Views with OMFW Returnees, and Comparative Non-OMFW with Their Family Members (Wife/Child) Were Conducted in Tagalog in the Philippines

MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School

Certificate for Approving the Dissertation

We hereby approve the Dissertation

Karel Joyce Daba Kalaw

Candidate for the Degree:

Doctor of Philosophy

______Director Kate B. de Medeiros, PhD

______Reader Jennifer M. Kinney, PhD

______Reader Suzanne R. Kunkel, PhD

______Reader Kathryn B. McGrew, PhD

______Graduate School Representative Carl T. Dahlman, PhD

ABSTRACT

“HOME FOR GOOD:” THE EXPERIENCE OF RETURN AMONG OVERSEAS MALE FILIPINO WORKERS (OMFW)

by Karel Joyce Daba Kalaw

This study examines the intersection between transnational migration, as one of the distinguishing features of Philippine society, and aging studies. The return experience among Overseas Male Filipino Workers (OMFW) is explored. Specifically, this study aims to answer the following questions: What is the return experience among OMFW?; What is the response of their family members upon the OMFW return?; and how do OMFW view their lives in older age? Interviews with OMFW returnees, and comparative non-OMFW with their family members (wife/child) were conducted in Tagalog in the Philippines. The life course perspective, life story narratives, and the inclusion of Filipino indigenous methodologies (FIM) served as the conceptual frameworks. The results revealed that return is expressed in different ways; has dimensions, challenges, impacts; and is related to overseas life and Filipino culture. