Paul De Rapin De Thoyras's Histoire

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Paul De Rapin De Thoyras's Histoire 102 COMMERCE, FINANCE AND STATECRAFT 5 Whig history: Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’s Histoire The latter years of the seventeenth century saw a series of calls for a complete account of England’s history from the Roman invasion to the present, which would be able to rival both in quality and scale the work of Livy.1 Initial attempts at such an endeavour were made by, among others, John Milton, William Temple and Jonathan Swift, while more substantial accounts emerged from Robert Brady and James Tyrrell, both of whom reached Richard II.2 A success, of sorts, was achieved in 1706 with the publication of A Complete History of England, a two-volume compilation of material from authors such as Bacon, Camden and Wilson, supplemented with a new volume cov- ering the period from Charles I onwards authored by White Kennet.3 Laurence Echard, meanwhile, produced the first single-authored ‘general’ account, the History of England (1707, 1718).4 A more popular and, ultimately, more influential work, however, was to emerge a few years later with the publication of Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’s Histoire d’Angleterre (1724–27), the subject of this chapter.5 In the thirty years following its publication, Rapin’s Histoire received three separate English translations,6 sold around 18,000 copies,7 and spawned a range of derivative texts.8 It also contained, as Hugh Trevor-Roper has argued, ‘the classic exposition of the Whig – the “old Whig” – interpretation of history’.9 From this perspective, England’s past was the story of the ongoing survival of the nation’s Saxon constitution in the face of a series of threats from innovating monarchs and their proto-Tory supporters. Such an account, Trevor- Roper noted, was rooted in a ‘philosophy of idealist conservatism’ and contained ‘no suggestion […] that change has occurred or should occur in history, no reference to economic life or ideas’.10 While Ben Dew - 9781526151605 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 10/02/2021 05:02:30PM via free access WHIG HISTORY 103 other historians writing both before and after Trevor-Roper have maintained that institutional political development did play a key part in the Histoire,11 the absence of an engagement with economic 5 ideas continues to be seen as a distinguishing feature of Rapin’s work. Laird Okie, for example, has argued that Rapin was a ‘transitional’ figure between the early modern compilation chroniclers and the Whig history: Paul de Rapin de more enlightened approaches of Hume, Robertson and Gibbon.12 Thoyras’s Histoire His modernity lay in his innovative use of sources, his concern with causation, and his desire to explain the emergence of the party system rather than simply vindicate one or other faction. Rapin remained, however, a traditionalist in the sense that he wrote ‘political history pure and simple, unleavened by any significant discussion of the The latter years of the seventeenth century saw a series of calls for a economy or cultural history’.13 complete account of England’s history from the Roman invasion to Such claims usefully highlight the political focus of the Histoire, but the present, which would be able to rival both in quality and scale the they require, I believe, further clarification. Rapin’s account empha- work of Livy.1 Initial attempts at such an endeavour were made by, sised not just the constitution’s ancient origins, but also its capacity among others, John Milton, William Temple and Jonathan Swift, to bring prosperity and, with it, felicity to the nation’s populace. while more substantial accounts emerged from Robert Brady and And in developing an analysis of the material foundations of happi- James Tyrrell, both of whom reached Richard II.2 A success, of sorts, ness, Rapin sought to show that trading and financial interests were was achieved in 1706 with the publication of A Complete History of promoted by constitutional government and damaged by arbitrary England, a two-volume compilation of material from authors such as rule. This argument led him to utilise and develop earlier accounts of Bacon, Camden and Wilson, supplemented with a new volume cov- economic statecraft, provide some important commentary on trade ering the period from Charles I onwards authored by White Kennet.3 and taxation, and, consequently, to engage with economic ideas. The Laurence Echard, meanwhile, produced the first single-authored result of this engagement, it will be argued, was the development of ‘general’ account, the History of England (1707, 1718).4 a Whiggish form of exemplary history, which frequently drew upon A more popular and, ultimately, more influential work, however, commercial and financial material. was to emerge a few years later with the publication of Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’s Histoire d’Angleterre (1724–27), the subject of this 1. Rapin and Leclerc chapter.5 In the thirty years following its publication, Rapin’s Histoire received three separate English translations,6 sold around 18,000 Born into a Protestant Savoyard family and trained as an advocate, copies,7 