Battle for Workers Rights in Australia by Aggie Mccallum
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How the SWP's Bureaucratic Factionalism Is Wrecking Respect
How the SWP's bureaucratic factionalism is wrecking Respect https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1330 Britain How the SWP's bureaucratic factionalism is wrecking Respect - IV Online magazine - 2007 - IV393 - October 2007 - Publication date: Wednesday 31 October 2007 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/4 How the SWP's bureaucratic factionalism is wrecking Respect No one who supports left unity could be anything other than deeply disheartened by the turn of events inside Respect, which has created a crisis that threatens the future of the organisation. The current crisis is unnecessary and the product of the political line and methods of organisation of the Socialist Workers Party. [https://internationalviewpoint.org/IMG/jpg/respect23-2.jpg] Happier days - Respect founding conference The real meaning of the crisis, its roots and underlying dynamics are however being obscured by the SWP's propaganda offensive, an attempt to whip its own members into line and throw up a smokescreen to fool the left in Britain and internationally. How so? The crisis was started by a letter from Respect MP George Galloway to members of the National Council on August 23, a time it should be remembered that a general election seemed a short-term possibility. In his letter Galloway drew attention to organisational weaknesses of Respect, the decline of its membership and political life in general, but also to the (not unrelated) lack of accountability of the National Officers, including the Respect national Secretary John Rees. These criticisms reflected those that had been made for several years by supporters of Socialist Resistance. -
Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
ARTICLES Rebel Or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925
ARTICLES Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925 David Akers DURINGTHE1919VANCOUVERGENERALSTRIKE, the guardians of conventional 'law and order' in the city, the middle-class Citizens League, bemoaned the evils of "Kavanagh Bolshevism" and its "red-eyed vision of Soviet control."1 Jack Kavanagh — a member of the general strike committee, prominent "platform speaker" for the Socialist Party of Canada (SPC), and the provincial chairman of the One Big Union (OBU) in British Columbia — was a prime target for the establishment backlash against labour militancy in Vancouver.2 Red Scare hysterics aside, Kavanagh did, from October 1917, openly embrace the Russian Revolution and its "proletarian dictatorship," as he labelled the Soviet 'Vancouver Citizen, 25 June 1919. "On Kavanagh's role in the 1919 Canadian labour revolt, see Paul A. Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver 1967), 66-84; Martin Robin, Radical Politics and Canadian Labour, J880-1930 (Kingston 1968), 138-98; A. Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto 1977), 145-54; David J. Bercuson, Fools and Wise Men: The Rise and Fall of the One Big Union (Toronto 1978), 57-170; Gerald Friesen, '"Yours in Revolt' : The Socialist Party of Canada and the Western Canadian Labour Movement," in Labour/Le Travail, 1 (1976), 139-55; Dave Adams, "The Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919: The West Coast Story," in Socialist Worker, 161 (November, 1990). David Akers, "Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Com munist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925, Labour/Le Travail 30 (Fall 1992), 9-44. -
Roosevelt Demands Slave Labor Bill in First Congress Message
The 18 And Their Jailers SEE PAGE 3 — the PUBLISHEDMILITANT IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE VOL. IX—No. 2 NEW YORK, N. Y„ SATURDAY, JANUARY 13, 1943' 267 PRICE: FIVE CENTS Labor Leaders Roosevelt Demands Slave Labor Will Speak A t Bill In First Congress Message Meeting For 12 © ' Congress Hoists Its Flag The C ivil Rights Defense Corhmittee this week announced First Act of New a list of distinguished labor and civil liberties leaders who will Calls For Immediate Action participate in the New York ‘‘Welcome Home” Mass Meeting for James P. Cannon, Albert Goldman, Farrell Dobbs and Felix Congress Revives Morrow, 4 of the 12 imprisoned Trotskyists who. are being re On Forced Labor Measures leased from federal prison on January 24. The meeting will be Dies Committee held at the Hotel Diplomat, 108 W. 43rd Street, on February Political Agents of Big Business Combine 2, 8 P. M. ®---------------------------------------------- By R. B e ll To Enslave Workers and Paralyze Unions Included among the speakers CRDC Fund Drive The members of the new Con who will greet the Minneapolis gress had hardly warmed their Labor Case prisoners are Osmond Goes Over Top By C. Thomas K. Fraenkel, Counsel for the seats when a coalition of Roose NEW YORK CITY, Jan. 8— American Civil Liberties Union; velt Democrats and Dewey Re-' Following on the heels of a national campaign A total of $5,500 was con James T. Farrell, noted novelist publicans led by poll-tax Ran tributed in the $5,000 Christ to whip up sentiment for labor conscription, Roose and CRDC National Chairman; kin of Mississippi, anti-semite, mas Fund Campaign to aid Benjamin S. -
Development & Resistance
