Risk Profiles 2011 Update
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
Battle for Workers Rights in Australia by Aggie Mccallum
Socialist Fight Issue No. 5 Winter 2010-11 Price: Concessions: 50p, Waged: £2.00 Only a United Anti-cuts Campaign based on strikes and occupations will defeat the Coalition assault Contents Page 2: Editorial: Only a United Anti-cuts Campaign based on strikes and occupations will defeat the Coalition assault. Page 5: Three days in the life of an Unemployed Workers Centre. Page 6: Ireland on the Rack: Defend the welfare state, de- fend the Republican Prisoners By AJ Byrne. Page 7: After the Irish bailout: The financial wolf pack tar- gets new victims By Nick Beams. Page 8: Ireland: The Creepy Millionaires’ Budget By Michael Taft. Page 9: Jimmy Reid: “It cannae be Lenin — he’s deid” Obitu- ary By Tony Fox. Page 12: The Jerry Hicks Campaign: Good Trot, Bad Trot and Trot in the Middle By Gerry Downing. Page 14: Obama’s America: The Furlough—Intent and Im- pact By Jake Cooper. Page 16: Mumia Abu-Jamal, on Pennsylvania's death row for 29 years By Dave Lindorfff. Page 18: Class Struggle in Zimbabwe by Ady, RIL - FI (Zimbabwe). Page 20: Trotskyist Turn in Nepal? By Rajesh Tyagi (New Wave). Page 20: Comment on the above By Ret Marut. Page 21: Women's Oppression: Two opposing views of the sex industry. Page 24: Letters pages. Page 28: Dubstep rebellion - the British banlieue comes to Millbank By Paul Mason Page 29: The Recession and Theories of Imperialism: It has to be Lenin! By Ret Marut. Page 31: Debating the Thermidor: “Me No Dirty Commie” By Gerry Downing. Page 33: Ark Tribe….Battle for Workers Rights in Australia By Aggie McCallum. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
(Self-)Reflexivity and Repetition in Documentary
Kent Academic Repository Full text document (pdf) Citation for published version UNSPECIFIED UNSPECIFIED Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) thesis, UNSPECIFIED. DOI Link to record in KAR https://kar.kent.ac.uk/87147/ Document Version UNSPECIFIED Copyright & reuse Content in the Kent Academic Repository is made available for research purposes. Unless otherwise stated all content is protected by copyright and in the absence of an open licence (eg Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher, author or other copyright holder. Versions of research The version in the Kent Academic Repository may differ from the final published version. Users are advised to check http://kar.kent.ac.uk for the status of the paper. Users should always cite the published version of record. Enquiries For any further enquiries regarding the licence status of this document, please contact: [email protected] If you believe this document infringes copyright then please contact the KAR admin team with the take-down information provided at http://kar.kent.ac.uk/contact.html Subjectivity, (Self-)reflexivity and Repetition in Documentary Silke Panse PhD-Thesis 2007 Film Studies School of Drama, Film and the Visual Arts University of Kent Canterbury Abstract This thesis advances a deterritorialised reading of documentary on several levels: firstly, with respect to the difference between non-fiction and fiction, allowing for a fluctuation between both. As this thesis examines the movements of subjective documentary between self-reflexivity and reflexivity, it argues against an understanding of reflexivity as something that is emotionally distanced from its object and thus relies on a strict separation from both the subject and what it documents, such as for instance the stable irony in many found footage or mock-documentaries. -
Socialist Workers Party Records
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf1k40019v No online items Register of the Socialist Workers Party records Finding aid prepared by Hoover Institution Archives Staff Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6010 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2016 Register of the Socialist Workers 92036 1 Party records Title: Socialist Workers Party records Date (inclusive): 1928-1998 Collection Number: 92036 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 135 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box(57.8 linear feet) Abstract: Correspondence, minutes, resolutions, theses, and internal bulletins, relating to Trotskyist and other socialist activities in Latin America, Western Europe, Iran, and elsewhere, and to interactions of the Socialist Workers Party with the Fourth International; and trial transcripts, briefs, other legal documents, and background materials, relating to the lawsuit brought by Alan Gelfand against the Socialist Workers Party in 1979. Most of collection also available on microfilm (108 reels). Creator: Socialist Workers Party. Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all audiovisual material is immediately accessible. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Socialist Workers Party Records, [Box no.], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information The Hoover Institution Archives acquired records of the Socialist Workers Party from the Anchor Foundation in 1992. -
Meaning in Movement
