract, containing passages in Arabic, on the rituals of Meccan pilgrimage (Arab O. 62/10, ff. 123r‒133v).  Nubḏa yasīra fī tarāǧim afāḍil ahl al-Madīna al-munawwara fī al-qarn al-ṯānī ʿašar, an anonymous, apparently unique manuscript on the lives of illustrious people living in Medina in the 12th/18th century.  ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-naḥw wa-al- qawāfī (Arab O. 20). This lastly mentioned, encyclopaedic work of Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), an accomplished author of Rasūlid Yemen (626/1229‒858/1454) will be presented here.

II. The author and his time Before the Rasūlid era, the Zaydī Imamate controlled only some parts of Northern Yemen, while most of the country was held by non-Zaydī dynasties5. This fragmentation of the South changed with the reign of the second Rasūlid sultan, al-Muẓaffar Yūsuf (647/1249‒694/1295), who not only consolidated the dynasty’s rule, but also achieved an unprecedented unity under his long reign6, irrespective of the fact that the Zaydī and Ismāʿīlī tribes of the North enjoyed great autonomy7. This unity, coupled with the solid economic foundations of the Rasūlids’ rule based on trade and agricul- ture and with the dynasty’s passion for culture, provided a solid background for the flourishing of civilization during the whole era and especially in the 13th and 14th centuries, which are generally considered as the pinnacle of Rasūlid political power and cultural grandeur8. Before the Rasūlids, who were staunch Šāfiʿīs, it was the Ayyūbid dynasty that had ruled the Southern part of Yemen from 597/1173 and they were the ones who contributed greatly to the spread of Sunnī Islam in the region.

5 P. Dresch, Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen, 1989, p. 173. 6 D. M. Varisco, “Texts and Pretexts. The Unity of the Rasulid State under al-Malik al-Muẓaffar”, 1993, pp. 21 ff. 7 J. Hathaway, “The Forgotten Province: A Prelude to the Ottoman Era in Yemen”, 2006, p. 201. 8 C. E. Bosworth, The New Islamic Dynasties. A Chronological and Genealogical Manual, 1996, p. 195; M. ʿA. R. Ǧāzim, Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadīya, 2008. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 109 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Although the origin of the Rasūlids is obscure and according to some sources they descend from a clan of Oghuz Turks9, they succeeded in claiming descent from the local Ghassanids and ultimately from Qaḥṭān, the progenitor of the South Arabs10. This genealogy made them the first dynasty of ‘local’ origin, which without doubt contributed greatly to their acceptance and the stability of their rule over an extended period in the history of Yemen. The author, whose full name is Šaraf al-Dīn Abū Muḥammad Ismāʿīl b. Abī Bakr b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Muqriʾ b. Ibrāhīm b. ʿAlī b. ʿAṭiyya al-Šafdarī al-Šāwarī al-Šarǧī al- Yamānī al-Ḥusaynī al-Šāfiʿī al-Asawī, was born in 754/1353 or 755/1354 in the tribe of Šāwar, in a Yemeni locality of the region of Šarǧa called Abyāt Ḥusayn11, which is located on the shores of the Red Sea. He is generally known as Ibn al-Muqriʾ or al-Muqriʾ al- Zabīdī. Having received his initial education from the elders of his tribe, in 782/1380 he departed to Zabīd, one of the cultural capitals of the epoch, to continue his studies in jurisprudence, grammar, and several other fields of learning. He excelled in all his cho- sen subjects and his fame surpassed that of his peers12. So much so, that he has soon become an authority on jurisprudence, grammar, and logic, in addition to being an accomplished writer both in prose and poetry13, and a professor in the Muǧāhidiyya Mad- rasa in Taʿizz14 and the Niẓāmiyya Madrasa in Zabīd15 by appointment of the Sultan al- Ašraf Ismāʿīl (r. 778/1377‒803/1400)16. His knowledge and intelligence far surpassed the confines of Rasūlid Yemen and made him worthy of praise by biographers and histori- ans. Al-Šawkānī (1173/1759‒1255/1839), for instance, asserted that no person similar to him had ever been born in the Yemen who could surpass his intelligence, sharp understanding and correct thinking17. Ibn al-Muqriʾ placed his bright mind at the disposal of the Rasūlid court, whose sultans appointed him into various positions, from teaching in Taʿizz and Zabīd, to being an ambassador of Yemen in Cairo18. He enjoyed the favour of the Rasūlid sultans and earned an excellent pay throughout his life. However, the position he had been hoping for—that of the chief qāḍī of Yemen—was denied from him even after the death of the famous lexicographer and powerful intellectual, Maǧd al-Dīn al-

9 C. E. Bosworth, The New Islamic Dynasties. A Chronological and Genealogical Manual, 1996, p. 195. 10 D. Mahoney, “Writing the Ethnic Origins of the Rasulids in Late Medieval South Arabia”, 2018. 11 To which his name, al-Ḥusaynī, refers. 12 Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, p. 142. 13 Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, p. 144. 14 The Muǧāhidiyya Madrasa is listed by R. Giunta, The Rasulid Architectural Patronage in Yemen, 1997, pp. 203‒206, on the basis of several medieval sources. 15 This madrasa is also listed by R. Giunta, The Rasulid Architectural Patronage in Yemen, 1997, pp. 138‒ 140 on the basis of various Arabic sources. 16 Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 292. 17 Al-Šawkānī, Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ, n. d., vol. 1, pp. 143‒144. 18 Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, pp. 292‒293. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 110 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fīrūzābādī (d. 817/1415), the holder of this office. This can most probably be attributed to his legendary obliviousness, as was noted by his near contemporary al-Saḫāwī19. He died in Zabīd in 837/1433 leaving behind a fair number of treatises in addition to the ʿUnwān al-šaraf, his most peculiar work. His main field of composition was Šāfiʿī jurisprudence where, in addition to the main part of the present collection, he authored two works (Al-iršād fī iḫtiṣār Al-ḥāwī li-al-Qazwīnī, Iḫlāṣ al-nāwī min Iršād al- ġāwī) based on Al-ḥāwī of ʿAbd al-Ġaffār al-Qazwīnī (d. 665/1266), and a compendium (Al-rawḍ) based on the Rawḍat al-ṭālibīn wa-ʿumdat al-muftīn of al-Nawawī (d. 677/1277). To the same topic belongs his Al-ḏarīʿa ilā naṣr al-šarīʿa. He also composed a history of the Yemen and was an accomplished poet, his poetry being loaded with difficult words and rhetoric figures20.

III. The polythematic work entitled ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī21 fī al-fiqh wa- al-naḥw wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-qawāfī This encyclopaedic work contains treatises on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence (fiqh), Arabic grammar (naḥw), Rasūlid history (tārīḫ), prosody (ʿarūḍ), and rhyme (qāfiya). The 9th/15th century was a period of encyclopaedias in the world of Islam, and the choice of the topics can easily be explained as including four that would be most useful as texts to be memorised in the madrasa curriculum, in addition to the flattering history of the Rasūlid dynasty (from the time of its foundation until the composition of this work) by which, as well as to the sophisticated arrangement of the work, the author could hope to elevate his position. The interest of this composition, however, does not lie in its contents, but rather in its being a tour de force concerning its form. According to al-Saḫāwī22, the composition of this work is allegedly linked to the fact mentioned above that Ibn al-Muqriʾ was aspiring for the position of chief judge and he was inspired by a work of al-Fīrūzābādī, all the lines of which started with the letter alif and by which he gained the favour of the Sultan. Be as it may, Ibn al-Muqriʾ started to work on this composition during the reign of the ruler al-Ašraf Ismāʿīl, who, according to what Ibn al-Muqri’ states at the beginning of the part on prosody, ordered the composition of this work (amara bi-taʾlīf hāḏā al-kitāb wa-ǧamʿihi mawlānā al-Sulṭān al-malik al-Ašraf Ismaʿīl b. al-ʿAbbās …) (Arab O. 20, ff. 1v‒2v, column 1 and top right corner). This Sultan, however, could not honour Ibn al-Muqriʾ for his elaborate work, because he had died before it was finished. This happened during the reign of the next ruler, al-Nāṣir Aḥmad (r. 803/1400‒

19 Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 295. 20 For a complete bibliography of his works, see I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, n. d., vol. 1, p. 216. 21 Some manuscripts give the title as ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-šāfī fī al-fiqh wa-al-naḥw wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-qawāfī. See e.g. Sotheby’s Arts of the Islamic world 2017, lot 43. http://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2017/arts-of-the-islamic-world-l17220/lot.43.html [Last accessed 19 January 2020]. 22 Al-Saḫāwī, Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ, 1992, vol. 2, p. 293. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 111 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

