Epilogue: “Ghost Master” at Langde: Encountering Miao

The previous chapters have examined the construction of the national- ist ideology in modern , the research and investigation of southern Chinese minority nationalities, the concerned intellectual debates and polit- ical tensions, as well as the public representation of minority culture. In the epilogue, I will shift my focus to the village-level minority communal life and power relations to illustrate the continuity of shamanism in China and the symbiotic relationship between the shamanistic authority and political power. The main players here are the retired CCP Party secretary of a Miao

I want to point out that the use of the terms “shaman” and “shamanism” is due to the convenience of understanding and the fact that Langde “ghost master” (guishi in ) share the functional roles as the shaman in Manchuria and northeast Asia of being spiritual medium and communicator to the dead. Yet there are also two differences: one is linguistic, the word “shaman” has very probable Tungstic origin, and the other is gender. While North Asian shamans have traditional women, at Langde, the Miao ghost masters are usually men, and other ethnographic accounts about southern Chinese minority groups depict male shamans more than female shamans. For discussion of Manchu/northeast Asian shamanism, see Mark C. Elliott, The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 235–241.

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 187 G. , Narrating Southern Chinese Minority Nationalities, New Directions in East Asian History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6022-0 188 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … village, and a practicing shaman, “ghost master,” in that village. I attempt to conceptualize a dual power structure in which the shaman enjoys consider- able respect from the Communist Party secretary. I will analyze the persis- tence of Shamanism in the context of Chinese cultural tradition and inquiry about the limit of the Chinese state in actual life. On June 18, 2016, I arrived at Upper Langde Village (Langde shang- zhai), 27 kilometers to the southeast of Kaili, the capital of Southeast Miao Nationality and Dong Nationality Autonomous Region, with an entrusted mission of facilitating a shamanic performance. The minibus now runs every hour between Kaili and Langde, which is off the main road from Kaili to . The village lies on hillslope, facing a river valley, and in-between is the end of the 1.5 kilo- meter-long country road leading to the village. Chen Hualong, my Miao friend living in , wanted me to bring to his home an old T-shirt of his, because it is was essential for a shamanic ritual as his embodiment. His 80-year-old father Chen Zhengtao, the retired Communist Party secretary of the village who passed away in June 2018, had a dream a couple of weeks ago, in which Chen Hualong joined the army. This is not auspicious in Miao culture, Chen Hualong said, so his father wanted him to go back to the village, where the shaman, or guishi/ghost mas- ter, would help drive away the demons from him. Chen Hualong was hesitant. He grew up in the village and had been healed by the late vil- lage shaman for multiple times when he was a child, but now he is mar- ried and living in Guiyang with his wife and son, running his private tour company. He had a degree in English, and have been quite urbanized, not sure whether shamanism as a healing technique was truly effective or not. When I said that I wanted to meet with the new shaman who suc- ceeded the old one who died several years ago, Chen Hualong agreed to contact his father, and now, my need for an observation overlapped with his personal need for a ritual. When I randomly asked Hualong how he acquired historical knowledge about the Miao nationality, he replied that there had been a villager elder who transmitted Miao history verbally and in terms of published Miao history, he said he would read the books written by Miao nationality scholar. Hualong did not mention the offcial “Brief History” that I studied earlier. I roamed around in the village after meeting with his parents in their wooden house, who are both in their early 80s. The village was quiet, while also touristic with shops, nongjiale homestay hotels, and vendors of Miao embroidery pieces and silver alloy Miao jewels. It was July, EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 189 and Hualong’s parents just completed transplantation of seedlings under their stilt house. The mode of production is not different from other rural areas of southern China. In the evening, I had dinner with Hualong’s parents, his sister-in-law who runs their family hotel where I