MEANING IN MOVEMENT. AN IDEATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SHEFFIELD-BASED PROTEST NETWORKS CONTESTING GLOBALISATION AND WAR. VOLUME ONE Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD. Department of Politics, University of Sheffield. KEVIN GILLAN January 2006 ABSTRACT Since the late 1990s millions of people have been involved in political protest actions contesting globalisation and war. The two issues are interconnected by the continuing involvement of many of the same individuals, organisations and networks making political claims in opposition to relevant institutional actors. Social movements involved in these protests include a marked diversity of political worldviews. This thesis analyses the worldviews informing particular instantiations of those movements. Social movements must be understood as continuous, dynamic processes which, at times, occur as large-scale public events. Participants’ political beliefs are formed, tested and reconstituted in continuous debate and action with their peers and opponents. Meaning results from the interrelations between concepts in larger ideational structures. Interpreting the worldviews presented by social movements therefore involves piecing together various ideational elements into reasonably coherent, interlocking structures that make sense of the statements and behaviour of social movement participants. It is through extended participation within social movement groups that discursive processes can be observed. An ethnographic methodology therefore forms the empirical basis on which this thesis develops an -
The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain C. 1893–1914
University of Huddersfield Repository Laybourn, Keith The failure of Socialist unity in Britain, c.1893-1914 Original Citation Laybourn, Keith (1994) The failure of Socialist unity in Britain, c.1893-1914. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6th Series (4). pp. 153-175. ISSN 1474-0648 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/3287/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ THE FAILURE OF SOCIALIST UNITY IN BRITAIN c. 1893-1914 By Keith Laybourn READ 25 SEPTEMBER 1993 AT THE UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left widiin a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. -
U DJH Papers of Jock Haston 1913 - 1964 Inc Records of the Revolutionary Communist Party and Other Trotskyist Groups
Hull History Centre: Jock Haston inc Revolutionary Communist Party U DJH Papers of Jock Haston 1913 - 1964 inc Records of the Revolutionary Communist Party and other Trotskyist Groups Biographical Background: James Ritchie (always known as 'Jock') Haston was born in Edinburgh in 1913 and went to sea at the age of 15. He became a Communist, but his disillusionment with Russia grew when, as a merchant seaman, he saw Soviet ships breaking the public trade boycott of Nazi Germany. He left the Communist Party and became a Trotskyist. He was involved with various groups over the next few years, including the Revolutionary Socialist League and particularly the Workers' International League. When the WIL and the RSL merged in March 1944 to become the Revolutionary Communist Party, official organ of the Fourth International in Britain, Haston became its General Secretary. In April 1945 he was the first Trotskyist to contest a British parliamentary election, polling a respectable 1781 votes at Neath. Over the next few years however, the RCP failed to make progress. The prediction - central to Trotskyist thinking - of a major post-war slump, followed by violent international proletarian revolution led by themselves, remotely to materialise. A bitter and long dispute between those, like Haston, who favoured an open party and the vocal minority, led by Gerry Healy, who preferred 'entryism' into the Labour Party, eventually led to the demise of the RCP in 1949. Haston himself abandoned Trotskyism and joined the Labour Party, which he continued to support for the rest of his life. However he never ceased to be anti-Stalinist. -
Volume Xli, No. 4 December, 1995 Editorial Note
VOLUME XLI, NO. 4 DECEMBER, 1995 EDITORIAL NOTE The Office of the Speaker occupies a pivotal position in a parliamentary democracy. We in India have had a galaxy of eminent personalities who adorned the Office of the Speaker of Lok Sabha. Each and every one of our Speakers, by virtue of his towering personality, dignity and abiding faith in the fundamental principles of democracy, has laid down healthy conventions and precedents which have enhanced the status of the Office. Naturally, this has had a significant impact on the varied activities of the Lok Sabha. Every Lok Sabha, since the first General Elections, has contributed to the further strengthening of parliamentary democracy in our country. This has been possible because the Lok Sabha is a dynamic institution, not a static one. Each Lok Sabha has taken praiseworthy initiatives and effected timely innovations to keep pace with the changing times and native reqUirements. Thus, the evolution of parliamentary system in India has been as much a part of the evolution of the successive Lok Sabhas. The Tenth Lok Sabha has, in fact, broken new grounds insofar as initiatives, innovations and developments are concerned. In his article titled "The Tenth Lok Sabha: Initiatives, Innovations and Developments", the Editor highlights the significant achievements of the Tenth Lok Sabha under the inspiring leadership of the incumbent Speaker, Shri Shivraj V. Patil. The effective utilization of the time of the House is an imperative need for a successful parliamentary system. Equally important is the meaningful participation of all sections of Parliament in its proceedings. In India, successive Lok Sabhas and Presiding Officers have endeavoured to provide all modern facilities to the members with a view to ensuring proper time-management and promoting still greater participation and involvement of members in the business of the House. -