827/1424), which is noted at the end of the treatise on history: “kamula hāḏā al-tārīḫ wa-bi-tamāmihi yatimm al-kitāb fī al-yawm al-ṯānī min šahr al-muḥarram aḥad ašhur sanat arbaʿ wa-ṯamānimiʾa fī madīnat Taʿizz al-maḥrūs (sic) …”, i.e. that this history and by this the whole book was completed on the 2nd day of the month of Muḥarram in the year 804 (12 August 1401) in the town of Taʿizz, the capital of the Rasūlids (Arab O. 20, ff. 72v‒73r, column 3). The part on Arabic grammar is a shorter text and was finished a few days earlier as is noted by the author: “hāḏā āḫir al-maǧmūʿ fī al-ʿarabiyya wa-kāna al-farāġ min taʾlīf ḏālika fī al-ṯāmin min ʿArafa sanat ṯalāṯ wa-ṯamānimiʾa”, i.e. that this is the end of the compendium on Arabic language which happened on the 8th of the month of ʿArafa 803 (20 July 1401) (Arab O. 20, ff. 63r‒63v, column 5). To fill the remaining pages in this column as well, Ibn al-Muqriʾ appended to the text of grammar a short autobiographical note emphasising the magnanimity of the two Rasūlid sultans in his regard (Arab O. 20, ff. 64r‒73r, column 5). In his undertaking, Ibn al-Muqriʾ did not adhere to any previous models. On the contrary, he followed his own ingenious device in planning the texts. The layout of the pages is very peculiar, since the main text on jurisprudence, which runs horizontally, is so contrived that the four other treatises can be read out of it vertically. The text thus forms seven columns from which every odd column, written in red ink, contains a different treatise. The title lists the works on the basis of their importance and prestige, starting with jurisprudence and grammar. The author’s main professional interest combined with the general high status of jurisprudence and its textual importance in this particular work is emphasized by the fact that this text occupies the central place being the only one written horizontally. The order of the works written in the columns is as follows: column (1) deals with prosody, (3) with history, (5) with grammar, and (7) with rhyme (figs 1, 2).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 112 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 1. F. 1v, the beginning of the texts which also shows the general layout of the work23.

23 All the images are by courtesy of the Oriental Collection of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 113 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Rhyme Gramm. History Prosody ا الحمد هلل ولي الحمد ومستحقه الذي ال يقوم بحمد ه احد من خلقه ونشهد ان ال ا

Fig. 2. F. 1v, top of the page showing the columnal arrangement of the text corresponding to the above schematisation.

To help the reader, the words which also form part of an additional treatise are written in red ink. The words of the first and last treatises (prosody and rhyme) are generally made up of the first and last letters of each line, although sometimes longer sequences (more letters or complete words) are used (fig. 3).

Fig. 3. F. 3r, detail showing the use of final letters and words of the treatise of jurisprudence (in black ink) for the treatise on rhyme (in red ink).

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 114 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

To ease the comprehension, these letters are not only repeated outside the red border in the present manuscript24, but also at the top right and left corners in the form of words, instead of individual characters. In addition to the texts of the additional treatises, red ink is used to indicate the chapter headings of the main work on jurisprudence (fig. 4).

Fig. 4. Fol. 2v, l. 3, chapter heading (Bāb masḫ al-ḫuff, ‘Chapter on wiping the sole’) of the treatise on jurisprudence is in red ink (column 4), similarly to the words and letters that also form part of the four other treatises.

IV. The contents of individual works Ibn al-Muqriʾs five compositions contained in this volume are relatively short texts suitable to be taught as basic texts in the madrasa curriculum that should be amplified in the course of teaching by way of commentaries, glosses and superglosses. Hence, his aim seems not to excel in the originality of the contents of his treatises, but to create a highly original form, difficult to achieve, so as to yield the esteem of the Sultan and the admiration of his peers. The main work on Šāfiʿī jurisprudence follows the general contents and arrangement of such works from the part on ritual purity (Kitāb al-ṭahāra) until the final part on judgeship (Kitāb al-qaḍāʾ). The other four treatises are short compendia on history, prosody, grammar, and rhyme in the usual style of the given genres, and with their well-established contents. The originality of the form, however, might have prevented the book from becoming a popular collection of short texts that can be effectively used in teaching25. One cannot but sympathize with the talented author who, for all his efforts and originality, could not achieve his aim of gaining on account of this composition the position he aspired for.

24 Borders, dividing lines and the repeating of the columns 1 and 7 at the top were introduced later. It seems that in the early manuscripts only the use of red ink helped the reader separate the treatises. See, e.g. the manuscript mentioned in fn. 20 which is dated 840/1436–1437, i.e. three years after the author’s death. 25 G. Puin, “Ein Buch aus Kette und Schuss, ‘‘Unwān al-Šaraf von Ibn al-Muqriʾ’”, 2012, p. 150, lists alto- gether 19 manuscripts of this work in different libraries. This number cannot be the final amount of existing manuscripts (e.g. he did not mention the manuscript described here either), but it nevertheless suggests a fair amount of circulation considering the nature of the composition. See also GAL II, p. 191 and S II, p. 254. It goes, however, beyond the aim of the present article to present an overview of the dif- fusion of this composition or to compare the copies and the devices used to separate the individual treatises. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 115 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

V. The manuscript Arab O.20 in the Oriental Collection of the LHAS This manuscript is a nicely written 17th century copy of the original composition. The text lacks a colophon; hence, nothing refers to the copyist or the date and place where the copy was made. No collation notes are given either, although, as it will be seen later, f. 55v shows evidence of the use of an earlier copy. The full title is written in black ink on f. 1r apparently by the copyist (fig. 5). The name of the author is not given. Catch-titles ʿUnwān al-šaraf and ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī are written on the tail and the head respectively.

Fig. 5. F. 1r with the title in black ink and the Library’s 19th century stamp.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 116 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Incipits (f. 1v)

The main (horizontal) text on jurisprudence: bi-ism Allāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm al- ḥamdu li-llāh walī al-ḥamd wa-mustaḥiqqihi al-laḏī lā yaqūm bi-ḥamdihi aḥad min ḫalqihi …[l. 11] fa-hāḏā kitāb ǧalīl katabtuhu lam usbaq baʿd ilayhi allaftuhu muḫtaṣaran fī al-fiqh … column 1, prosody: amara bi-taʾlīf hāḏā al-kitāb wa-ǧamʿihi (maw[lānā]) – the column ends in “maw”, which is not contained in the text repeated outside the margin. column 3, history: al-ḥamdu li-llāh ḥaqq ḥamdihi wa-ṣallā Allāh ʿalā Muḥammad wa-ālihi wa-baʿd fa-hāḏihi nubḏa ǧamaʿtuhā wa-ṭurfa iḫtaraʿtuhā muʾarriḫan… column 5, grammar: bi-ḥamd Allāh astaftiḥ wa-al-ṣalāt ʿalā rasūlihi Muḥammad wa-baʿd fa-aqūl al-kalām ṯalāṯat ašyāʾ wa-hiya ism wa… column 7, rhyme: al-ḥamdu li-Allāh al-laḏī ʿallama (al-[insān]) – the column ends in “al-”, which is not contained in the text repeated outside the margin. The texts end in l. 18 on f. 73v, closely following the text established in the 1996 edition.

Writing surface

Paper Thick, glazed, laid paper. Eight horizontal chain lines (fig. 6) with an average distance of 27 (26‒28) mm.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 117 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 6. F. 54r as seen through a lightsheet with clearly visible horizontal chain lines. Part of one of the watermarks (the lamb) can also be seen in the middle of the inner margin, its centre being chain line four.

No sign of pricking or ruling. Quires: 76 leaves in 7 quinions, and a bifolio. No signatures.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 118 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Watermarks and countermarks

The watermarks are placed in the middle of a bifolio, so that they are cut in half by being folded. Hence, they are only discernible with some difficulty. There are three watermarks, and one countermark.

Watermark 1: lamb in a quatrefoil cartridge One of the watermarks is a lamb, Agnus Dei, in a cartridge formed by four arcs of a circle, i.e. a quatrefoil (fig. 7). The use of such watermark was typical of 17th century Ve- netian paper, but it was also used—often surmounted by a star, a crown, a cross and sometimes letters—in other parts of Italy from about 1580 until the 18th century. It was so well-spread that it was often used in conjunction with a second watermark and with various countermarks26. This watermark occurs on ff. 2/9, 3/8, 4/7; 42/49; 44/47, 45/46; 52/59, 54/57; 63/68, and 72/73. Chain line four runs in the middle of the watermark, which is ca. 45 × 45 mm.