Development & Resistance to the Empire of Capital John Saul Realizing “developmental socialism” which, as recently as the changes seem equally necessary now – for, as Colin Leys and I 1970s, seemed a prospect worth fighting for has come, to many, have much more recently noted, “the dream of a transformative capi- to seem much less so now. True, the goal still has moral force, this talism in Africa remains just that: a dream.” This is true even if, con- encompassing the judgment that people can resolve economic fronted with an ever more ascendant globalized capitalism, the goal and political tensions and potential contradictions collectively and of a developmental socialism, key to the only genuine “develop- democratically rather than having to build centrally on competi- ment” that is really possible for Africa, seems at least as difficult to tion and the entrepreneurial greed of the few as the ultimate cen- realize as it did when Arrighi and I first wrote. tral keys to the welfare of everybody else. One cannot afford to Of course, the African case may be, globally, the most ex- be naïve, of course. Quite apart from questions of divergent class treme example of capitalist failure. Nonetheless, more generally, interests, it is also true that “human nature,” however much mis- the logic of socialism (but also the extreme difficulty of realizing shaped and distorted it may be within a world of ascendant mar- it) seems clear, at least to those who care to look. For Africa, like ket norms, will, even in the best and most propitious of times, be much of the rest of the underdeveloped world, is now “invited” pulled between the claim of individuality (and family) on the one (in fact, largely forced – by the IMF, World Bank, WTO and the hand and that of humane collectivity on the other. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Risk Profiles 2011 Update
Risk profiles 2011 update We have developed formal processes to enable us to deploy our resources more effectively. This includes the generation of risk profiles to inform our audit strategy. These profiles bring together various different pieces of information relating to parties’ financial characteristics, level of compliance with statutory obligations and scale of operation. Similar profiles are developed for accounting units with either income or expenditure over £100,000. Last year we undertook a review of our pilot of profiling, which led to some minor changes to our policy Prioritising our regulatory activity . This review process means that the update of profiles was delayed until now. From 2012 onwards, profiles will be updated annually in October after we have received all statement of accounts over £250,000. Returns data 2007 - 2010 Next update October 2012 Find out more about our policy and risk profiles on our website at: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/party-finance/enforcement/risk-profiles Key Financial risk This indicates the financial scale, cash flow and past accounting accuracy of the party. We weight these indicators to produce criteria a rating of A, B or C for each party. A rating of ‘C’ may indicate, for instance, a party with high levels of debt that has had its Profiled A-C recent statements of accounts qualified by an auditor. A ‘B’ rating may be a relatively high-income party with no material inaccuracies in its recent accounts. An ‘A’ rating will indicate a low-income party. Compliance risk criteria This indicates a party’s level of compliance with their statutory obligations over a period of three years. -
The British Radical Literary Tradition As the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, Its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert
Writing Revolution: The British Radical Literary Tradition as the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert Author Merlyn, Teri Published 2004 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/3245 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367384 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Writing Revolution: The British Radical Literary tradition as the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert By Teri Merlyn BA, Grad.Dip.Cont.Ed. Volume One School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education Griffith University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date:……………………………………………………………………… Abstract This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E P Thompson terms ‘the making of the English working class’ through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual’s critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. -
The Left in Europe
ContentCornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.) The Left in Europe Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey Cornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.): The Left in Europe. Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey A free paperback copy of this publication in German or English can be ordered by email to [email protected]. © Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office 2009 2 Content Preface 5 Western Europe Paul-Emile Dupret 8 Possibilities and Limitations of the Anti-Capitalist Left in Belgium Cornelia Hildebrandt 18 Protests on the Streets of France Sascha Wagener 30 The Left in Luxemburg Cornelia Weissbach 41 The Left in The Netherlands Northern Europe Inger V. Johansen 51 Denmark - The Social and Political Left Pertti Hynynen / Anna Striethorst 62 Left-wing Parties and Politics in Finland Dag Seierstad 70 The Left in Norway: Politics in a Centre-Left Government Henning Süßer 80 Sweden: The Long March to a coalition North Western Europe Thomas Kachel 87 The Left in Brown’s Britain – Towards a New Realignment? Ken Ahern / William Howard 98 Radical Left Politics in Ireland: Sinn Féin Central Europe Leo Furtlehner 108 The Situation of the Left in Austria 3 Stanislav Holubec 117 The Radical Left in Czechia Cornelia Hildebrandt 130 DIE LINKE in Germany Holger Politt 143 Left-wing Parties in Poland Heiko Kosel 150 The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) Southern Europe Mimmo Porcaro 158 The Radical Left in Italy between national Defeat and European Hope Dominic Heilig 166 The Spanish Left -
Pseudo-Science, Socialism, and Inflation
