In Defence of Trotskyism No.4

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

In Defence of Trotskyism No.4 In Defence of Trotskyism Price: Waged: £2.00 Concessions: 50p, €3 Number 4. Spring 2013 The Methodology of Communism The United Front and the Anti-Imperialist United Front are tactics that ap- ply at all times except when the direct uprising takes place for the seizure of power and the masses are flocking to the revolu- tionary banner; in a sense it is wrong to characterise the UF as a tactic at all be- cause it is the methodol- ogy of communism, its very mode of existence, its orientation to the global working class as a whole class, the only method that can mobilise that force that alone can over- throw capitalism. In Defence of Trotskyism is published by the Socialist Fight Group. Contact: PO Box 59188, London, NW2 9LJ. Email: [email protected]. Blog: http://socialistfight.com/ đoàn kết là sức mạnh, Jedność jest اتحاد قدرت است ., ,Unity is strength, L’union fait la force, La unión hace la fuerza, Η ενότητα είναι δύναμη siła, ykseys on kesto, યુનિટિ થ્રૂ .િા , Midnimo iyo waa awood, hundeb ydy chryfder, Einheit ist Stärke, एकता शक्ति,है единстве наша сила, unità è la resistenza, 団結は力だ, A união faz a força, eining er styrkur, De eenheid is ,אחדות היא כוח ,vienybės jėga, bashkimi ben fuqine !Ní neart go chur le céile, pagkakaisa ay kalakasan, jednota is síla, 일성은 이다 힘 힘, Workers of the World Unite ,الوحدة هو القوة ,de sterkte In Defence of Trotskyism page 2 WRP) and a group of South African Trotskyists. Contents Other groups to join the LTT included the Comrades for a Workers Govern- ment (South Africa), Workers Voice (Sri Lanka), the Leninist-Trotskyist Group (Canada) and the Swedish Arbetarförbundet för Socialismen (AfS – Workers New Preface….…...….……………...Page 2 League for Socialism). The LTT included former members of a number of Trotskyist tendencies, such Revolutionaries and the Labour as Gerry Healy’s International Committee, the United Secretariat, the Sparta- cist tendency, the Revolutionary Workers Party (Sri Lanka) and the Moreno- party………….………...……………...…...Page 6 Lambert Parity Committee. The Method of the United Front…...Page 16 The LTT fell apart soon after the dissolution of the Workers International League in 1997. Reprints of selected documents of the Leninist-Trotskyist Tendency [The LTT is not to be confused with the tendency of the same name that was with a new preface for them all by the Socialist Fight Group. established by the US Socialist Workers Party and its co-thinkers in the United The Leninist-Trotskyist Tendency (LTT) was the result of the 1991 fusion of the Secretariat of the Fourth International in 1973]. Leninist-Trotskyist Tendency of Belgium and Germany, the Workers Interna- A large section of the documents can be found on the site of the Encyclopedia tional League of Britain (which emerged from the collapse of Gerry Healy’s of Trotskyism On Line at. http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/document/ltt/ whereas the WIL New Preface by Gerry Downing May 2013 tended to make the UF a tactic the RIL/ he Socialist Fight Group republishes these selected docu- ITC tended to make T ments of the Leninist-Trotskyist Tendency/ Workers Inter- it a strategy so they national League because we acknowledge their continuing rele- can correctly criticise vance to the struggle to build a revolutionary current which them in the following seeks to relate to the whole working class and to win a vanguard terms, ‘This is the to revolutionary politics in preparation for coming struggles. argument of the In- However despite the strength of Revolutionaries and the Labour ternational Trotskyist Party its weakness is that the WIL itself increasingly tended to Committee (ITC). It make entry work in the Labour party less of a tactic and more of is misconceived in a strategy as the years wore on until it finally recruited some that it adds to the deep entrist from the ISG which swamped its revolutionary char- general confusion on acter by their reformist Labourism. the AIUF, and is Revolutionaries must neither capitulate to reformism when en- bound up with the trists by proclaiming that the Labour party can become the vehi- ITC’s false under- cle to introduce socialism as the original CPGB, Healy, Grant and standing of united Matgamna did nor adopt the opposite side of the same coin by fronts as party fronts proclaiming that the Labour party no longer has any relationship operating at a high to the working class and must be denounced as simply bour- level of program- Ramsey McDonald, despite the gross class geois and the revolution (or at least their own current) can be matic agreement, but treachery of the Labour leader Trotsky advanced by self-proclamation and increasingly manic revolu- at least it sees that never abandoned the Comintern’s United tionary verbiage as the CPGB, Healy, Taaffe and Matgamna did/ there is a problem Front method of calling for a class vote for do when in their ‘open party’ phase. here which needs to Labour against the direct representatives of These documents by the LTT are amongst the best on the ques- be resolved.’ the ruling class, the Tories. tion of the United Front we have seen but yet there is a problem And of course if the with them all. They do not fully appreciate the centrality of the WIL/LTT collapsed question. This is shown in the final paragraphs of the document because of its failure to penetrate the masses due to a (relative) What is the Anti-Imperialist United Front and should we fight for sectarian approach to the UF because they regarded it too much it? where they pose the following question, ‘A tactic or a strat- as simply a tactic the RIL/ITC collapsed because of they re- egy? Would it cause too many problems to call it a ‘long-term garded it (relatively) too much as a strategy and so substituted tactic’ or a tactic with strategic implications, or maybe some- front organisations for the revolutionary party and international. thing else entirely?’ All that remains of their perspective of world revolution is the UK The United Front is neither a tactic nor a strategy, it is a ques- Movement for Justice and the US Coalition to Defend Affirmative tion of methodology, it is the way that communist must operate Action, Integration & Immigrant Rights with no public face for in all their work because it is the way to get closer to and win revolutionary Trotskyism, which operates like a secret Masonic leadership of the masses via their natural vanguard thrown up in lodge within these fronts. What were initially small errors of em- struggle, both domestically and internationally. This approach phasis and characterisation grew in time under the pressure of then eliminates the handwringing at the end of What is the Anti- the neo-liberal offensive into gross and fatal errors. Imperialist United Front and should we fight for it? We regard the interpretation of the Workers Power and FIT on ‘Without wanting to contradict the central argument of this docu- the Anti-Imperialist United Front as basically historically correct. ment, does this struggle for working class leadership in the The LTT attack on the WP position is unconvincing, struggle against imperialism not share some of the characteris- ‘What the LRCI does is take two separate questions, the struggle tics of the united front? Do we not maintain the political inde- waged by the proletariat for leadership of the other oppressed pendence of the working class? Do we not march separately and sectors and the notion of military action alongside the national strike together? Do we not aim to break the non-proletarian op- bourgeoisie in the event of a struggle against imperialism, and pressed from their own political misleaders? Do we not realise lump them together as the united front. They thus perpetuate that the only way, to begin with, to relate to those we want to the previous theoretical confusion. The LRCI is quite unabashed win is through their organisations? Do we not also realise that about this. In a published polemic against the International Trot- around concrete issues we will be working together with these skyist Opposition (ITO), it says: misleaders, in order to demonstrate to their base the practical On the AIUF, for example, it is ND who is being scholastic. He superiority of our programme and method, but also, if possible believes that a bloc with the national bourgeoisie in certain cir- to win that base to it?’ cumstances is permissible, but it is not to be called the AIUF. He In the same article it correctly tackles the old RIL/ITC because Leon Trotsky: I am confident of the victory of the Fourth International; Go Forward! In Defence of Trotskyism page 3 is welcome to call it by any name he chooses. For us it involves ‘One relatively sophisticated argument for the AIUF came from unity in action against a common enemy with no mixing of the forces which at one time constituted the Fourth Interna- banners and with the aim of breaking the masses from their tionalist Tendency (FIT), principally the Politica Obrera of Ar- misleaders. This is the method of the united front as spelt out gentina and Guillermo Lora’s Partido Obrero Revolucionario of by the healthy Comintern. Bolivia. The FIT regarded the Comintern position as healthy The LRCI appears to have lazily adopted the method of the and made a clear distinction between the notion of worker- fourth Comintern Congress, whose participants did not have peasant parties and the Stalinist ‘Anti-Imperialist Front’, and the possibility of 70 years hindsight.
Recommended publications
  • The Attlee Governments
    Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University
    Regis University ePublications at Regis University All Regis University Theses Spring 2010 Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.regis.edu/theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Meddles, Erik, "Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism" (2010). All Regis University Theses. 544. https://epublications.regis.edu/theses/544 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by ePublications at Regis University. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Regis University Theses by an authorized administrator of ePublications at Regis University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Regis University Regis College Honors Theses Disclaimer Use of the materials available in the Regis University Thesis Collection (“Collection”) is limited and restricted to those users who agree to comply with the following terms of use. Regis University reserves the right to deny access to the Collection to any person who violates these terms of use or who seeks to or does alter, avoid or supersede the functional conditions, restrictions and limitations of the Collection. The site may be used only for lawful purposes. The user is solely responsible for knowing and adhering to any and all applicable laws, rules, and regulations relating or pertaining to use of the Collection. All content in this Collection is owned by and subject to the exclusive control of Regis University and the authors of the materials. It is available only for research purposes and may not be used in violation of copyright laws or for unlawful purposes.
    [Show full text]
  • Charlie Van Gelderen (1913-2001)
    Charlie van Gelderen (1913-2001) https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article546 Obituary Charlie van Gelderen (1913-2001) - IV Online magazine - 2001 - IV336 - December 2001 - Publication date: Monday 10 December 2001 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/3 Charlie van Gelderen (1913-2001) Charlie van Gelderen was the last survivor of those who attended the 1938 Founding Conference of the Fourth International in Paris. He attended as an observer on behalf of South African Trotskyists, though he was already living in Britain by that time. He died peacefully at home in Cambridge on October 26 after a short illness at the age of 88, still a fully paid up and until very recently an active member of the International Socialist Group (British section of the Fourth International). Charlie was born in August 1913 in the small town of Wellington, 40 miles from Cape Town, South Africa. He became politically active as a young man, initially joining the Fabian Society, but in 1931 he became an enthusiastic supporter of the ideas of Leon Trotsky. Together with his twin brother, Herman, he was instrumental in setting up the first Trotskyist organisation in South Africa, the International Marxist League. Charlie was also involved in setting up the Commercial Workers Union in the Cape and for a time became its full time secretary. The South African Trotskyist movement split in 1932 in response to the "French turn", the position put forward by Trotsky at the time urging his French supporters to enter the French Socialist Party.
    [Show full text]
  • 1Contents FSC Contents.Qxd
    22REVIEWS (Composite)_REVIEWS (Composite).qxd 2/11/2019 11:39 AM Page 123 123 Reviews Latin America Grace Livingstone, Britain and the Dictatorships of Argentina and Chile 1973­1982, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 292 pages, ISBN 9783319782911, £16 During the twentieth century, Latin America was the scene of numerous military coups which established oppressive dictatorships notorious for their abuse of democratic and human rights. This book is a detailed study of the policies adopted by Britain towards two of them – in Chile and Argentina. On 11 September 1973, Augusto Pinochet, the head of Chilean armed forces, launched a coup against the democratically elected socialist president, Salvador Allende. He bombed the presidential palace, fired on and arrested thousands of Allende supporters and other left­wingers, and shut down all democratic institutions. In Argentina on 26 March 1976, the widowed third wife of former dictator Juan Peron, Isabella Peron, who had been elected president, was overthrown by the army, which closed down the Congress, banned political parties, dissolved the Supreme Court, and arrested thousands of political activists including former ministers. In the cases of both Chile and Argentina, the British Foreign Office and leading ambassadorial staff – despite theoretical commitments to democracy – recommended recognition of the military juntas established and downplayed reports of human rights infringements. Grace Livingstone attributes this to the class basis of the personnel involved. She states that, in 1950, 83% of Foreign Office recruits attended private schools and the figure was still 68% ten years later. In 1980, 80% of ambassadors and top Foreign Office officials had attended fee­paying schools.
    [Show full text]
  • University of California Santa Cruz Marxism
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MARXISM AND CONSTITUENT POWER IN LATIN AMERICA: THEORY AND HISTORY FROM THE MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY THROUGH THE PINK TIDE A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY OF CONSCIOUSNESS with an emphasis in POLITICS by Robert Cavooris December 2019 The dissertation of Robert Cavooris is approved: _______________________________________ Robert Meister, Chair _______________________________________ Guillermo Delgado-P. _______________________________________ Juan Poblete _______________________________________ Megan Thomas _________________________________________ Quentin Williams Acting Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Robert Cavooris, 2019. All rights reserved. Table of Contents Abstract iv Acknowledgements and Dedication vi Preface x Introduction 1 Chapter 1 41 Intellectuals and Political Strategy: Hegemony, Posthegemony, and Post-Marxist Theory in Latin America Chapter 2 83 Constituent Power and Capitalism in the Works of René Zavaleta Mercado Chapter 3 137 Bolivian Insurgency and the Early Work of Comuna Chapter 4 204 Potentials and Limitations of the Bolivian ‘Process of Change’ Conclusions 261 Appendix: List of Major Works by Comuna (1999–2011) 266 Bibliography 271 iii Abstract Marxism and Constituent Power in Latin America: Theory and History from the Mid-Twentieth Century through The Pink Tide Robert Cavooris Throughout the history of Marxist theory and practice in Latin America, certain questions recur. What is the relationship between political and social revolution? How can state institutions serve as tools for political change? What is the basis for mass collective political agency? And how can intellectual work contribute to broader emancipatory political movements? Through textual and historical analysis, this dissertation examines how Latin American intellectuals and political actors have reframed and answered these questions in changing historical circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxist Politics Or Unprincipled Combinationism?
    Prometheus Research Series 5 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices , ^3$ Prometheus Research Library September*^ Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party by Max Shachtman Reprinted from Internal Bulletin No. 3, February 1936, of the Workers Party of the United States With Introduction and Appendices Prometheus Research Library New York, New York September 2000 Prometheus graphic from a woodcut by Fritz Brosius ISBN 0-9633828-6-1 Prometheus Research Series is published by Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 Table of Contents Editorial Note 3 Introduction by the Prometheus Research Library 4 Marxist Politics or Unprincipled Combinationism? Internal Problems of the Workers Party, by Max Shachtman 19 Introduction 19 Two Lines in the Fusion 20 The "French" Turn and Organic Unity 32 Blocs and Blocs: What Happened at the CLA Convention 36 The Workers Party Up To the June Plenum 42 The Origin of the Weber Group 57 A Final Note: The Muste Group 63 Conclusion 67 Appendix I Resolution on the Organizational Report of the National Committee, 30 November 1934 69 Appendix II Letter by Cannon to International Secretariat, 1 5 August 1935 72 Letter by Glotzer to International Secretariat, 20 November 1935 76 Appendix III National Committee of the Workers Party U.S., December 1934 80 Glossary 81 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/marxistpoliticsoOOshac Editorial Note The documents in this bulletin have in large part been edited for stylistic consistency, particularly in punctuation, capitalization and emphasis, and to read smoothly for the modern reader.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
    Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Militant Tendency
    18 August 1982 Marxism Today Witch-hunts are the last thing the Labour Party needs: yet the politics of Militant are a blind alley for the Left. John Callaghan The Politics of the Militant Tendency The recent decision by the Labour Party open debate. If the ideology and political Socialist Fight was replaced by The Militant National Executive Committee to establish practice of the Militant Tendency are char­ in 1963; but, more fundamentally, from a register of organised groups within the acterised by major shortcomings they will being an integrated group of entrists in ranks of the party is generally acknowledged not be any less significant merely because 1955, the Revolutionary Socialist League to be a move against the Militant Tendency. the Labour Right draws attention to them gradually gave way to the much looser form It is possible that this decision may, by Sep­ while the Left remains silent. which is today's Militant Tendency. This tember, result in the expulsion of leading consists of a small centralised leadership figures from the group. The Labour Party Origins and nature echelon around Ted Grant, who control and has on many previous occasions taken such of the Militant Tendency1 own The Militant, supported by the bulk of repressive action against dissident — espe­ The Militant Tendency originated with a the Labour Party Young Socialist organ- cially Marxist — factions within the party tiny group of Trotskyists led by Ted Grant. istion and those who are prepared to sell the and its youth section. But the extraordinary From the mid-50s this group — known as newspaper in the parent organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Organisation Communiste Internationaliste Breaks with Trotskyism
    TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY VOLUME SIX The Organisation Communiste Internationaliste breaks with Trotskyism NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM TROTSKYISM VERSUS REVISIONISM A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY edited by C. Slaughter VOLUME SIX The Organisation Comtnuniste Internationaliste breaks with Trotskyism NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS Pubtiahcd by New Park PuWic«ioMLtd.. ItSTaStomHi* Stmt, London SW4 7UG 1975 Set up, Printed and Bound by Trade Union Labour Distributed in the United States by: Labor Publication! Inc., 13S West 14 Street, New York, New York 10011 ISBN 0 902030 73 6 Printed in Great Britain by New Press (T.U.) 186a Oapham High Street, London SW4 7UG Contents FOREWORD xli CHAPTER ONE: THE BOLIVIAN REVOLUTION AND REVISIONISM Document 1 BoMa: Biter Lessons of Defeat, by Tim WohBorth