stayed, and the shaman in Hualong’s old home. The shaman is a very nice farmer in his early forties, same as my age—villagers in Langde are mostly surnamed Chen, and their girls married out to other villages. Shaman Chen receives education up to middle school and is a now a farmer. Miao shaman is not fulltime, and it is more like an obligation of community service. The current shaman is unrelated to the late sha- man but learned the techniques from his father after he was 18 years old. When the old shaman died, he naturally became the new shaman, he said, and he often has many requests from villagers.1 He must do a shaman’s job after mastering the techniques; otherwise, demons would process him. The shaman confessed to me that when villagers feel they have low energy, or have no appetite, or they just do not feel right while the hospital cannot diagnose, they would need his help. His expertise includes knowing where the evil spirits come from, what food the devil wants to eat, and what incantations he should chant. A shaman is usually a very healthy man, the “ghost master” boasted; and he can eat a lot and can endure sleepless nights. We ate sour-soup hotpot with tofu and vegetables, which was not as strongly sour as that served in Miao sour-soup hotpot restaurants in Guiyang or Kaili, stir-fried pork, and drank home-made rice wine. Later I decided to withdraw because I found that the old Party secretary and the shaman engaged more conversations in their own Miao language, and they drank nonstop. After I sit out on the balcony for a while, the shaman went out to talk to me: old secretary is drunk, and I cannot per- form the ritual for his son because I cannot explain to him. How about you? Wanna try? He asked politely, I can tell your fortune if you want. Me? I said, well, ok. I would like to try to see how his magic works on me. Then you take a thread from your clothes, and give a little money to her, he said, pointing to the old secretary’s wife. I did both. The old secretary’s wife seemed very familiar with all the procedures to assist a shaman. She went to the kitchen to fetch a round, fat bamboo rice con- tainer and put a bowl with rice on it, and the whole container was put on the foor. My cash was placed in the container. The shaman then sit on a stool, facing the rice and using a bamboo stick to stir the rice. He was gradually absorbed in his own deep contemplation before he raised 190 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … his head and asked several questions and told me what he saw in my life. Several days later, when I met Chen Hualong again in Guiyang, I told him what the shaman had told me about my life was almost accurate. Hualong was also intrigued by asking: how come? He never knew any- thing about you. I must admit that Hualong, whom I had not seen and contacted for more than ten years, did not know those details of my life. Back to the village. When I nodded and told the shaman what he said about my life in America was overall accurate, the shaman grinned, saying calmly: “I can see it.” This, of course, is not the formal ritual needed for scaring off demons, which requires animal sacrifce of killing chicken or duck, and performances will be more complex and the shaman will enter trance. He confessed to me that at that time he would be a very different person. Later, Hualong’s father, the old Party secretary appeared and joined us. After he got drunk, he began to beat his wife as he always did, which made her extremely angry and embarrassed this time—because of the visi- tors’ presence, although I did not see the fght. Hualong’s mother fought back and beat his father, so it was a draw. When the old secretary appeared, he still had a little nosebleed. He was still smiling, like nothing happened, and watching: the shaman repeated the ritual he did to me to tell Hualong’s fortune. When fnished, he talked to Hualong’s father in Miao language, and then turned to me, saying in simple Han : Hualong is having some unpleasant experiences recently. I would not think I was conducting “interview” because I was a vis- itor and friend of Hualong. I also did not anticipate them to be very “hospitable” to fulfll my own (and many Han people’s) stereotyp- ical imagination that minority nationalities must be “warm” and “hos- pitable” to guests. I know very well Han Chinese stereotypical images of Miao and other non-Han peoples: they are hospitable, talented in singing and dancing, and good at drinking. No. I have seen quite a few Miao men who got drunk before I did. As for love for alcohol, it is just human, not just Miao. To compensate my own free stay, I brought my gifts after inquiring Hualong: factory-made, bottled spirit made from sorghum for