Drinking and Its Culture Among the Yi People in Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Prefecture
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: the Emergence of the Yunnanese
Between Winds and Clouds Bin Yang Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: The Emergence of the Yunnanese Introduction As the state began sending soldiers and their families, predominantly Han Chinese, to Yunnan, 1 the Ming military presence there became part of a project of colonization. Soldiers were joined by land-hungry farmers, exiled officials, and profit-driven merchants so that, by the end of the Ming period, the Han Chinese had become the largest ethnic population in Yunnan. Dramatically changing local demography, and consequently economic and cultural patterns, this massive and diverse influx laid the foundations for the social makeup of contemporary Yunnan. The interaction of the large numbers of Han immigrants with the indigenous peoples created a 2 new hybrid society, some members of which began to identify themselves as Yunnanese (yunnanren) for the first time. Previously, there had been no such concept of unity, since the indigenous peoples differentiated themselves by ethnicity or clan and tribal affiliations. This chapter will explore the process that led to this new identity and its reciprocal impact on the concept of Chineseness. Using primary sources, I will first introduce the indigenous peoples and their social customs 3 during the Yuan and early Ming period before the massive influx of Chinese immigrants. Second, I will review the migration waves during the Ming Dynasty and examine interactions between Han Chinese and the indigenous population. The giant and far-reaching impact of Han migrations on local society, or the process of sinicization, that has drawn a lot of scholarly attention, will be further examined here; the influence of the indigenous culture on Chinese migrants—a process that has won little attention—will also be scrutinized. -
The Distribution of Bronze Drums of the Heger I and Pre-I Types
The distribution of bronze drums of the Heger I and Pre-I types The Distribution of Bronze Drums of the Heger I and Pre-I Types: Temporal Changes and Historical Background Keiji Imamura ABSTRACT Based on the chronological sequence and temporal division of bronze drums published in 1993, the changes in their distribution throughout Southern China and Southeast Asia are examined. The chronology proposed in 1993 divided the bronze drums of the Heger I type into six phases: 1a, 1b, 2a, 2b, 3a and 3b. Since these small divisions leave many drums for which there is insuffi cient information unclassifi ed, a rather rough division into phases 1, 2 and 3, plus phase 0 for the Pre-Heger I type, is also used. The drums of phase 0 (4th ~ 3rd c. B.C.) concentrate in Southern China and Northern Vietnam. Phase 1 (3rd ~ 1st c. B.C.) shows a similar distribution, with partial expansions into the peninsular area of Thailand and the island of Java in Indonesia. In the next phase, 2a (1st c. B.C.), the bronze drums disappear almost completely from Southern China. Although Vietnam retains a fair number of drums, there are fewer large drums. In contrast to this situation in the northern areas, the southern areas of Southeast Asia witness an increase in number. There is a special phenomenon where particularly large drums concentrate on small islands of Eastern Indonesia. In phase 2b (1st c. A.D.), drums of the Dong Son tradition diffuse into the vacancy left by the Shizaishan tradition in Southern China, where it had disappeared; hence, Guangxi Province becomes the area with the densest distribution in phase 3b (2nd c. -
Who Invented the Bronze Drum? Nationalism, Politics, and a Sino- Vietnamese Archaeological Debate of the 1970S and 1980S
Who Invented the Bronze Drum? Nationalism, Politics, and a Sino- Vietnamese Archaeological Debate of the 1970s and 1980s XIAORONG HAN EVER SINCE THE BIRTH OF MODERN ARCHAEOLOGY in the nineteenth cen tury, nationalism and politics have been important factors in its development, and as such, archaeologists in various parts of the world have been actively in volved in the construction of ethnic and/or national origins and identities, the corroboration of national myths, the disputes over territories and cultural inven tions, and so on (Diaz-Andreu and Champion 1996; Hudson 1999; Kohl and Fawcett 1995; Meskell 1998; Pai 2000; Silberman 1989; Trigger 1984). Although it is difficult to find a single country in which archaeology is completely free from the influence of nationalism and politics, it is understandable to find that archae ologists operating in authoritarian systems generally have a stronger tendency to develop a close relationship with the nation-state and involve themselves in poli tics because of a lack of academic freedom and independent sources of financial support. Nazi Germany, early twentieth-century Japan, and pre-World War II Soviet Union are extreme examples of the politicization of archaeology (Arnold and Hassman 1995; Hudson 1999: 35, 44; Shnirelman 1996; Trigger 1989: 178 179; Wiwjorra 1996). In post-war Asia, archaeologists in China and Viet Nam were actively engaged in the development of a new wave of nationalist archaeol ogy under the encouragement and sponsorship of the state (Glover 1999; Tong 1995). ' This paper intends to study the nationalist archaeology of China and Viet Nam in the 1970s and 1980s. -
No.9 Thai-Yunnan Project Newsletter June 1990
[Last updated: 28 April 1992] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- No.9 Thai-Yunnan Project Newsletter June 1990 This NEWSLETTER is edited by Gehan Wijeyewardene and published in the Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific Studies; printed at Central Printery; the masthead is by Susan Wigham of Graphic Design (all of The Australian National University ).The logo is from a water colour , 'Tai women fishing' by Kang Huo Material in this NEWSLETTER may be freely reproduced with due acknowledgement. Correspondence is welcome and contributions will be given sympathetic consideration. (All correspondence to The Editor, Department of Anthropology, RSPacS, ANU, Box 4 GPO, Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia.) Number Nine June 1990 ISSN 1032-500X The International Conference on Thai Studies, Kunming 1990 There was some question, in the post Tien An Men period, as to whether the conference would proceed. In January over forty members of Thammasart University faculty issued an open letter to the organizers, which in part read, A meeting in China at present would mean a tacit acceptance of the measures taken by the state, unless there will be an open critical review. Many north American colleagues privately expressed similar views. This Newsletter has made its views on Tien An Men quite clear, and we can sympathize with the position taken by our colleagues. Nevertheless, there seems to be some selectivity of outrage, when no word of protest was heard from some quarters about the continuing support given by the Chinese government to the murderous Khmer Rouge. This does not apply to the Thai academic community, sections of which were in the vanguard of the movement to reconsider Thai government policy on this issue. -
Yunnan Provincial Highway Bureau
IPP740 REV World Bank-financed Yunnan Highway Assets management Project Public Disclosure Authorized Ethnic Minority Development Plan of the Yunnan Highway Assets Management Project Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Yunnan Provincial Highway Bureau July 2014 Public Disclosure Authorized EMDP of the Yunnan Highway Assets management Project Summary of the EMDP A. Introduction 1. According to the Feasibility Study Report and RF, the Project involves neither land acquisition nor house demolition, and involves temporary land occupation only. This report aims to strengthen the development of ethnic minorities in the project area, and includes mitigation and benefit enhancing measures, and funding sources. The project area involves a number of ethnic minorities, including Yi, Hani and Lisu. B. Socioeconomic profile of ethnic minorities 2. Poverty and income: The Project involves 16 cities/prefectures in Yunnan Province. In 2013, there were 6.61 million poor population in Yunnan Province, which accounting for 17.54% of total population. In 2013, the per capita net income of rural residents in Yunnan Province was 6,141 yuan. 3. Gender Heads of households are usually men, reflecting the superior status of men. Both men and women do farm work, where men usually do more physically demanding farm work, such as fertilization, cultivation, pesticide application, watering, harvesting and transport, while women usually do housework or less physically demanding farm work, such as washing clothes, cooking, taking care of old people and children, feeding livestock, and field management. In Lijiang and Dali, Bai and Naxi women also do physically demanding labor, which is related to ethnic customs. Means of production are usually purchased by men, while daily necessities usually by women. -