August 30,1971 2 Document 2 What Happened In BoMa? by QuWermo Lore September 1971 8 Document 3 Statement by the OCI Central Committee, September 19,1971 19 Document 4 Statement by the OCI, the POR and the Organizing Committee of Eastern Europe, October 12,1971 23 CHAPTER TWO: THE SPLIT Document S Statement by the International Committee (Majority), October 24,1971 28 Document 6 Declaration of the Central Committee of the OCI, November 24,1971 45 Document r Statement by the International Committee (Majority), March 1,1972 72 CHAPTER THREE: THE FOURTH WORLD CONFERENCE Document • Report of the Fourth Conference of the International Committee, April 10-15,1972 104 Document 9 Manifesto of the Fourth Conference of the International
    [Show full text]
  • Issue 5 Working-Proof.P65
    Autonomous Chaos-Strategy CONTENTS: (4) International Resistance News (11) The Bombs (1915) from ‘Carteles I’ (13) Report from the Autonomous Spaces Gathering, Dijon, France (19) Towards a Warm 2008 (19) Anti-G8 2007 : Report (28) Letter of Gabriel Pombo da Silva (29) Prison Revolt in Belgium (32) Against the Leaders from ‘Carteles I’ (33) Interview with Christian S, Anti-Fascist in Prison "Things have changed since 2005, we have (34) Running away from the Prison Society from ‘Incognito’ crossed a red line. When these kids aim their (36) Letter of Christina Tonidou guns at police officers, they want to kill them. They are no longer afraid to shoot a (37) Interview with Anonymous Anarchist from Bialystok, Poland policeman. We are only on the second day (42) Perspective of a Black Bloc Participant: “Atlantica” Riot since the accident and already they are shooting guns at the police." (43) Letter from Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis Joachim Masanet, secretary general of the French (45) Anti-Colonial Struggle in Kanada UNSA police trade union. (50) Letter from Artur Konowalik (52) Stunning Like Marrasi in Flames (54) 10 Years in Jail - or in a Cave by Thomas Meyer-Falk ISSUE #5 > > (55) MG (Militant Group) : A Chronology Printed by the Anti-Copyright Network (57) Repression & Reports (64) Distro [email protected] #5 / 325collective.com laid to rest. Anarchism has always been antagonistic to organised exploitation and will remain so This magazine is an infrequent DIY printed inclined. It is not for nothing that project of incendiary texts & images, Copenhagen’s Chief of Police involving the collaboration of a small network of anarchists and anti-capitalists spread despaired of the ‘autonomous chaos- across Europe and the World.
    [Show full text]
  • Week School on Political Issues from the History of AWL
    Week school on political issues from the history of AWL Day One Session: Heterodox, orthodox, and “orthodox Mark 2” 1. Why we started: 1966-8 Trotskyism: http://www.workersliberty.org//taxonomy/term/555 http://www.workersliberty.org/wwaawwmb The AWL's tradition: http://www.workersliberty.org/node/5146 Session: Party and perspectives What happened in 1968 and how the left responded ***************** Why we fused with IS (SWP) Timeline 2. Ireland: 1968-71 1964 July 2: After years of civil rights agitation in USA, Civil Rights http://www.workersliberty.org/node/10010 Act becomes law. October 15: Labour wins general election, after 13 years of Session: The debates in 1969 - “withdraw subsidies”, Tory rule “southern arsenals”, “troops out” before August 1969, “Catholic economism” and transitional demands, “troops out” 1965 in August 1969. January 31: USA starts bombing of North Vietnam. Vietnam war, and movement against it, escalate. Day Two February: SLL, then biggest revolutionary group in Britain, launches its own independent "Young Socialists" as a 3. The Tories and Labour 1970-4 response to limited expulsions by Labour Party after SLL wins majority in Labour youth movement. Session: General strike Our Labour Party debate then: syndicalism, economism, and 1966 politics Summer: Beginning of "Cultural Revolution" in China: a faction of the bureaucracy mobilises gangs to purge rivals 4. Stalinism 1968-75 reinforce autarkic, ultra-statist policy. But many leftists in the West will admire the "Cultural Revolution"; Maoism will Session: Czechoslovakia 1968 be a big force on the revolutionary left from 1968 to the “Soviet dissidents” mid-70s, though less so in Britain than in other European Vietnam and Cambodia 1975 countries.
    [Show full text]