his father and apples for his mother and sister-in-law. Following the multilayered, player-centered approach of this book, my Langde trip reveals some aspects of this Miao village’s relationship with the state. First, when Hualong’s father, a Miao village elite, dreamed of him being a soldier, which is a legal obligation of the Chinese citizen, he thought this was inauspicious and thought he needed to invite the sha- man to interpret his dream and to tell Hualong’s fortune. Second, when EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 191 he talked about and to me, what he said implied that what had impressed him the most of the Maoist time was the payment of tax grain, which the villagers had to carry on their shoul- ders and turn to the government by walking to , which is 27 kilometers away. He sighed when recalling this. The Maoist state means to him backbreaking hard labor and thus he said, “Deng Xiaoping was good.” Third, the state means for him also the important leaders who have visited the village, for whom all the villagers had to be dressed in traditional costumes to show their “nationality characteristics.” All lead- ers were entertained in Secretary Chen’s house in which I stayed for one night: Jiang Zemin, , , and Jia Qinglin, and their enlarged pictures taken in the village and with Secretary Chen’s family were mounted on the wall. He recalled that when “Hu Jintao” was here, there were “lots of policemen,” yet on the wall of his sitting room, there is no photo of Hu at all. I am not sure whether he mistook another leader as “Hu Jintao,” or perhaps “Hu Jintao” was just a symbolic name that means the highest political authority of the country. His attachment to the state seems to be much weaker than his ties with local life and . Regarding shamanism, what I experienced in Upper Langde Village, I think, testifed several things: First, shaman and shamanism never dis- appeared in Chinese southwest Miao or other non-Han communities. It was not even “revived.” It was always there. This differs from the obser- vation of Japanese ethnographer Ryūzō Torii (1870–1953), whose work is highly regarded among scholars who study in Guizhou, around 1902 that “the Miao peoples that I visited have lost their indige- nous and mostly believe in , which has been somewhat adapted to Daoism. In their houses, there are shrines for (Buddhist) Guanyin and (Daoist) Guandi.”2 Wu Zelin’s investigation conducted in 1941 listed eight functions of Miao shaman in his community and pointed out that “Shaman is a sideline job, (and they) have no choice but to take it on after being possessed by spirits.”3 Second, the and local cultural authority of the shaman had no confict at all with the CCP Party secretary, who often turned to the shaman for assistance. Each of them oversees one’s own sphere of infuence and it seems that they respect each other’s authority. As anthro- pologist Xiaolin reminds us, grassroots-level offcials in minority nationality areas “are essential to the state, not because they are devoted communalists, but for acting as key agents in assisting the state’s reach into frontier .”4 192 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE …

Third, the shaman knows the proper role to play, and as he told me, peasants go to hospital whenever they need, and they ask for his help when there are situations that no one can explain, even the medical doc- tor. Those include the obscure feelings, generally known as “bushufu,” not feeling well or one person falls ill all the time and suspects that is precipitated by demon. This is, however, not unusual in rural Han Chinese communities, where a person’s disease is divided into two cat- egories: “real illness” (shibing) and non-pathological “virtue illness” (xubing), and the latter is often handled by “witch doctors” through chanting spells.5 Here I want to add that the past CCP propaganda about minority people stopping turning to shaman because of medical service and modern knowledge it promoted is not true. Shamanism and medical science coexist, and even when the villagers go to see a doctor, it may be simply because they are pragmatic enough: “If less expensive medical care had been available, it is likely they would have used it.”6 To be sure, the PRC government should be credited for providing mod- ern medical service for the Miao communities, even if in real life it never fully replaced shamanism, which, as my own experience shows, is also in charge of fortune-telling. Fourth, in the past, Miao shaman did not charge money and would take some rice as payment of their service, and nowadays, they take money but in a symbolic way to compensate their time—I brought Chen Hualong’s fee for his fortune-telling to his