LUDWIG VON MiSES The Free Market and Its Enemies: Pseudo-Science, Socialism, and Inflation With an Introduction by Richard M. Ebeling 'oundations of Freedom tAUjffs SEMINAR lec;ture,s. vo The Free Market and Its Enemies: Q>J^ Pseudo-Science, Socialism, and Inflation iCUIDE ESTE UBRO COMOSIFUERASUYO! en mal ©stado. SI lo pierde o lo devuelve de reposlcl6n. se le cobrar6 su costo LUDWIG VON MISES The Free Market and Its Enemies: Pseudo-Science,^ Socialism, and Inflation B I B L t OT EC 4| LUDWIG VON MiSES f U » ' M A I A By Ludwig von Mises <%^ With an Introduction by Richard M. EbeHng Lecture Transcriptions by Bettina Bien Greaves FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION Irvington-on-Hudson, NY 10533 This book is published by the Foundation for Economic Education, a foundation esublished to study and advance the first principles of freedom. ©2004 Foundation for Economic Education. All rights reserved. Frontispiece photograph of Ludwig von Mises courtesy of Richard M. EbcUng. Printed in the United States of America 08 07 06 05 04 5 4 3 2 1 Cataloging-in-Publication Data on file with the Library of Congress ISBN 1-57246-208-6 Foundation for Economic Education f_ 30 S.Broadway v^ 502274 Irvington-on-Hudson, New York 10533 <* Contents Acknowledgments i/i7 Introduction by Richard Ebeling ix 1st Lecture Economics and Its Opponents 1 2nd Lecture Pseudo-Science and Historical Understanding 6 3rd Lecture Acting Man and Economics 13 4th Lecture Marxism, Socialism, and Pseudo-Science. ... 21 5th Lecture Capitalism and Human Progress 33 6th Lecture Money and Inflation 43 7th Lecture The Gold Standard: Its Importance and Restoration 52 8th Lecture Money, Credit, and the Business Cycle 62 9th Lecture The Business Cycle and Beyond 73 Index "-^ Acknowledgments These lectures, delivered by Ludwig von Mises at the Foun- dation for Economic Education in the summer of 1951, would not exist if not for Bettina Bien Greaves, who took them down word for word in shorthand, and who kindly made the transcriptions available to FEE. -
Putin's Useful Idiots
Putin’s Useful Idiots: Britain’s Left, Right and Russia Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 10 (2016) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society October 2016 PUTIN’S USEFUL IDIOTS Executive Summary ñ Over the past five years, there has been a marked tendency for European populists, from both the left and the right of the political spectrum, to establish connections with Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Those on the right have done so because Putin is seen as standing up to the European Union and/or defending “traditional values” from the corrupting influence of liberalism. Those on the left have done so in part because their admiration for Russia survived the end of the Cold War and in part out of ideological folly: they see anybody who opposes Western imperialism as a strategic bedfellow. ñ In the UK, individuals, movements, and parties on both sides of the political spectrum have deepened ties with Russia. Some individuals have praised Putin and voiced their support for Russia’s actions in Ukraine; others have travelled to Moscow and elsewhere to participate in events organised by the Kremlin or Kremlin-backed organisations; yet more have appeared on Russia’s propaganda networks. Some movements have even aligned themselves with Kremlin-backed organisations in Russia who hold views diametrically opposed to their own; this is particularly the case for left-leaning organisations in the UK, which have established ties with far-right movements in Russia. ñ In an era when marginal individuals and parties in the UK are looking for greater influence and exposure, Russia makes for a frequent point of ideological convergence, and Putin makes for a deceptive and dangerous friend. -
Images of the Worker in John Heartfield's Pro-Soviet Photomontages a Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School A
Images of the Worker in John Heartfield’s Pro-Soviet Photomontages A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri-Columbia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by DANA SZCZECINA Dr. James van Dyke, Thesis Supervisor DECEMBER 2020 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the thesis entitled IMAGES OF THE WORKER IN JOHN HEARTFIELD’S PRO=SOVIET PHOTOMONTAGES Presented by Dana Szczecina, a candidate for the degree of master of the arts , and hereby certify that in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. Professor James van Dyke Professor Seth Howes Professor Anne Stanton ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am deeply grateful for the guidance and support of my thesis adviser Dr. van Dyke, without whom I could not have completed this project. I am also indebted to Dr, Seth Howes and Dr. Anne Stanton, the other two members of my thesis committee who provided me with much needed and valuable feedback. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS……………………………………………………………………………….iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………..vii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………………...11 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………………………25 Chapter Three……………………………………………………………………………………………45 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...68 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………….71 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Film und Foto, Installation shot, Room 3, 1929. Photograph by Arthur Ohler. (Akademie der Künste, Berlin, Archiv Bildende Kunst.)…………………………….1 2. John Heartfield, Five Fingers Has the Hand, 1928 (Art Institute Chicago)…………………………………………………………………..1 3. John Heartfield, Little German Christmas Tree, 1934 (Akademie der Künste)…………………………………………………………………3 4. Gustav Klutsis, All Men and Women Workers: To the Election of the Soviets, 1930 (Art Institute Chicago)……………………………………………………………6 5.