26 C.-M. Briquet, Les filigranes, 1907, vol. 1, p. 19. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 119 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 7. Watermark of lamb carrying a cross and a flag in a quatrefoil, ff. 72 (up) and 73 (bottom).

Watermark 2: crown, star, crescent The second watermark is a seven-point crown with a six-point star and a crescent (fig. 8). It seems to be identical with example 216 (dated 1658) in Nikolaev27, and example “c” in Regourd28, type VI-A according to the classification of Mošin & Grozdanovic Pajić29. While the lamb refers to a Christian symbol, the crown-star-crescent watermark and other combinations of these elements are thought to have been developed in Europe for papers to be exported to the Islamic lands30. The use of this watermark

27 V. Nikolaev, Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire, 1954. 28 A. Regourd, “Les routes commerciales entre Zabīd et l’Europe”, 2006, p. 179. For the other types of this watermark as they appear among the papers with watermark in Zabīd, see ibid., pp. 177‒178 as well, where reference is made to a manuscript in the collection of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ḥaḍramī, m/ḥ/19, dated 1114/1702. See the digitized watermarks in: A. Regourd (dir.), Catalogue cumulé des manuscrits de biblio- thèques privées de Zabid. I. La bibliothèque de ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Hadhrami, fasc. 1, Les papiers filigranés, 2008, nos 147, 150 et 151. 29 V. Mošin & M. Grozdanovic Pajić, “Das Wasserzeichen ‛Krone mit Stern und Halbmond’”, 1963. 30 B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 23. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 120 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ reaffirms the dating of the manuscript to the 17th century, at the same time providing a closer definition to the second half of the century on the basis of Mošin & Grozda- novic Pajić31, whose examples run from 1658 until 1677, and Wiesmüller32, whose manuscript dates from 1665. Similarly to watermark 1, chain line four marks the centreline of the image. This watermark occurs on ff. 22/29, 23/28; and 64/67.

Fig. 8. Watermark of crown, six point star, and crescent, ff. 23 (up) and 28 (bottom).

Watermark 3: a quatrefoil This watermark occurs on ff. 14/17, 15/16, and 31/40 (fig. 9). Its total size is 42 × 35. The length of the clover’s pedicle accounts for the difference of the otherwise quasi sym- metrical image33. Its centreline is again chain line four.

31 V. Mošin & M. Grozdanovic Pajić, “Das Wasserzeichen ‛Krone mit Stern und Halbmond’”, 1963, p. 50. 32 B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 26. 33 C.-M. Briquet, Les filigranes, 1907, vol. 2, p. 363, nos 6308‒6345. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 121 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 9. Watermark of a quatrefoil, ff. 17 (up) and 14 (bottom).

Countermark Only one countermark appears in the manuscript, on f. 31 (fig. 10). It consists of two letters under a trefoil. The letter to the right is a B, while the other seems to be an I, although it is somewhat difficult to see because of the writing. It cannot be ascer- tained whether the letters are joined by a bar or not. If not, the countermark seems to be identical with No. 219 (from 1659) in Nikolaev34. If the letters are joined, then the countermark is similar, if not identical to that of fig. 26 described by Wiesmüller35 in a manuscript dated to 1665. It belongs to the series of well-known Venetian countermarks consisting of two or three letters joined this way. Since the trefoil was replaced by a lily in 175736, this provides a terminus ante quem for our manuscript.

34 V. Nikolaev, Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire, 1954. 35 B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 26. 36 B. Wiesmüller, The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, 2010, p. 29. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 122 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 10. The countermark on f. 31.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 123 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Text block

76 (I, 74, I) originally unnumbered folios, 20th century library foliation by pencil, 18 lines/page, 206 × 150 mm, written area 152 × 102 mm. Average page layout:

105 mm 20

28 mm 10 33 mm 9 25 mm mm mm

As is well shown by f. 73a (fig. 11), the borders and columns had been made before the copying of the text. This also seems to be proven by the fact that sometimes the text has to be crammed to fit within a column (fig. 12).

Fig. 11. F. 73v, a blank page with red borders Fig. 12. F. 43v, the text is crammed, and the Library’s 19th century stamp. especially in the middle column.

Script: fully pointed nasḫ, in one hand. Unvocalized, the sign of šadda is used. Ink: black, additional treatises and headings of the main treatise on jurisprudence in red. Marginal corrections in black or red.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 124 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Binding

Partial leather binding, pasteboards with marbled paper (ebru) covers (fig. 13). The missing fore-edge and envelope flaps had once been also covered with marbled paper as can be seen on a microfilm copy made in 1970. The fore-edge flap was lined with leather. The doublures of the covers consist of blank paper. Although the flap is missing, the remaining part of the binding is in good condition.

Fig. 13. The front cover. Fig. 14. The back cover with the Library’s vignette.

Foliation, library marks, stamps, and vignettes

The first flyleaf (f. Ir) contains the call number (Arab O. 20.) in thick black ink written by a librarian in the 2nd half of the 20th century. Underneath a faded, pencilled 11— appears, most probably indicating a price. It is impossible to say what currency it refers to and when it was added. Its verso (f. Iv) is blank. Pencilled library foliation in the upper left corner starts on f. 1r which contains the full title in black ink. In the middle of the page, the slightly faded light blue 19th century stamp of the Library of the Hung(arian) Academy appears. It reads in Hungarian: “MAGY.AKADEMIA KÖNYVTÁRA” (fig. 5). In the middle of the page, the slightly faded light blue 19th century stamp of the Li- brary of the Hung(arian) Academy appears again (fig. 11). The small oval stamp of the Library appears on ff. 10v, 21v, 29v and 39v. It reads in Hungarian: M. T. Akadémia Könyvtára (Library of the H. A. of Sciences). At the end of the manuscript, f. 74 is blank, but contains two large stains. The back flyleaf does not contain library foliation, the call number is written again on it in

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 125 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ the upper right corner by the same hand as on f. Ir. The 19th century blue vignettes of the Library indicating the call number are glued in the upper left corner of both the paper doublure of the back cover and the back cover itself (fig. 14).

VI. Marginal notes and corrections The manuscript contains only rare marginal notes and corrections in Arabic in black and red ink. In fact, it starts with a correction in red ink in the very first letter of the first treatise on prosody (fig. 15). These are generally limited to the correction of words, or the addition of words omitted during the copying. Sometimes these marginal notes only serve the purpose of legibility especially when words are too crammed within the columns.

Fig. 15. F. 1v, l. 1 showing the correction of lām to alif.

A particularity of the manuscript is the emphasis it places on the chronology of dynasties in the course of Yemeni history as presented in the work, since the scribe mentions the name of the dynasties in red ink in the margin as a kind of “chapter heading”. The following “headings” or “sub-titles” are given in the margin: awwal al- dawla al-ašrafiyya (f. 16v), awwal al-dawla al-muǧāhidiyya (f. 26r), awwal al-dawla al- afḍaliyya (f. 40v), awwal al-dawla al-ašrafiyya al-kubrā al-ṯāniya (f. 52r), awwal al-dawla al-saʿīdiyya al-nāṣiriyya (f. 62v). As has been mentioned above, f. 55v shows clearly that the manuscript was closely following its source (fig. 16). This page contains only 17 lines, three of which are written in red ink, calling the attention of the reader to the fact that nothing is missing from the text, these (allegedly four) lines had been originally left blank37.

37 The copyist should have copied this text into four lines, as he mentioned it, thereby completing the number of lines on the page to the usual 18. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 126 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Fig. 16. F. 55v, the text in red explains that these lines had intentionally been left blank in the original from which this manuscript was copied.

At some instances, however, complete lines were inserted in the margins. Rarely, the rubricated letters of column (1) are omitted (e.g. f. 65v), but these can easily be sup- plied from their originals in column (2) (fig. 17).

Fig. 17. F. 65v, columns 1-3, the rubricated letters ʿayn–wāw–alif are missing in the last three lines from column 1. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 127 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Provenance

No ownership marks or notes prior to the vignettes and stamps of the Academy can be found in the manuscript. The first sizeable purchase of Islamic manuscripts happened in 1886, when the Academy acquired the legacy of Dániel Szilágyi (1831–1885). Szilágyi immigrated to Istanbul after the defeat of the Hungarian revolution in 1849 and lived there until his death. He was an interpreter, book-collector, and owner of a well-known antiquarian bookshop in the district of Pera. His collection contained 438 Turkish manuscripts, but there were also about 40 Persian and 25 Arabic volumes in it38. Alt- hough no precise list was prepared at the acquisition, and the early card catalogue does not show the provenance of manuscripts either, on the basis of the allocated call number it seems reasonable to suppose that this manuscript had also belonged to the Szilágyi collection.