father along with his T-shirt. This testifes that Miao shaman was not a vocation but a community service, and the PRC government’s tolerance is justifed by the nonex- ploitative character of the profession in the 1950s. Yet, under the current system of socialist market economy, the custom has changed. Another investigation in the Miao communities of in 2016 shows that shamanistic activities are deeply entrenched in Miao people’s social life, and the practices can hardly be explained by modern “scientifc” knowledge, and the author was fnally convinced that Miao shamans are half-human, half-, equipped with mythical techniques that are not educable.7 The symbiotic relationship between popular religion/shamanism and the Chinese state has always been an intriguing issue. Historically, sha- man (wu) fulflled multiple functions in early Chinese state and society as a primitive religion. The historian and classist Meng Wentong argues that the ancient Chinese scholarship originated from shamanism.8 Philosopher Zehou’s research shows that shamanism in China can EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 193 be traced back to the diviners for political and military purposes, who later became archivists or historians, or shi.9 In the early Zhou dynasty, Chinese shamanism took two distinct paths: one became the orthodox pre-Confucian tradition of rites and music laid down by the Duke of Zhou, and the other tricked down to the grassroots level of society.10 During the Qin and Han dynasties, the shamans, who were men of high intelligence and superfcial skills, served the imperial house to offer sac- rifce to spirits.11 In early China, the medical doctor was the same pro- fession in charge of praying and healing among early , as recorded in the annotations of the Later .12 Confucian (to follow Li Zehou’s thesis, it should be the orthodox Duke of Zhou- thread) skepticism and hostility toward shamanism and spiritual medium kept ascending in later years, and scholars and profes- sional doctors began to see shamanism as a competitive yet less advanced practice. At the same time, religious Daoism also hoped to “elevate its cultural stratum” by purging shamanism and sorcery, and a rectifcation movement occurred as early as the early ffth century.13 In the mean- while, the Chinese state since the mid- (618–907) began to promote public health , and the Northern (960–1127) government facilitated free distribution of medicines and founding of medical education institutions. The rise of ruyi (Confucian physicians) as an occupation since the Northern Song marked the transition of medicine to a feld of knowledge and intellectual endeavor.14 The Neo- Confucian revival since the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279) further increased the state and intellectual elites’ interventionist tendency of purg- ing shamanic practices. In Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties, Confucian scholars reached an anti-spirit medium consensus, and their writing of local often contained negative descriptions of shamanism and caution of its danger.15 It is arguable that shamanism, as an early Chinese tradition and a form of universal primitive religion, had a history of being liquidated and purged from the orthodox and seemingly more rational system of Confucian rites, moral knowledge, and medical practice. It did persist in the Ming and Qing dynasties.16 However, the entrenchment of the more text and medicine-based diagnosis and prescription dominated the elite, mainstream social life, and shamanism persisted at grassroots level, which were less dominated by the Confucian elite tradition. However, the establishment of Confucian academies in the non-Han areas in the late imperial period only superfcially infuenced a small handful of 194 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … elites, while at the grassroots level; shamanism survived the late impe- rial, Republican and Maoist times. It is also important to understand that Miao shamanic for healing purposes contain their historical narra- tive and memory in that the “good spirits” enacted by the Langde sha- man include a local anti-Qing hero Dalu. In this sense, the shaman does play the role of cultural transmission in a Miao community as a local cultural producer or preserver. If we turn to the Han/non-Han dynamics, the Han Chinese narra- tive of the exoticism and primitivization of non-Han cultures also used shamanic practice as a backward minority tradition. In the flm Qingchun ji, “Sacrifce to Youth,” which we mentioned in Chapter 6, the female sent-down youth to the Dai area of Yunnan is once exposed to a sce- nario in which local Dai villagers performed shamanist rituals to treat a sick