Trilingual Literacy for Ethnic Groups in China a Case Study of Hani People in Yuanyang County of Yunnan
www.ccsenet.org/elt English Language Teaching Vol. 4, No. 4; December 2011 Trilingual Literacy for Ethnic Groups in China A case study of Hani People in Yuanyang County of Yunnan Yuanbing Duan School of Arts and Science, Yunnan Radio and TV University, Kunming, 650223, China Tel: 86-871-588-6817 E-mail: [email protected] Received: May 23, 2011 Accepted: June 13, 2011 Published: December 1, 2011 doi:10.5539/elt.v4n4p274 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v4n4p274 Abstract This paper examines the current trilingual literacy situation of Hani People in Yuanyang County of Yunnan, China, with significance of finding out specific problems which influence the trilingual education greatly. It also reports on the effects of training for trilingual teachers, ways of improving learner’s motivation and updating the trilingual education materials. Lastly, several possible solutions are provided for successful minority education. Keywords: Trilingual literacy, Trilingual education, Minority education 1. Introduction This paper will discuss one part of school literacy in China, to be specific, how do ethnic groups start learning English, their difficulties and problems in current situation, and suggested solutions are provided for guiding students’ literacy success. With the reform and open policy carried out in 1978, education in China has gained its growing concern; more and more people have had the consciousness of being literate. However, literacy means two different levels in countryside and in cities. In rural countryside, to complete middle school education owns the opportunity of attaining stable job to meet local demand, education at this level simply means having the ability to read and write; while in the big cities, pursuing higher degree, university education or post graduate education, highlight the functional meaning of literacy; being ‘knowledgeable’ at this high level requires the ability to read between lines and write academically. -
The History of the History of the Yi, Part II
MODERNHarrell, Li CHINA/ HISTORY / JULY OF 2003THE YI, PART II REVIEW10.1177/0097700403253359 Review Essay The History of the History of the Yi, Part II STEVAN HARRELL LI YONGXIANG University of Washington MINORITY ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE 1980S AND 1990S The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is, according to its constitution, “a unified country of diverse nationalities” (tongyide duominzu guojia; see Wang Guodong, 1982: 9). The degree to which this admirable political ideal has actually been respected has varied throughout the history of the PRC: taken seriously in the early and mid-1950s, it was systematically ignored dur- ing the twenty years of High Socialism from the late 1950s to the early 1980s and then revived again with the Opening and Reform policies of the past two decades (Heberer, 1989: 23-29). The presence of minority “autonomous” ter- ritories, preferential policies in school admissions, and birth quotas (Sautman, 1998) and the extraordinary emphasis on developing “socialist” versions of minority visual and performing arts (Litzinger, 2000; Schein, 2000; Oakes, 1998) all testify to serious attention to multinationalism in the cultural and administrative realms, even if minority culture is promoted in a homogenized socialist version and even if everybody knows that “autono- mous” territories are far less autonomous, for example, than an American state or a Swiss canton. But although the party state now preaches multinationalism and allows limited expression of ethnonational autonomy, it also preaches and promotes progress—and thus runs straight into a paradox: progress is defined in objectivist, modernist terms, which relegate minority cultures to a more MODERN CHINA, Vol. -
Hnewo Teyy – Posvátná Kniha Nuosuů