VII. Conclusion or conclusions The manuscript is a neat, 17th century copy of a peculiar tour-de-force written by Ibn al-Muqriʾ, an accomplished author of Rasūlid Yemen, on five topics related to Islamic law, Rasūlid history, Arabic grammar, prosody and rhyme. It is a neat copy devoid of marginal notes and comments. This seems to prove our supposition that although the peculiar format of the composition, whereby its author wanted to achieve the esteem of the Sultan, still attracted some interest several centuries after its composition, at the same time, this arrangement prevented it from remaining a popular textbook of the madrasa curriculum. From another point of view, this undated manuscript helps us realize the use- fulness of the study of paper in narrowing down the period in which a manuscript was written. In this case, the usage of these three particular watermarks and a countermark attest a 17th century origin for the manuscript.

Bibliography

Manuscript sources

Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-naḥw wa-al-qawāfī, MS Arab O. 20, Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.

Edited sources

Anonymous (8th/14th c.), Irtifāʿ al-dawla al-muʾayyadīya: ǧibāyat bilād al-Yaman fī ʿahd al-Sulṭān al-malik al-Muʾayyad Dāwūd b. Yūsuf al-Rasūlī, al-mutawaffā sanat

38 Á. Vámbéry, “Jelentés néh. Szilágyi Dániel (…) gyűjteményéről”, 1886, p. 204; I. Kúnos, “Collection Szilágyiana”, 1892, p. 22. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 128 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

721/1321, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Ǧāzim, Sanaa, Al-maʿhad al-firansī li-al- āṯār wa-al-ʿulūm al-iǧtimāʿiyya bi-Ṣanʿāʾ, 2008. Ibn al-Muqriʾ (d. 837/1433), ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-naḥw wa-al-qawāfī, Miṣr, al-Maṭbaʿa al-Bahiyya, 1309 [1892]. _____ , ʿUnwān al-šaraf al-wāfī fī ʿilm al-fiqh wa-al-ʿarūḍ wa-al-tārīḫ wa-al-naḥw wa-al- qawāfī, ed. ʿAbd Allāh Ibrāhīm al-Anṣārī, Beirut, ʿĀlam al-kutub, 1417/1996. Al-Saḫāwī (d. 902/1497), Al-ḍawʾ al-lāmiʿ li-ahl al-qarn al-tāsiʿ, Beirut, Dār al-ǧīl, 1992, vol. 2 [Reprint of the Cairo ed. of 1934–1937].

Studies & catalogues

Al-Baġdādī, Ismāʿīl Bāšā. n. d. Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn: asmāʾ al-muʾallifīn wa-āṯār al- muṣannifīn, Beirut, Muʾassasat al-tārīḫ al-ʿarabī. Bosworth, Clifford Edmund. 1996. The New Islamic Dynasties. A Chronological and Ge- nealogical Manual (The New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys), Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press. Briquet, Charles-Moïse. 1907. Les filigranes : dictionnaire historique des marques du papier, Genève, A. Jullien / Paris, Alphonse Picard & Fils / Londres, B. Quaritch / Leipzig, Karl W. Hiersemann / Amsterdam, Feikema, Caarelsen & Co / Rome, Fratelli Bocca / Madrid, José Ruiz. Dévényi, Kinga with Munif Abdul-Fattah & Katalin Fiedler. 2016. Catalogue of the Ara- bic Manuscripts in the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Leiden, Brill, Budapest, Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Dresch, Paul. 1989. Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen, Oxford, Clarendon Press. GAL = Brockelmann, Carl. 1937‒1943. Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 5 vols. Giunta, Roberta. 1997. The Rasulid Architectural Patronage in Yemen: A Catalogue, Na- ples, Istituto Universitario Orientale Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici. Ḥammād, Usāma Aḥmad. 2004. Mazāhir al-ḥaḍāra fī al-Yaman fī al-ʿaṣr al-islāmī: ʿaṣr dawlatay Banī Ayyūb wa-Banī Rasūl, Alexandria, Markaz al-Iskandariyya li-al- kitāb. Hathaway, Jane. 2006. “The Forgotten Province: A Prelude to the Ottoman Era in Yem- en”, in: David John Wasserstein & Ami Ayalon (eds), Mamluks and Ottomans. Studies in Honour of Michael Winter (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Histo- ry), London/New York, Routledge, pp. 195‒205. Al-Kaladī, Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Ḥabīb ʿAbd al-Qawī. 2012. Al-maḏhab al-šāfiʿī fī al-Yaman: min al-qarn al-rābiʿ‒al-sābiʿ al-hiǧrī/al-ʿāšir‒al-ṯāliṯ ʿašar al-mīlādī, Aden, Dār al- wafāq li-al-dirāsāt wa-al-našr. Kúnos, Ignác. 1892. “Collection Szilágyiana”, Akadémiai Értesítő [Bulletin of the Acad- emy] 26, pp. 20‒27. Mahoney, Daniel. 2018. “Writing the Ethnic Origins of the Rasulids in Late Medieval South Arabia”, The Medieval History Journal 21/2, pp. 380‒399. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 129 K. Dévényi The manuscript of ʿUnwān al-šaraf of Ibn al-Muqriʾ

Mošin, Vladimir & Miroslava Grozdanovic Pajić. 1963. “Das Wasserzeichen ‛Krone mit Stern und Halbmond’”, Papiergeschichte 13, pp. 44‒52. Nikolaev, Vsevolod. 1954. Watermarks of the Ottoman Empire. Vol. 1. Watermarks of the Mediaeval Ottoman Documents in Bulgarian Libraries, Sofia, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. Puin, Gerd Rüdiger. 2012. “Ein Buch aus Kette und Schuss, ‘Unwān al-Šaraf von Ibn al- Muqriʾ” », in: Andreas Merl, Gerd Rüdiger Puin & Oliver Siebisch (eds), Zwischen Sanaa und Saarbrücken, Saarbrücke, Universaar, pp. 149‒177. Regourd, Anne. 2006. “Les routes commerciales entre Zabīd et l’Europe : les papiers fi- ligranés de fonds manuscrits de Zabīd (Yémen, fin 18e-milieu 20e s.)”, in: Renato Traini (ed.), Convegno Storia e cultura dello Yemen in età islamica con particolare riferimento al periodo rasûlide (Roma, 30‒31 octobre 2003), Roma, Bardi, pp. 175‒ 200. — (dir.). 2008. Catalogue cumulé des manuscrits de bibliothèques privées de Zabid. I. La bibliothèque de ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Hadhrami, fasc. 1, Les papiers filigranés, Sanaa, CEFAS, FSD. Al-Šawkānī, Muḥammad b. ʿAlī. n. d. Al-badr al-ṭāliʿ bi-maḥāsin man baʿd al-qarn al- sābiʿ, Cairo, Dār al-kitāb al-islāmī. Sotheby’s Arts of the Islamic world 2017, lot 43. On line: http://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2017/arts-of-the-islamic- world-l17220/lot.43.html [Last accessed 19 January 2020]. Vámbéry, Ármin. 1886. “Jelentés néh. Szilágyi Dániel keleti kéziratok és nyomtat- ványokból álló gyűjteményéről” [Report on the collection of Oriental manuscripts and books of Dániel Szilágyi], A Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Értesítője [Bulletin of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences] 20, pp. 203‒207. Varisco, Daniel Martin. 1993. “Texts and Pretexts. The Unity of the Rasulid State under al-Malik al-Muẓaffar”, Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 67, pp. 13‒24. Weisz, Max. 1906. Katalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Bücher in der Bibliothek des Professors Dr. David Kaufmann s[eligen] A[ndenkens], Frankfurt-am-Main, J. Kaufmann. Wiesmüller, Beate. 2010. The Watermarks from the Refaiya-Library, transl. Steven Black. On line: http://www.refaiya.uni-leipzig.de/texts/Watermarks_Refaiya.pdf [Last accessed 19 January 2020].

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 130 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

CHRONIQUES DE MANUSCRITS : NOTE SUR AḪBAR AL-ZAYDIYYA BI-AL-YAMAN ET AUTRES ŒUVRES DU MUṬARRIFITE AL-LAḤǦI1

Anne Regourd (CNRS, UMR 7192, Paris)

En hommage au Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ

Résumé Cette note se penche sur l’itinéraire des manuscrits connus des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman du muṭarrifite al-Laḥǧī (vivant en 545/1150), une source importante pour le zaydisme des origines au Yé- men. Elle fait le point sur la bibliographie de l’auteur, possiblement étendue par la découverte plus ré- cente du Kitāb al-maṯalayn.