boy. The sent-down youth, however, saves the boy’s life by turn- ing to the Nongcun yiliao shouce (Manual of Rural Medicine) and acu- puncture while she herself is a novice. In real life, however, the Han people were certainly no less “superstitious” than non-Han minorities. From the early 1950 through the 1980s, many Han people in mul- tiple were involved in the activity of seeking “holy water” (shenshui) from spirit medium, and in some locations, thousands of people joined the pilgrimage to pick “sacred” herbs.17 As Haiyan Li points out, against the background of the rising Mao cult in contempo- rary China, the impersonators of Mao in fact acted like “shamans who go on a quest to incorporate the spiritual into their own persona.”18 As a ­self-refective social scientist, I also want to emphasize that my investi- gation of Miao shamanism does not mean that I essentialize shamanism as an ethnic cultural phenomenon specifc to the Miao people. In fact, the late husband of my father’s elder sister was a Han nationality ritual expert in a very typical Han village in rural Province. I would say that I study Miao shamanism as a “phenomenon in a Miao community” rather than a “Miao phenomenon.” In terms of the historiography of minority nationalities, the minority nationality brief history series in the PRC, at least the edited and updated versions that I have access to be more sympathetic to shamanism, which is usually put in the category of , beliefs, or superstitions. The brief history of the Shui nationality of Guizhou published in 2008 admits that the Shui diviner of the highest class must master the Shui script, and the book says, “Shamanic activities have percolated to every aspect of the Shui nationalities’ social life, and have become an important component EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 195 of their production and life.”19 The Shui history continues to defend shamanism and emphasize shaman’s cultural authority by saying that “It might be more or less superstitious if scrutinized from a scientifc point of view, but it accurately refects the way in which the Shui people understand nature and adapt to society. It is thus an important source for studying the Shui nationality’s folklore, life, psychological makeup, and philosophy.”20 An investigation conducted in 1981 to the Yi communi- ties in Yunnan also shows that the bimo (Yi priest)’s activities persisted despite the local government’s prohibition and forced ideological indoc- trination, due to the demand from the villagers and the high respect bimo enjoyed as the preserver-transmitter of the Yi classics. Frustrated by the futility of prohibition, local offcials fnally decided to focus on eco- nomic development and the improvement of health care as viable ways of eradicating “superstition.”21 We may argue that the government failed in its “civilizing project” because for the locals, shamans are a suffcient force of internal civilizing. Based on what we have discussed in this book, it is safe to say that the PRC’s attitude toward southern Chinese non-Han popular beliefs is a paternalistic understanding of non-Han people’s “lower level” of sci- entifc knowledge. In addition, a deeply rooted functionalist approach objectifes and justifes the local beliefs due to the role they played in local people’s lives and in scholarly research. The CCP Minister of remarked in 1962 that “religious superstition” (zongjiao mixin) was a manifestation of the masses when facing the natural power and class exploitation, and it has become a mass-based, minzu-based, as well as international phenomenon, and thus, it should not be consid- ered merely as the “problem of professional religious practitioners.”22 Another reason of the state tolerance was shamanism’s lack of any church organization, and the “clients have no other relations with each other,” like the relationship between the clients with the shaman, or “magician” is similar to that between patients and their physician.23 Miao shaman- ism’s absence of organization and a whole set of values, as well as lack of large-scale gathering or pilgrimage also makes the shamanic practice in non-Han regions seem less threatening to the state as “redemptive socie- ties,” or Huidaomen appear in the eyes of the Chinese government.24 By early 1953, Guizhou provincial government had arrested 202 heads of “reactionary redemptive ,” executed seven of them, and all were accused of having connection with the Nationalist Party’s military intel- ligence department, owning working document, funds, and engaged in 196 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … fraudulence and rape.25 Some recent studies have asserted that folk reli- gion should not be held accountable