and spawned a range of derivative texts.8 It also contained, as Rapin was forced to leave France by the revocation of the Edict of Hugh Trevor-Roper has argued, ‘the classic exposition of the Whig Nantes in 1685.14 After residing for a time in London, he enlisted – the “old Whig” – interpretation of history’.9 From this perspective, with a group of French Huguenot volunteers, a move that ultimately England’s past was the story of the ongoing survival of the nation’s led to his joining William of Orange’s invasion force of England Saxon constitution in the face of a series of threats from innovating in 1688. Rapin continued his military career until 1693, when he monarchs and their proto-Tory supporters. Such an account, Trevor- accepted, possibly at William’s bidding, a position as tutor to the son Roper noted, was rooted in a ‘philosophy of idealist conservatism’ of the Earl of Portland. Over the next ten years he moved frequently and contained ‘no suggestion […] that change has occurred or should between England and the United Provinces, before the marriage of occur in history, no reference to economic life or ideas’.10 While Portland’s son provided him with an opportunity to settle down and Ben Dew - 9781526151605 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 10/02/2021 05:02:30PM via free access 104 COMMERCE, FINANCE AND STATECRAFT devote himself to full-time historical study. Initially he took up res- idence in The Hague but, seemingly in an attempt to economise, he moved to the small town of Wesel in 1707. Here Rapin kept in touch with the wider Republic of Letters through a correspondence with Jean Leclerc, the editor of the erudite periodical Bibliothèque choisie.15 It was Leclerc who presented Rapin with his key source, Thomas Rymer’s Foedera, a collection of England’s various alliances and trea- ties, which Rapin both abridged for publication in Bibliothèque choisie and employed extensively within his own narrative.16 Rapin’s approach to historiography also had much in common with that of Leclerc. The Dutch Huguenot circles in which both writers moved had close connections to Whig politics in England.17 Huguenots had helped to provide refuge and companionship for those fleeing Stuart England in the 1670s and 1680s, enthusiastic backing for the Revolution of 1688, and military support for the new state that emerged under William. At the same time, the attack on absolutist forms of government that underlay much exclusion-era Whig thought meant that it enjoyed considerable popularity and influence among exiled Protestants, who were anxious to find ways of theorising their opposition to Bourbon cultural practices.18 Leclerc was among the most significant of these exiles; he corresponded with Locke, played an instrumental role in translating and publicising the Englishman’s work and, in his 1699 work Parrhasiana, developed a distinctively Whiggish analysis of historiography.19 Leclerc’s primary aims in the historical sections of Parrhasiana were to establish the sort of skills historians required to produce good history and to measure the successes and failures of various classical and contemporary writers in acquiring those skills. After looking at the importance of a knowledge of one’s subject, impartiality and a clear and concise style, he went on to defend, as Wilson and Coke had done, the right of historians to pass judgement on the individuals and events they described. His discussion of historical judgement, however, drew not on the ideas of Wilson, but rather on those of the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius. In his legal work, Grotius had sought to demonstrate the existence of a natural law that was ‘manifest and self-evident’ to all, regardless of the society they lived in or the reli- gion to which they adhered.20 Thus, for Grotius, all individuals had the right to defend their own lives, and ‘to retain, those things which are useful for life’.21 At the same time, they could neither inflict Ben Dew - 9781526151605 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 10/02/2021 05:02:30PM via free access WHIG HISTORY 105 injury upon their fellows, nor seize their possessions.22 Despite the absence, therefore, of a shared civil code of regulations, a universal natural law made it possible to judge the justice or injustice of the often mutually antipathetic claims made by different states. Leclerc’s innovation was to apply this basic approach to historical writing. The historian, he showed, whose craft was also concerned with providing judgements in the face of a series of competing, hostile claims, could identify a series of universally accepted criteria through which to assess the merits of individual historical actions.23 Praise or cen- sure for individuals should be given to those who conform to ‘the Principles of Humanity’ – ‘that we ought not to do that to another, which we should call Injustice if they did to us’ – while governments should be assessed on their capacity to ensure the happiness of those committed to their charge.24 This happiness was conceived of in typically Whiggish terms as a product of the state’s ability to protect the liberty and property of its populace.
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