Socialism in the Nord, 1880–1914. a Regional View of the French
ROBERT P. BAKER SOCIALISM IN THE NORD, 1880-1914 A REGIONAL VIEW OF THE FRENCH SOCIALIST MOVEMENT This paper was written before the appearance of Leslie Derfler's "Reformism and Jules Guesde: 1891-1904" {International Review of Social History, XII (1967), pp. 66-80). It is not specifically aimed at answering or refuting Derfler's article; however, it adds to his discus- sion of French reformism and Jules Guesde. Derfler and I agree that an analysis of Socialist theory is of secondary importance for the historian trying to unravel the complexities of French Socialism; for "doctrinal discord" Derfler substitutes "personal enmity" as the key to under- standing. I believe that investigation of Socialist organization in France will provide added insights into the reformist and revolutionary movements within French Socialism. I agree with Derfler that in the 1890's much of Guesde's reformism was stimulated by his desire to exploit the good image of reformists and enlightened bourgeois, in order to capture votes which would give Socialists control of the French parliament. Derfler then argues that when this tactic did not work for Guesde in the elections of 1898, personal reasons motivated his return to intransigeant Marxism. This explanation of Guesde's behavior may be valid, but it does not explain the behavior of an entire group of men, those "Guesdists" who in the 1890's formed the revolutionary wing of French Socialism. Derfler overemphasizes Guesde's personal power by asserting that he complete- ly controlled the Parti ouvrier francais. In fact, his early control of the POF was progressively weakened; by the mid-1890's Guesde's illnesses and the increased prestige of local Guesdist militants had cut into his ability to demand absolute obedience. -
ESS6 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS6 - 2012 ed. 2.1 Albania 2 Belgium 3 Bulgaria 6 Cyprus 10 Czechia 11 Denmark 13 Estonia 14 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Israel 27 Italy 29 Kosovo 31 Lithuania 33 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 43 Russian Federation 45 Slovakia 47 Slovenia 48 Spain 49 Sweden 52 Switzerland 53 Ukraine 56 United Kingdom 57 Albania 1. Political parties Language used in data file: Albanian Year of last election: 2009 Official party names, English 1. Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë (PS) - The Socialist Party of Albania - 40,85 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Partia Demokratike e Shqipërisë (PD) - The Democratic Party of Albania - 40,18 % election: 3. Lëvizja Socialiste për Integrim (LSI) - The Socialist Movement for Integration - 4,85 % 4. Partia Republikane e Shqipërisë (PR) - The Republican Party of Albania - 2,11 % 5. Partia Socialdemokrate e Shqipërisë (PSD) - The Social Democratic Party of Albania - 1,76 % 6. Partia Drejtësi, Integrim dhe Unitet (PDIU) - The Party for Justice, Integration and Unity - 0,95 % 7. Partia Bashkimi për të Drejtat e Njeriut (PBDNJ) - The Unity for Human Rights Party - 1,19 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Socialist Party of Albania (Albanian: Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë), is a social- above democratic political party in Albania; it is the leading opposition party in Albania. It seated 66 MPs in the 2009 Albanian parliament (out of a total of 140). It achieved power in 1997 after a political crisis and governmental realignment. In the 2001 General Election it secured 73 seats in the Parliament, which enabled it to form the Government. -
Socialist Male Personality’ in the GDR Youth Literature of the 1950S and 1960S
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2013 Be a Man, Comrade! Construction of the ‘Socialist Male Personality’ in the GDR Youth Literature of the 1950s and 1960s. Joanna Broda-Schunck [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the German Literature Commons, and the Other Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Broda-Schunck, Joanna, "Be a Man, Comrade! Construction of the ‘Socialist Male Personality’ in the GDR Youth Literature of the 1950s and 1960s.. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2013. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/2403 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Joanna Broda-Schunck entitled "Be a Man, Comrade! Construction of the ‘Socialist Male Personality’ in the GDR Youth Literature of the 1950s and 1960s.." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Modern Foreign Languages. Stefanie Ohnesorg, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Maria Stehle, Daniel H. Magilow, Elizabeth H. Sutherland Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Be a Man, Comrade! Construction of the ‘Socialist Male Personality’ in the GDR Youth Literature of the 1950s and 1960s.