for the social unrest in late impe- rial China.26 The third reason that shamanism was tolerated was the Communist government’s judgment, based on feldwork and surveys, that “shamans participate in production and labor, and they have not yet developed into a professional that is detached from labor.”27 Thus, shamans, according to the Communist theory of class analysis, belong to the laboring, rather than exploitative class. Louisa Schein has defned fve kinds of agents in the production of Chinese minority culture and identity: “the Chinese state, Han urban- ites, urban minority intellectuals, rural minority elites, and local villag- ers.”28 The Langde Party secretary, who had made great contribution in making Langde a famous touristic destination and had received many CCP leaders in the house where I stayed, as well as the shaman who told my fortune can be both regarded as “rural minority elites.” The old party secretary represents the political authority in the village, and the shaman is the religious authority, yet the former relies on the latter in his private matters. However, they stick to shamanism not because they are artifcially “created” as Miao and thus behave accordingly, as they are expected to behave. There is no evidence to support that assump- tion that practicing shamanism was an assigned role to the Miao by the Chinese nation or it was particularly suppressed. That “Because the state recognizes them in a certain way, they come to live their identi- ties around this defnition of them and of their roles with the Chinese nation” is an overstatement that ignores the power of existing cultural forms and the free choice of the Miao elites and villagers.29 The state neither promoted nor opposed shamanism at Langde, which also never tried to link shamanism to its booming international and domestic tour- ism: it is not on the itinerary of any tour groups. This is perhaps unlike the touristic role played by Naxi shamans in Yunnan.30 It is also notable that the collective dancing accompanied by the instrument lusheng at Langde, which disrupts normal routine of daily life, was largely a consequence of international tourism: it was middle class tourists from Europe and America who frst stimulated the organ- ized the dressed cultural performance of Langde people in the 1980s. Western tourists acted as an agent that largely changed the contempo- rary cultural landscape of southwest Chinese minority regions: Langde of Guizhou; Dali and Lijiang in Yunnan. Party secretary Chen, known for his “open-mindedness,” was the person who persuaded the reluctant EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 197 villagers to gather to perform for curious foreign visitors and to strike the sacred , which is preserved for real-life ceremonies and festivities. The travel , of course, paid for the touristic per- formance and each villager participant would receive a voucher to cash afterwards.31 Do Western tourists have a sense of superiority and uncon- scious imagining of the “other” when they walked into villagers’ homes and took photos of the life scenes which in the Miao people’s eyes was just so ordinary? Did the Western tourists contradict themselves when they changed the normal village life routine and commodifed a Miao village by paying for an artifcially organized drum dance as “foreign guests,” while at the same time complaining about the modern satellite dishes they saw in the village that supposedly ruined their imagination of an innocent, i.e., “primitive” community? International ethno-tourism’s corruption of local cultural practice and its inherent inequality cannot be ignored when we consider the relationship between Chinese minority groups and any dominant agent, be it the Chinese state that demands compliance or Western consumer tourism that seeks spectacles and photo opportunities. To sum up, narrating the Chinese nation and the various non-Han minority nationalities was a complex process of discursive construction, contention, and negotiation in the context of late imperial and mod- ern China’s national crisis and its quest for cultural integration and (re) assertion of state authority. Multiple agents and actors contributed to this process. Ideologists maintain the legitimacy of a politically uni- fed yet culturally diverse Chinese nation; anthropologists tried to keep their scholarly integrity while collaborating with both Nationalist and Communist governments in carrying out the nationality investigating work. Scholars with more or less dissenting tendencies, , Wu Zelin, Cen Jianwu, and Huang Xianfan were all purged as rightists in 1957, but the Western anthropological theory and methods were rejuvenated right after the end of the . Miao villag- ers continued shamanistic belief and practices throughout the post-1949 years except for the extreme decade of the Cultural Revolution. Again, I emphasize that beyond the seemingly uniform and artifcial master narra- tive of the state, there are also serious evidential research and alternative interpretations by scholars and ethnic minority elites. More importantly, a homogenous, centralized China, which was also a Western imagina- tion, “cannot really be sustained,” if we recognize how many “alter- native lives” Chinese people have lived, and how transnationalism in a 198 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … globalized age is affecting them.32 Shamanism, as a local form of (quasi-) religion that provides “comfort, guidance, solace and identity” to people who need it, may also serve as the foundation of a counterculture and alternative identity in the twenty-frst century.33 I would like to conclude this study by arguing that the strength of the contemporary Chinese state in controlling the territory and popula- tion and its non-federalist, centralized intuitional structureis reinforced by the continuous imagination of a culturally unifed Chinese nation. Modern Chinese attempt to build a cohesive, integrative Chinese nation, conceptually, culturally, and institutionally, seems to be more successful than the . To be sure, the recent rise of online local nation- alist assertiveness and activism among the members of the cross-border Na Cultural Circle and the self-styled descendants of the ancient Rao people marked the cultural self-awareness of the somewhat marginalized southern peoples beyond the mainstream narrative of Chinese national- ism. The classifcation of minority nationalities, writing of their history and profling their cultural traits unwittingly stimulated these peoples’ assertiveness and identity politics. The building of a completely unifed, coherent, and centripetal Chinese nation, , due to the long and complex national histories and contemporary disputes over nationality ideologies and policies, will remain an incomplete task in the years to come.

Notes 1. The research of a Miao nationality scholar of Miao culture and history testifes the shaman system in southwest Guizhou, to which Langde belongs, has no altar, no master–disciple transmission, and no hereditary system. See Xinfu Wu, Miao zu shi yanjiu, 249. 2. Niaoju longcang (Ryūzō Torii), Miaozu diaocha baogao [Investigation Report on the Miao People], trans. Guoli Bianyiguan (Guiyang: Guizhou Renmin Chubanshe, 2014), 174. 3. Zelin Wu and Guojun Chen, Guizhou Miaoyi shehui yanjiu (Guiyang: Guizhou Renmin Chubanshe, 2011), 20. 4. Xiaolin Guo, State and Ethnicity in China’s Southwest, 231. 5. Nianqun Yang, Zuori zhi wo yu jinri zhi wo: dangdai shixue de fansi yu chanshi [The I of Yesterday and the I of Today: Refecting and Interpreting Contemporary Historiography] (: Beijing Shifan Daxue Chubanshe, 2006), 54–55. EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE … 199

6. Keith Quincy, Hmong: History of a People (Cheney: Eastern Washington University Press, 1995), 99. 7.  Yang, “Dui diannan biandi miaozu wu wenhua de xin renshi” [New Understanding of the Miao Shamanistic Culture in the Borderland of Southern Yunnan], http://www.3-hmong.com/mxyj/ShowArticle. asp?ArticleID 3393, accessed November 10, 2017. = 8. Meng , Meng Wentong xueji, 66. 9. Zehou Li, Shuo wushi chuantong [On the Tradition of Shaman and Historian] (: Shanghai Yiwen Chubanshe, 2012), 10–12. 10. Ibid., 34. 11. Liang Cai, and the Rise of the First Confucian Empire (Albany: SUNY Press, 2014), 145. 12. Zhongshu Qian, Guanzhui bian [Limited Views: Essays on Ideas and Letters], vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1979), 345. 13. Zhaoguang Ge, Qufushi ji qita: liuchao SuiTang daojiao sixiangshi yan- jiu [History of Submission and Other Matters: Studies on the Daoist Intellectual History During the Six Dynasties and Sui-Tang Dynasties] (Beijing: Sanlian Shudian, 2003), 113–127. 14. Angela Ki Che Leung, “Organized Medicine in Ming-Qing China: State and Private Medical Institutions in the Lower Yangzi Region,” Late Imperial China, vol. 8, no. 1 (1987): 134–166; Robert P. Hymes, “Not Quite Gentlemen? Doctors in Sung and Yuan,” Chinese Science, vol. 8 (1987): 9–76. 15. Donald S. Sutton, “From Credulity to Scorn: Confucians Confront the Spirit Mediums in Late Imperial China,” Late Imperial China, vol. 21, no. 2 (2000): 1–39. 16. See Qiong Zhang, “Reinventing the Ideal of ‘Scholar-Physician’: A Seventeenth-Century Chinese Doctor’s Engagement with Western Learning,” Paper presented at AHA 2010, January 7–10, San Diego. 