Abstract This note is an update of our knowledge of the history of the manuscripts of the Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al- Yaman of the Muṭarrifī al-Laḥǧī (alive in 545/1150), an important source for early Zaydism in Yemen. It takes the opportunity to return to the bibliography of the author, which might be extended by the more recently discovered Kitāb al-maṯalayn. خالصة تستند معلومات هذه ادلراسة املوجزة عىل خمطوطات كتاب أخبار الزيدية بلمين لللَّ ْحجي، املط َّريف مذهب ًا )واكن حي ًا س نة 545/1150(، اذلي يعترب من أمه املصادر املعروفة لنا عن البداايت املبكرة لتارخي الزيدية يف المين. وتتيح لنا اطوطات الكشف عن مؤلفات أخرى للمؤلف حيث تب ّني أن هل كتاب بمس املثلني مل يكن معروف ًا من قبل أخر .1980

Mots-Clés Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī (vivant en 545/1150), muṭarrifites, Kitāb al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ʿAbd Allāh al- Ḥibšī, David Thomas Gochenour, Wilferd Madelung

1 Mes vifs remerciements pour leur aide précieuse à : Tamon Baba, Deborah Freeman-Fahid & Michaela Hoffmann-Ruf des nCmY, ainsi qu’à Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, Bassam Daghestani, Jean-François Faü, René-Vincent du Grandlaunais, Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād, Mutlaq Al-Juraid, Yasuyuki Kuriyama, Christoph Rauch, Ayman Fuʾad Sayyid, Helal Abu Shamleh, à la Bibliothèque de l’Université de Tübingen et au Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 131 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Keywords Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī (alive 545/1150), Muṭarrifīs, Kitāb al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī, David Thomas Gochenour, Wilferd Madelung لكامت رئيس ية أخبار الزيدية بلمين، ابو الغمر مس َّمل بن محمد بن جعفر اللحجي الشظيب )اكن حي ًا س نة 545/1150(، املط ّرفية، كتاب ا ألترجة يف شعراء المين، كتاب املثلني، عبد هللا احلبيش، دافيد توماس جوشانور ) David Thomas Gochenour(، ويلفرد ماديلوجن )Wilferd Madelung(

I. Introduction Il y a cinq ans, paraissait à Sanaa la « quatrième partie » d’Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt ʿalayhim al-salam wa-šiʿatihim bi-al-Yaman, abrégé désormais en Aḫbār al- Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman2. L’auteur, Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī al-Šaẓabī (vivant en 545/1150), est bien connu des dictionnaires bio-bibliographiques et ce livre en particulier, car il est identifié comme l’une des premières sources sur les imams zaydites – descendants du Prophète (sayyids), les plus hautes autorités religieuses et politiques de la communauté zaydite au Yémen – et sur des oulémas, organisés en cinq générations (ṭabaqāt) sur deux volumes. Mais l’édition « sur manuscrit unique » (« maḫṭūṭa yatīma ») réalisée par Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, ancien Délégué aux manuscrits du Yémen, ministère de la Culture (2012-2015), fait resurgir la question des manuscrits recensés de cette œuvre. C’était le moment de faire le point sur l’auteur et son œuvre. Celle-ci s’est encore enrichie entre la fin des années 1990 et le début des années 2000 de nouvelles attribu- tions ou de nouveaux manuscrits qui méritent discussion. Sera manifeste une nouvelle fois l’érudition du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ, à qui ce numéro des nCmY rend hommage, ainsi que son vif et constant intérêt pour le progrès des recherches sur le Yémen.

II. L’auteur et son œuvre De la vie d’al-Laḥǧī, actif au milieu du vie s. de l’Hégire, on ne sait pas grand’ chose. La date de sa naissance n’est pas connue, mais sa seconde nisba, al-Šaẓabī, nous renseigne

2 Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al- Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat sanat 566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat], mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al-šayḫ al-fāḍil Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī aǧzala Allāh ṯawābahu [kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H], 1437/2015. Voir dans ce numéro, Actualités, <2015/1437>, p. 9-10. Voir : GAL S 1, p. 587 ; Al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt al-Zaydiyya, 1413/1992, vol. 1, p. 84, n° 184 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1029a. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 132 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman sur son lieu3. Quant à la date de sa mort, elle a été discutée4, mais 545/1150 paraît bien trop précoce, puisqu’à un moment du premier volume de ses Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al- Yaman, l’auteur dit qu’il rédige en 544/1149 et que la conquête de Ṣaʿda par l’Imam al- Mutawakkil, cette année-là, est mentionnée à la fin des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman comme un événement appartenant au passé. Enfin d’après les formules accolées à son nom dans le manuscrit de la quatrième partie en notre possession, al-Laḥǧī est décédé lorsque le copiste achève son travail en 566/août 1171 (voir ci-dessous, IV.). Les incursions autobiographiques de ce livre nous renseignent sur lui, de même que quelques autres sources yéménites. On retiendra en ce qui nous concerne qu’il a étudié à Waqaš, centre majeur du mouvement muṭarrifite, en 510/1116-1117, ses maîtres étaient Ibrāhīm b. ʿAlī al-Ḍāmī, dont il rapporte la mort en 516/1122-1123, Ibrāhīm b. Abī al-Hayṯam, Asʿad b. ʿAbd al-Fāḍil al-ʿUbaydī al-Yāmī, Ibn Rifād al-Ṣanʿānī al-Qušayrī, ʿAlyān b. Saʿd al-Baḥirī al-Arḥabī et Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥ.ǧiyya al-Sanḥānī al-Nuwayra. Il a visité Ṣaʿda à son retour du pèlerinage à La Mecque en 513/1120, et il donne le nom d’un gouverneur (qāʾim) de Ṣaʿda et de ses environs en l’année 530/1135-1136, ʿAlī b. Zayd b. al-Malīḥ al-Ḥasanī5. Partie prenante des débats théologiques et politiques intenses de son époque, ses prises de position, connues aussi par son œuvre, font foi de son affiliation à la tendance zaydite muṭarrifite, dont il devient le zélote6. Il est décrit à la tête de la secte

3 Voir l’apport des sources manuscrites à la discussion sur le prénom (ism) d’al-Laḥǧī, Muslim ou Musallam, dont une note marginale du manuscrit d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 5, n. 1. 4 530 ou 545 H, voir ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al- Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028a : 530 H peut-être une mauvaise lecture de Yāqūt, Muʿǧam al-buldān, « Laḥǧ », 1866-1873, vol. 4, p. 352, qui dit seulement qu’al-Laḥǧī était vivant aux alentours de 530 H. L’année 545/1150 d’après Ḫ. al-D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām. Qāmūs tarāǧim al-ašhar al-riǧāl wa-al-nisāʾ min al- ʿArab al-mustʿarabīn wa-al-mustašriqīn, 1990, p. 223a,b, sous Muslim etc., qui dit s’appuyer, dans sa n. 1, p. 223b, sur I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, 1955, vol. 2, p. 432 ; A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 106, n° 2 ; D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History in Light of Recent Publications and Discoveries », 1986. Ouvert (m. vie s.) dans : A. b. Ṣ. Ibn Abī al-Riǧāl, Maṭlaʿ al-budūr wa-maǧmaʿ al-buḥūr fī tarāǧim al-riǧāl al-Zaydiyya, 1425/2004, vol. 4, notice 1244, « Musallam b. Asʿad », p. 410. 5 The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al- Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990, p. vi-vii ; Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, Tarǧamatuhu, p. 6sq., occur- rences arrangées chronologiquement, Šuyūḫuhu, p. 16-21 ; D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, p. 187sq., dont tableau V, p. 190 ; Ṣārim al-Dīn Ibrāhīm b. al-Qāsim b. al-Muʾayyad bi-llāh, Nasāmāt al-asḥār fī ṭabaqāt ruwāt kutub al-fiqh wa-al-aṯār al-maʿrūfa bi-ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ al-Zaydiyya, ms. photocopie n° 296, Le Caire, Dār al-kutub, p. 435 (repris de : W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 180, n. 25). 6 W. Madelung, « A Muṭarrifī manuscript », 1975 ; D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, chap. 5, section 5, particulièrement p. 196sq. Pour une description du débat doctrinal entre la Muṭariffiyya et la Muḫtariʿa zaydites, J. Thiele, Theologie in der jemenitischen Zay- diyya : die naturphilosophischen Überlegungen des al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ, 2013. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 133 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman muṭarrifite par l’Imam zaydite al-Mutawakkil Aḥmad b. Sulaymān (m. 566/1170)7, un ancrage perpétué dans la mémoire par des sources du ixe/xve au xiie/xviiie s.8. Au moins trois œuvres lui sont attribuées : 1. Al-utruǧǧa fī šuʿarāʾ al-Yaman, connue par doxographie : l’œuvre est attestée etc. par Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī (m. 626/1229), qui décrit األترنجة sous le nom d’Al-utrunǧa son auteur comme « l’homme de lettre du Yémen » (adīb al-Yaman). Puis par Ibn al- Qifṭī (m. 646/1248), qui souligne la rareté du livre et les circonstances dans lesquelles il est lui-même entré en possession d’un manuscrit – c’est la raison pour laquelle nous nous rangeons à sa lecture du titre de l’œuvre. D’après Ibn al-Qifṭī, elle recense les poètes préislamiques (ǧāhiliyya) et islamiques du Yémen jusqu’à la période contempo- raine d’al-Laḥǧī9. Selon al-Ḥibšī, un manuscrit se trouverait à Tübingen (n° 1300), à partir duquel une copie (photocopie ? ; microfilm ?) aurait été réalisée pour le Maʿhad al-maḫṭūṭāt al-ʿarabiyya bi-al-Kuwayt (n° 33). Des recherches effectives pour les retrouver, étendues à l’Institut des manuscrits arabes, à présent au Caire, n’ont cependant pas abouti10. Il est fort possible qu’il s’agisse d’un télescopage, car la cote donnée par al-Ḥibšī pour un manuscrit à Tübingen, 1300, est la cote Ahlwardt du manuscrit des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman à la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (entrée suivante). 2. Tāʾrīḫ Musallam al-Laḥǧī wa-ṭabaqāt mašāhir al-Yaman wa-yusammā ṭabaqāt Musallam li-al-Laḥǧī, ou Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman, subdivisée en quatre parties sur deux volumes, qui décrivent cinq générations (ṭabaqāt). Une source essentielle sur le début du mouvement zaydite muṭarrifite, sur laquelle nous revenons plus bas11.