Filozofická fakulta Univerzity Karlovy v Praze HNEWO TEYY – POSVÁTNÁ KNIHA NUOSUŮ Vypracovala: Nina Vozková, obor SIN Vedoucí práce: Doc. PhDr. Olga Lomová, CSc. Nina Vozková Hnewo Teyy – posvátná kniha Nuosuů Prohlašuji, že jsem diplomovou práci vypracovala samostatně a že seznam použité literatury je kompletní. V Praze 28.4. 2006 Nina Vozková 1 Nina Vozková Hnewo Teyy – posvátná kniha Nuosuů Mé díky patří především vedoucí práce Doc. PhDr. Olze Lomové, která mi poskytla plnou podporu při výběru tématu a posléze se mnou pečlivě každou část práce konzultovala. Děkuji profesoru Luo Qingchunovi za jeho neúnavnou ochotu a pomoc při překladu, mému bratru za pomoc s ediční úpravou, sestře a paní Miroslavě Jirkové za korekturu. Děkuji také Hlávkově nadaci, která přispěla finančním příspěvkem na mou první cestu do Číny v letech 1998 až 1999. Rodiče mě trpělivě podporovali po celou dobu studia a i jim jsem za všechnu pomoc ze srdce vděčná. 2 Nina Vozková Hnewo Teyy – posvátná kniha Nuosuů OBSAH ENGLISH ABSTRACT ................................................................................................5 I. ÚVOD.........................................................................................................................6 Transkripce............................................................................................................................ 8 Literatura a další zdroje......................................................................................................... 8 II. KLASIFIKACE NÁRODNOSTÍ PO VZNIKU ČLR............................................11 -
The Position of Tusi Within Area of Liangshan
Univerzita Karlova v Praze Filozofická fakulta Ústav Dálného východu Diplomová práce Bc. Jan Karlach Pomocí barbarů ovládat barbary: Postavení tusi v oblasti Liangshanu By Barbarians Control Barbarians: The Position of Tusi within Area of Liangshan konzultant: Praha 2014 Mgr. Jakub Hrubý, Ph.D. 1 Za vedení práce děkuji Mgr. Jakubu Maršálkovi, Ph.D. Za konstruktivní připomínky, neocenitelnou pomoc v podobě mnoha desítek hodin strávených nad textem a za všeobecnou výraznou podporu děkuji konzultantovi této práce, Mgr. Jakubu Hrubému, Ph.D., bez něhož by tato práce nemohla ve své stávající podobě vzniknout. Projektu Erasmus Mundus MULTI a s ním spojeným semestrálním pobytem na Hong Kong Polytechnic University vděčím za rychlý a snadný přístup k pramenům a literatuře, stejně jako za možnost načerpat energii v inspirativním a motivujícím akademickém prostředí. Sunim Choi, Ph.D., Mgr. Nině Kopp a Mgr. Ondřeji Klimešovi, Ph.D. vděčím za pomoc při hledání a určování vhodných pramenů a literatury, jakožto i za tematickou inspiraci a neutuchající podporu. RNDr. Ivaně Frolíkové pak za převedení ručních náčrtků map do vektorové elektronické podoby. Poděkování si zaslouží rovněž Devon Williams, M.A., ač permanentně vzdálen na druhé straně zeměkoule, nikdy ani na vteřinu neváhal podat pomocnou ruku, stejně jako Marc Todd, B.A. V neposlední řadě musím poděkovat Zheng Jianzhongovi 鄭建中 za pomoc při luštění mnohdy nečitelných znaků z moderních přetisků původních místních kronik. 2 Prohlašuji, že jsem diplomovou práci vypracoval samostatně, že jsem řádně citoval všechny použité prameny a literaturu a že práce nebyla využita v rámci jiného vysokoškolského studia či k získání jiného nebo stejného titulu. V Hongkongu dne 1.1.2014 Bc. -
China, Das Chinesische Meer Und Nordostasien China, the East Asian Seas, and Northeast Asia
China, das Chinesische Meer und Nordostasien China, the East Asian Seas, and Northeast Asia Horses of the Xianbei, 300–600 AD: A Brief Survey Shing MÜLLER1 iNTRODUCTION The Chinese cavalry, though gaining great weight in warfare since Qin and Han times, remained lightly armed until the fourth century. The deployment of heavy armours of iron or leather for mounted warriors, especially for horses, seems to have been an innovation of the steppe peoples on the northern Chinese border since the third century, as indicated in literary sources and by archaeological excavations. Cavalry had become a major striking force of the steppe nomads since the fall of the Han dynasty in 220 AD, thus leading to the warfare being speedy and fierce. Ever since then, horses occupied a crucial role in war and in peace for all steppe riders on the northern borders of China. The horses were selectively bred, well fed, and drilled for war; horses of good breed symbolized high social status and prestige of their owners. Besides, horses had already been the most desired commodities of the Chinese. With superior cavalries, the steppe people intruded into North China from 300 AD onwards,2 and built one after another ephemeral non-Chinese kingdoms in this vast territory. In this age of disunity, known pain- fully by the Chinese as the age of Sixteen States (316–349 AD) and the age of Southern and Northern Dynas- ties (349–581 AD), many Chinese abandoned their homelands in the CentraL Plain and took flight to south of the Huai River, barricaded behind numerous rivers, lakes and hilly landscapes unfavourable for cavalries, until the North and the South reunited under the flag of the Sui (581–618 AD).3 Although warfare on horseback was practised among all northern steppe tribes, the Xianbei or Särbi, who originated from the southeastern quarters of modern Inner Mongolia and Manchuria, emerged as the major power during this period. -
Encountering Miao Shamanism
EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE: ENCOUNTERING MIAO SHAMANISM The previous chapters have examined the construction of the national- ist ideology in modern China, the research and investigation of southern Chinese minority nationalities, the concerned intellectual debates and polit- ical tensions, as well as the public representation of minority culture. In the epilogue, I will shift my focus to the village-level minority communal life and power relations to illustrate the continuity of shamanism in China and the symbiotic relationship between the shamanistic authority and political power. The main players here are the retired CCP Party secretary of a Miao I want to point out that the use of the terms “shaman” and “shamanism” is due to the convenience of understanding and the fact that Langde “ghost master” (guishi in Han Chinese) share the functional roles as the shaman in Manchuria and northeast Asia of being spiritual medium and communicator to the dead. Yet there are also two differences: one is linguistic, the word “shaman” has very probable Tungstic origin, and the other is gender. While North Asian shamans have traditional women, at Langde, the Miao ghost masters are usually men, and other ethnographic accounts about southern Chinese minority groups depict male shamans more than female shamans. For discussion of Manchu/northeast Asian shamanism, see Mark C. Elliott, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 235–241. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 187 G. Wu, Narrating Southern Chinese Minority Nationalities, New Directions in East Asian History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6022-0 188 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … village, and a practicing shaman, “ghost master,” in that village. -
Download Article (PDF)
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 101 4th International Conference on Education, Management and Computing Technology (ICEMCT 2017) Regional Cultural Identity and Visual Element Refinement --Taking Guangxi University Chongzuo Bridge mural design project as example Xingguo Xu Guangxi Technological College of Machinery and Electricity, Nanning Guangxi, 530007, China Keywords: Regional culture, Cultural identity, Cultural belt, Visual element, Refinement. Abstract. This paper divides Guangxi regional culture into five regional cultural zones, studies the regional cultural characteristics of Guangxi, and expounds the three levels of regional cultural identity in Guangxi. Taking the design of "Chongzuoqiao Mural Painting Project of Guangxi University" as an example, the author designs and designs the visual elements with regional cultural characteristics and presents the cultural connotation of the times, and enhances the emotional experience of Guangxi regional culture core values and regional cultural identity. The concept of regional culture Regional culture refers to the unique region of the land of China has a long history, unique, inherited still play a role in the cultural tradition. Regional culture and nature, humanities, social environment are interrelated, is in the process of development continue to learn a variety of local ethnic style and cultural content to form a unique regional culture. Regional culture is based on the region, to the history of the main line to the scene as the carrier, to the reality of the appearance, is the social process to play a role in the human spirit of the general term. Reflecting the social outlook, national economic, political, religious beliefs and other cultural forms, but also contains the unique national religion, philosophy, customs, art and the entire value system of cultural origin.