17. Steve A. Smith, “Local Cadres Confront the : The Politics of Holy Water (Shenshui) in the PRC, 1949–1966,” The China Quarterly, no. 188 (2006), 999–1022. 18. Haiyan Lee, “Mao’s Two Bodies: On the Curious (Political) Art of Impersonating the Great Helsman,” in Jie Li and Enhua Zhang eds., Red Legacies in China: Cultural Afterlives of the Communist Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016), 260. 19. Shuizu jianshi bianxie zu, Shui zu jianshi [A Brief History of the Shui Nationality] (Beijing: Minzu Chubanshe, 2008), 164–165. 20. Ibid., 167. 21. Xueliang Ma, Jinxiu Yu, Hujuan Fan, Yi zu yuanshi zongjiao diao- cha baogao [Investigation Report of the Primitive Religion of the Yi Nationality] (Beijng: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe, 1993), 195. 200 EPILOGUE: “GHOST MASTER” AT LANGDE …

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A F Anti-Rightist Movement, 31, 147 Fei Xiaotong, 19, 24–26, 48–60, 62–64, 67, 68, 126, 139, 140, 144, 147, 148, 155, 162–164, B 167, 180, 197 Buyi, 2, 7, 107, 117, 120, 121, 124, Franz Boas, 45, 46, 52, 70, 164 125, 128, 162, 164, 170, 172, Fu Sinian, 62, 63, 73, 106 173, 175, 177

G C Great Unity (da yi tong), 13, 18, 20, CCP (Chinese Communist Party), 32 2, 6, 13–15, 18–23, 27, 29–34, Guangxi/Guangxi Zhuang 82, 108, 111, 115, 118, 143, Autonomous Region, 118, 126, 145–147, 187, 191, 192, 195, 144, 154, 174 196 Guizhou/Guizhou Province, 3, 53, Chiang Kai-shek, 20, 27, 28, 30, 83 56, 88, 89, 106–109, 111–117, Confucius/, 23, 77, 122 121, 124, 125, 127–129, 142, 145, 152, 163, 169–173, 175– 177, 179, 188, 191, 194–196 D Gu Jiegang, 62–64, 78, 80–82, 84, Deng Xiaoping, 23, 38, 191 85, 95 Ding Wenjiang, 66, 106, 130 , 83, 84, 87, 92, 113, 140, 148, 149

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 227 G. Wu, Narrating Southern Chinese Minority Nationalities, New Directions in East Asian History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6022-0 228 Index

H Marxism, 13–15, 26, 50, 65, 95, 104, Han, 1, 4–6, 8, 14, 16, 17, 20–23, 180 28–30, 33, 34, 44, 47, 50, 56, May Fourth Movement, 49, 99, 104, 58, 60–64, 77–80, 87, 94–97, 129 106–108, 112, 115–117, 121– Miao, 2, 7, 8, 20, 28, 29, 56, 58–61, 125, 127, 128, 139, 142–146, 86, 88, 94, 107–109, 112–117, 148, 151–155, 163, 164, 120–125, 127, 128, 142–144, 166–170, 175, 177, 178, 180, 146, 148, 155, 164, 167, 169, 190, 192–194, 196 171, 175, 187–192, 194–197 Han Chauvinism, 30, 56, 140, 142, Mosuo, 76, 96, 97 145–147, 152 Historical materialism, 53, 64–66, 68, 75, 81, 83, 84, 87, 89, 104, 122, N 125 Na Cultural Circle, 175, 177, 179, Huang Xianfan, 5, 6, 65, 118, 198 139–156, 176, 197 Nationalism, 4, 5, 8, 14, 15, 18, 19, 25, 28–32, 34, 35, 77, 108, 140, 145–147, 154, 161, 162, 165, L 178, 198 Laufer, Berthold, 46, 47, 70, 87, 100 National self-determination, 13, 15, Lenin/Leninism, 13–15, 65 19–21, 25, 32 Liang Qichao, 17, 19, 30, 77, 80, 120 Naxi, 89, 169, 170, 196 Ling Chunsheng, 51, 58, 60, 61, 63, Non-Han, 1–6, 8, 13, 16, 20–22, 68, 108, 139, 143 27–29, 32–34, 44, 47, 50, 51, Lin Yaohua, 20, 26, 47, 48, 52, 53, 56–58, 61–64, 66, 68, 76, 80, 57, 65, 112, 126, 128, 139, 152 94, 96, 103, 104, 106, 108–110, Lisu, 64, 94, 106 112, 113, 115, 120, 122, , 79, 80, 96, 98 126–128, 139, 140, 142, 143, Luo-Yue, 124, 125, 135, 158, 167, 145, 150–152, 161, 163–168, 174, 176 171, 172, 177, 178, 180, 181, Lü Simian, 16, 36, 78, 79, 81, 82, 86, 190, 191, 193–195, 197 98, 100, 128, 135, 137, 185 Lü Zhenyu, 84–87, 91, 96, 99, 100, 122, 135 O One-Hundred-Yue, 125, 136, 158, 173, 174 M Malinowski, Bronislaw, 45, 46, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 57, 62, 66 P Mao Zedong/Mao, 6, 21, 24, 25, 66, Pan Guangdan, 48, 64, 114, 132, 67, 104, 105, 111, 191, 194 146, 158, 182 Prmi, 109, 111, 131 Index 229

Q X Qiang, 7, 20, 62, 106, 117, 118, 127, Xi-Ou, 124, 135, 136, 148, 174 136, 137, 151, 155, 178

Y R Yao, 20, 61, 62, 85, 86, 88, 107, 109, Radcliffe-Brown, A.R., 45, 47–49, 122, 167, 171, 175 52–54, 67 Yi, 2, 20, 48, 61, 88, 89, 96, 106, 109, 115, 150, 163, 169, 171, 195 S Yunnan/Yunnan Province, 16, 26, Shaman/Shamanism, 8, 86, 88, 89, 50, 61, 64, 76, 89, 91, 94, 106, 104, 107, 112, 115–117, 120, 108, 109, 111, 112, 115, 148, 127, 142, 150, 169, 187–196, 150, 152, 154, 155, 168–170, 198 175–177, 179, 192, 194–196 Shui, 3, 120, 158, 166, 171, 175, 194, 195 Sun Yat-sen, 17, 18, 27, 28, 32 Z Zhonghua minzu, 13–25, 28, 29, 32–35, 57, 62, 152, 153, 198 T Zhongjia, 61, 107, 125, 128, 131, Taiwan, 7, 50, 51, 93, 143, 162, 178, 152 181 Zhuang, 2, 5–7, 25, 26, 28, 109, 118, Tujia, 7, 48, 114, 146, 158, 166 119, 121, 123–125, 127, 128, 139–141, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150–155, 165, 173–177 W Wu Zelin, 17, 52, 56, 57, 64, 107, 108, 112, 113, 123, 126, 139, 162–165, 167, 180, 191, 197