7 W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 179-180, n. 24. 8 Citées dans Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa- šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 9-10. 9 Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, Muʿǧam al-buldān, « Laḥǧ », 1866-1873, vol. 4, p. 352 ; al-Qifṭī, Inbāh al-ruwā ʿalā anbāh al-nuḥā, 1406/1986, vol. 1. p. 361, source de l’entrée n° 216, « al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad b. Ḫāla- wayh al-naḥwī al-luġawī, Abū Abd ʿAllāh » (cité par A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 107, avec une coquille : « al-Ḥasan » pour al-Ḥusayn) ; id., Al-muḥammidūn min al-šuʿarāʾ wa-ašʿārihim, 1390/1970, p. 332, source de l’entrée n° 289, « Muḥammad b. Ziyād b. Aḥmad al-ʿAryānī al-Ṣudāʾī al-Yamanī » (cité par ibid.). Voir al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt al-Zaydiyya, 1413/1992, vol. 1, p. 42, n° 53 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musal- lam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028b ; ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 475b-476a. Sous « al-ʿAmrānī – Abū al-Fatḥ Musallam b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān al-ʿAmrānī al-Yamanī », I. B. al-Baġdādī, Hadiyyat al-ʿārifīn, 1955, vol. 2, p. 432, qui ne connaît de lui que cette œuvre et est suivi par ʿU. R. Kaḥḥāla, Muʿǧam al-muʾallifīn, vol. 12, p. 232a,b, « Musallam al- ʿAmrānī – Musallam b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān b. Asʿad b. ʿUṯmān al-ʿAmrānī, al-Yamanī (Abū al-Fatḥ) » ; Ḫ. al- D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām, 1990, p. 223a, perplexe, discute et ne retient que certains points d’al-Baġdādī. 10 ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 475b-476a. 11 GAL S 1, p. 587. Pour plus de détail sur le contenu de cette œuvre, voir : Al-S. A. al-Ḥusaynī, Muʾallafāt al-Zaydiyya, 1413/1992, vol. 1, p. 236, n° 644 ; ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1028b-1029a. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 134 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

III. Le Kitāb al-maṯalayn Cette liste, connue, a été augmentée à la fin des années 1980 par la découverte d’un manuscrit en Libye. La nouvelle a été diffusée en 1990 par la revue Al-fayṣal12 et, à ma connaissance, mention n’a été faite à cette œuvre, le Kitāb al-maṯalayn, que dans des bio-bibliographies en langue arabe de collègues yéménites, celles de ʿAbd al-Salām al- Wagīh (1999) et celle de ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī dans sa mise à jour des Maṣādir al-fikr al- ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman (2004). Elle est enfin citée par Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al- Aḥmadī dans son édition des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya (2015)13. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Wagīh pré- cise tenir son information du Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ14. 3. Kitāb al-maṯalayn : son existence est uniquement connue par le ms. 431 de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi (Libye)15. Le livre traite des proverbes et analogies (tašbīh). Il est composé des sections suivantes : 1. النوع ا ألول من كتاب املثلني املثل الباب ا ألول : املثل املنظوم فصل فمي أورد يف ا ألبيات يمتثل ب أجعازها بب منه أآخر )للمحدثني واملودلين( بب أفرد ألمثال أيب الطيب املتنيب الباب الثاين : املثل املنثور بب من الباب الثاين من النوع ا ألول من كتاب املثلني من أمثاهلم عىل أفعل.

2. النوع الثاين من كتاب املثلني وهو التش بيه الباب ا ألول : التشبيه املنظوم بب من التشبيه املنظوم أفردانه للمحدثني واملودلين الباب الثاين من النوع الثاين : التشبيه املنثور من املثل املناسب للتشبيه نوع من املثل التشبهييي

12 Al-fayṣal 157, fév. 1990, p. 143, une page consacrée aux parutions. 13 ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1029a ; ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 476a ; Muqbil al- Tam, éd. d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman, 1437/2015, bibliographie, p. 671. 14 Voir l’hommage au Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ dans l’Éditorial de ce numéro des nCmY. 15 F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 338- 339. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 135 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

بب منه أآخر بب منه أآخر بب منه يف املثل عىل أفعل.

Il a fait l’objet d’un travail d’édition par Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād pour un degré de magister présenté à l’Université Qāryūnis, en 1988. Publié en deux volumes (944 p.), en 1998, il a été complété de ce que l’auteur de la publication n’avait pas inséré dans son magistère dans un troisième volume (208 p.) publié en 200116. Il contient neuf index. L’attribution à al-Laḥǧī y est brièvement discutée17. La question se pose, car le nom d’al-Laḥǧī apparaît sur la page de titre du manuscrit, avec d’autres éléments pertinents, comme suit : ك تاب املثلني صنعة الش يخ ا ألجل املس ّمل بن محمد اللحجي مما نسخ خبزانة موالان ومالكنا أمري املؤمنني و امام املسلمني وخليفة رسول رب العاملني عىل خلقه أمجعني املوىل الس يد ا ألجل املنصور بهلل عز وجل أيخ الآلآء والعزة أيب محمد عبد هللا بن محزة18

Il s’agirait donc d’un manuscrit copié pour la bibliothèque personnelle de l’Imam zaydite Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamza (561/1166-614/1217, r. 593/1196- 1197-614/1217)19 (nusḫa ḫizāniyya). Les échanges de Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād qui s’ensuivent avec le Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ et avec ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Maqāliḥ, fameux homme de lettres et universitaire né à Ibb en 1937, le confortent dans la conclusion qu’il s’agit d’un manuscrit unique, de même qu’une rencontre avec le grand poète yé- ménite ʿAbd Allāh al-Baradūnī (m. 1419/1999) en visite en Libye. La discussion mérite- rait donc d’être poursuivie à l’aide d’éléments internes au texte. Le manuscrit est en mauvaise condition. Il comporte 240 feuillets (= 481 p.), pour un nombre de 15 l/p., mais il est apode. Il a pour dimension : 25 × 18 cm, il a été écrit à l’encre noire avec des titres rubriqués à l’encre rouge, sans régularité. Les notes paratextuelles sont peu nombreuses, certaines n’ont pas subi de dommage. Fayṣal

16 Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998-2001. Ce travail de magister est cité sous le nom de Fayṣal Miftāḥ par ʿA. al-S. b. ʿA. al-Wagīh, Aʿlām al-muʾallifīn al-zaydiyya, 1420/1999, « Musallam al-Laḥǧī », notice 1102, p. 1029a, et par ʿA. A. M. al-Ḥibšī, Maṣādir al-fikr al-ʿarabī al-islāmī fī al-Yaman, 1425/2004, p. 476a ; Muqbil al-Tam a accédé à un PDF du livre de Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād pour son éd. d’Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman, 1437/2015, bibliographie, p. 671. 17 Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, vol. 1, p. 63. 18 Malheureusement absente du PDF du manuscrit. F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 339 ; al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, vol. 1, p. 63-64. 19 Date de début de règne discutée (583/1187-1188), voir E. J. van Donzel, « al-Manṣūr bi’llāh ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥamza b. Sulaymān b. Ḥamza », 1991 ; M. Schneider, « Les inscriptions arabes de l’ensemble architectural de Ẓafār-Ḏī Bīn (Yémen du Nord) », 1985, p. 64-88. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 136 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād signale une marque de propriété au nom de Ṣalāḥ ʿAbd Allāh al- Sirāǧī al-Ḥāfirī20. Le Cadi Ismāʿīl al-Akwaʿ fit une première demande pour obtenir une copie du livre de Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād auprès de la Bibliothèque de l’Université de Qāryūnis il y a une trentaine d’années. Mais il lui fut répondu que l’étude était en cours. Par la suite, une lettre du bureau du Président de la République du Yémen fut envoyée au Bureau des affaires de la Nation arabe libyen, et de là à l’Université, insistant pour qu’un exemplaire imprimé du livre soit remis au Cadi al-Akwaʿ. Mais Fayṣal al-Ḥaddād s’étant alors rendu en Égypte pour faire son doctorat n’a malheureusement pu ré- pondre à la demande du Cadi. Cela peut expliquer qu’avant 2015, les références au livre imprimé aient été absentes des bibliographies yéménites.

20 F. M. Šimbiš, Fihris maḫṭūṭāt Maktabat Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis al-markaziyya Binġāzī, 2001, vol. 3, p. 339 ; al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb al-maṯalayn, 1998, description du ms., incluant des remarques sur l’écriture et l’orthographe archaïques, vol. 1, p. 63-65. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 137 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 1. Début du Kitāb al-maṯalayn. Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 138 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 2. Feuillet du Kitāb al-maṯalayn, début de la section 2 et premier chapitre, l. 4-5. Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye.

nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 139 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Ill. 3. Dernier feuillet du Kitāb al-maṯalayn. Ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Libye21.

IV. Histoire critique des manuscrits des Aḫbār al-Zaydīya fī al-Yaman en présence Le manuscrit Berlin 9664, 38b-70a22, daté 544/1149, contenant le début du premier volume des Aḫbār al-Zaydīya fī al-Yaman, est présent dans les listes de la GAL23, d’Ayman Fuʾad Sayyid24 et de David Thomas Gochenour25, qui spécifie qu’il s’agit d’un fragment substantiel du premier volume de l’œuvre, tandis qu’A. F. Sayyid restitue le titre com- plet du ms. de Berlin comme suit : Kitāb fīhi šayyʾun min aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman.

21 Mes chaleureux remerciements à Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād pour m’avoir autorisée à reproduire ces feuillets à partir du PDF qu’il a réalisé et au Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ, Dubeï. 22 W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, 1897, p. 209a. 23 GAL S 1, p. 587. 24 A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 106, n° 2. 25 D. T. Gochenour, 1984. The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, et « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315-317. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 140 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

En 1990, Wilferd Madelung donne une première publication du livre à partir du manuscrit de Berlin, précédée d’une discussion sur ses sources26. Confronté au pro- blème d’une mauvaise copie, qui est, de surcroît, un unicum, il recourt aux manuscrits de la quatrième partie du Rawḍat al-aḫbār wa-kunūz al-asrār wa-nukat al-āṯār wa- mawāʿiẓ al-aḫbār (ou : Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī) d’Abū Muḥammad Yūsuf b. Muḥammad Ibn al-Ḥafīṣ al-Ḥaǧūrī (1re moitié du viie/xiiie s.), ms. BnF Arabe 598227, et à Al-ḥadāʾiq al- wardiyya fī manāqib al-aʾimma al-zaydiyya de Ḥamīd b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Wāḥid al-Maḥallī al-Nuhmī (m. 653/1256), mss Vienne Glaser 116, BM Or. 3786 et Or. 381328. Il s’agit en fait du manuscrit n° 245 de la collection Glaser, réunissant quatre textes sous une même reliure, qui fait partie de sa première collecte de 23 manuscrits au Yémen, en 188429. L’autre manuscrit de cette collection ayant suscité l’intérêt des chercheurs est un fragment ancien contenant le début du récit de l’histoire de la ville d’airain (« Qiṣṣat madīnat al-nuḥās ») et la légende des Sept dormants : en effet, des marginalia à valeur documentaire sur la page de titre livrent quelques dates (909/1504 ; 1022/1613), de même qu’une indication de circulation dans un village près de Sanaa30. C’est lors d’une visite effectuée par D. T. Gochenour au Yémen en 1982 que ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī lui présente un manuscrit daté du 30 ḏū al-qaʿda 566/4 août 1171. Ils l’identifient comme étant la « quatrième et dernière partie » de l’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī ; elle leur permet, en outre, de statuer positivement sur le manuscrit de Berlin. Le second volume, ou « quatrième partie », contient la seconde partie de la troisième génération, ainsi que la quatrième et la cinquième. À cette date, les seules copies connues de cette

26 The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al- Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990. 27 Et dans une moindre mesure la partie 1, ms. bib. Saʿīdiyya, Hyderabad, Deccan, voir The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, 1990, p. VI, n. 7, et W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 180, n. 26 ; pour d’autres manuscrits de Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī, voir GAL S I, p. 587, S II, p. 930, et A. F. Sayyid, Sources de l’histoire du Yémen à l’époque musulmane, 1974, p. 133-134 ; pour l’identification du texte du ms. BnF Ar. 5982 comme l’œuvre d’al-Ḥaǧūrī – et non celle d’al-Laḥǧī, voir W. Madelung, « The identity of two Yemenite historical manuscripts », 1973, p. 179-180. Le manuscrit est désormais en ligne, https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc330102. 28 Références dans : W. Madelung, Streitschrift des Zaiditenimams Aḥmad an-Nāṣir wider die ibaditische Prädestinationslehre, 1985, p. 13, n. 46a, et 14, n. 54. GAL I, p. 397, S I, p. 560. 29 W. Ahlwardt, Kurzes Verzeichniss der Glaser’schen Sammlung arabischer Handschriften, Berlin, 1887, p. 43, n° 245, 5. Le manuscrit est désormais en ligne, http://orient-digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/receive/SBBMSBook_islamhs_00005713. 30 Il a servi une exposition récente à la Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, M. Lailach, C. Pohlmann & Ch. Rauch, Reisende Erzählungen. Tausendundeine Nacht zwischen Orient und Europa, 2019. Sur l’apport spécifique des marginalia, voir Ch. Rauch, « Nicht nur aus Arabien: Handschriften von Tausendundeiner Nacht und andere Orientalia », 2019, p. 40-42, la page de titre est en illustration. Mentionné auparavant par Sh. Tamari, « Note presentate da Soci – Iram dhāt al-’Imād, an Arab Atlantis », 1993, et id., Iconotextual studies in the Muslim ideology of Umayyad architecture and urbanism, 1996. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 141 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman partie des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman sont la copie manuscrite entre les mains de ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī et les deux copies xérographiées effectuées à partir de cette même source par al-Ḥibšī lui-même et par D. T. Gochenour. Ce dernier l’utilise, concurrem- ment avec la première partie (Berlin), dans sa thèse, soutenue en 198431, et donne quelques précisions au sujet du manuscrit, très précieuses pour notre propos, dans un article qui suit, en 1986 : « The original ms. belongs to a Zaidi from Najrān who unfor- tunately refused to disclose his name or where he had obtained this manuscript. He was looking for an estimation of the ms. value, evidently with the intention to sell it in Saudi Arabia »32. En 2001 Yasuyuki Kuriyama utilise cette source dans l’une de ses études, sans donner de référence33. Après vérification auprès de l’auteur34, il s’agit de la copie qu’il a réalisée à partir d’un manuscrit provenant de la région de Naǧrān, qui se trouvait en la possession d’un membre de l’Université de Sanaa, alors qu’Y. Kuriyama était appointé par l’Ambassade du Japon dans la capitale yéménite, en 1997-1999. La copie faite par Y. Kuriyama s’est malheureusement détériorée, mais elle comprend 355 p., paginées, et le feuillet portant le colophon est identique au manuscrit utilisé par Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī. En 2012, est annoncé le projet d’une co-publication en fac-similé du manuscrit de Berlin et d’un manuscrit du King Fayṣal Center de Ryadh, contenant la seconde section de la troisième, ainsi que les quatrième et cinquième ṭabaqāt. Les coéditeurs sont le Markaz-i Dāʾirat al-maʿārif-i buzurg-i islāmī (Iran) et la Research Unit Intellectual History of the Islamicate World, Freie Universität Berlin, sous la houlette des Muslim History and Heritage Series. Le manuscrit de Ryadh est identifié comme étant celui mentionné par D. T. Gochenour, depuis disparu des radars35. Pour son édition du texte, Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī s’est appuyé sur une copie du ms. 2449 de la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b. Saʿūd, datée du mercredi de la fin du mois de ḏū al-qaʿda 566/août 1171, qu’il a ache- tée à la Maktabat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya (p. 28). La date de copie de ce manuscrit correspond à celle du manuscrit entre les mains de ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī – si l’on admet que le jour du mois d’achèvement de la copie est le fruit du calcul de D. T. Gochenour ; ils ont en outre le même nombre de page, soit 355. D. T. Gochenour mentionne une note marginale sur la page de titre, discutant le nom (ism) d’al-Laḥǧī, qu’il faut lire « Musallim »

31 D. T. Gochenour, The penetration of Zaidi islam into Early Medieval Yemen, 1984, chap. 5, section 5. 32 D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315, n. 24. 33 Y. Kuriyama, « Zaydi Hijras in Yemen in the Late Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries: With a Focus on the Hijras of the al-Mutarrifiya », 2001 (article en japonais, résumé anglais dans : T. Baba, « Publica- tions in Japanese Language on Yemen History and its related regions mainly based on Manuscripts and Sources from Yemen (1964-2014) », 2015, p. 66, n° 32). 34 Communication personnelle, 2020. 35 S. Schmidtke, « The History of Zaydī Studies. An Introduction », 2012, n. 3, p. 186. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 142 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

– et non al-Muslim, suivie de la liste de ses maîtres36, qui n’est pas collectée par M. al- Aḥmadī dans sa description, pourtant détaillée, des marginalia de son manuscrit37. Il apparaît donc qu’en tout et pour tout, deux manuscrits des Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman aient fait l’objet de discussions scientifiques à ce jour, celui de Berlin et celui actuellement à la Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b. Saʿūd, le seul à contenir la « quatrième partie » de l’œuvre. Le texte de ce dernier a été authentifié (muqābala ʿalā al-aṣl).

V. Conclusion L’œuvre d’al-Laḥǧī n’est donc connue de nous que par doxographie ou, lorsque nous y avons un accès manuscrit, par des unica. Au cours d’un point bibliographique, des informations dispersées, non connues et plus récentes ont pu être réunies ici. Outre l’intérêt d’une discussion autour de l’attribution du Kitāb al-maṯalayn à al-Laḥǧī pour l’œuvre de cet auteur – une discussion qui n’est pas close, ce manuscrit conservé à Benghazi ouvre la voie à une réflexion nouvelle sur la circulation des manuscrits du Yémen vers l’ouest.

Bibliographie

Sources manuscrites

Al-Ḥaǧūrī, Yūsuf b. Muḥammad Ibn al-Ḥafīṣ (vie/xiie s.), Rawḍat al-aḫbār wa-kunūz al- asrār wa-nukat al-āṯār wa-mawāʿiẓ al-aḫbār (ou : Rawḍat al-Ḥaǧūrī), 4e partie, Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF) Arabe 5982. En ligne : https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc330102 _____ , 1re partie (partielle), ms. bib. Saʿīdiyya, Hyderabad, Deccan. Al-Laḥǧī, Kitāb fī šayyʾ min aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman, ms. Berlin 9664 (Glaser 245), 38b-70a. _____ , Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya fī al-Yaman, ms. bib. privée Naǧrān = ms. et photocopies ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥibšī/D. T. Gochenour, 1982 = membre de l’Université de Sa- naa/Yasuyuki Kuriyama 1997-1999 = King Fayṣal Center, Ryadh, 2012 = ms. 2449, Bibliothèque de l’Université islamique de l’Imam Muḥammad b. Saʿūd = Makta- bat Lubnān al-ʿarabiyya, avant 2015. _____ , Kitāb al-maṯalayn, ms. 431, Bibliothèque de l’Université Qāryūnis, Benghazi, Li- bye. Repositoire (PDF) : Markaz Ǧumʿa al-Māǧid li-al-ṯaqāfa wa-al-turāṯ, Dubeï.

36 D. T. Gochenour, « A Revised Bibliography of Medieval Yemeni History », 1986, p. 315. Voir la discussion dans Ḫ. al-D. al-Ziriklī, Al-aʿlām, 1990, n. 1, p. 223b. 37 Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al-salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al- Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya], 1437/2015, p. 28. M. al-Aḥmadī fait référence à une note marginale sur le sujet, mais qui dit exactement le contraire, ibid., p. 5, n. 1. nCmY 11 (Juillet 2020) 143 A. Regourd Note sur Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi-al-Yaman

Al-Maḥallī al-Nuhmī, Ḥamīd b. Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Wāḥid (m. 653/1256), Al-ḥadāʾiq al-wardiyya fī manāqib al-aʾimma al-zaydiyya, ms. Vienne Glaser 116, _____ , ms. British Museum (BM) Or. 3786. _____ , ms. British Museum (BM) Or. 3813. Ṣārim al-Dīn Ibrāhīm b. al-Qāsim b. al-Muʾayyad bi-llāh, Nasāmāt al-asḥār fī ṭabaqāt ruwāt kutub al-fiqh wa-al-aṯār al-maʿrūfa bi-ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ al-Zaydiyya, ms. photocopie n° 296, Le Caire, Dār al-kutub. Sources éditées

Ibn Abī al-Riǧāl, Aḥmad b. Ṣāliḥ (m. 1092/1681), Maṭlaʿ al-budūr wa-maǧmaʿ al-buḥūr fī tarāǧim al-riǧāl al-Zaydiyya, éd. ʿAbd al-Raqīb Muṭahhar Muḥammad Ḥaǧar & Maǧd al-Dīn b. Muḥammad b. Manṣūr al-Muʾayyadī, Ṣaʿda, Markaz ahl al-bayt li-al-dirāsāt al-islāmiyya, 1425/2004, 4 vol. Ibn al-Qifṭī, al-Wazīr Ǧamāl al-Dīn Abī al-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Yūsuf (m. 646/1248), Inbāh al- ruwā ʿalā anbāh al-nuḥā, éd. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Le Caire/Beyrouth, Dār al-fikr al-ʿarabī, Muʾassasat al-kutub al-ṯaqāfiyya, 1406/1986, 4 vol. _____ , Al-muḥammidūn min al-šuʿarāʾ wa-ašʿārihim, éd. Ḥasan Maʿmarī & Ḥamd al- Ǧāsir, s. l., s. éd., coll. « Ǧāmaʿat Bārīs, Kulliyat al-ādāb wa-al-ʿulūm al- insāniyya », 1390/1970. Al-Laḥǧī, Al-ǧuzʾ al-rābiʿ min Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya min Ahl al-Bayt, ʿalayhim al- salām, wa-šīʿatihim bi-al-Yaman [al-muṭarrifiyya] [ʿan maḫṭūṭa yatīma nusḫat sanat 566 H, wa-qūbilat ʿalā al-aṣl fa-ṣiḥḥat], mimma ǧamaʿahu wa-allafahu al- šayḫ al-fāḍil Abū al-Ġamr Musallam b. Muḥammad b. Ǧaʿfar al-Laḥǧī aǧzala Allāh ṯawābahu [kāna ḥayyan sanat 530 H] aʿtanā bihi wa-ḍabaṭahu al-Duktūr Muqbil al-Tām ʿĀmir al-Aḥmadī, Ṣanʿāʾ, Maṭbūʿāt Maǧmaʿ al-ʿarabiyya al-saʿīda, 1437/2015, 673 p. [al-ṭabʿa al-ūlā]. _____ , Kitāb al-maṯalayn mansūb li-al-Musallam b. Muḥammad al-Laḥǧī (545 H), éd. & étude Fayṣal Miftāḥ al-Ḥaddād, Benghazi, Manšūrāt Ǧāmaʿat Qāryūnis, vol. 1-2, 1998, vol. 3, 2001. The Sīra of Imām Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh from Musallam al-Laḥjī’s Kitāb Aḫbār al-Zaydiyya bi l-Yaman, éd. Wilferd Madelung, Exeter, Ithaca Press for the Board of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, 1990. Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī (m. 626/1229), Muʿǧam al-buldān, éd. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld, Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1866-1873, 6 vol.

Dictionnaires, catalogues & études

Ahlwardt, Wilhelm. 1887. Kurzes Verzeichniss der Glaser’schen Sammlung arabischer Handschriften, Berlin, Berlin, Unger.

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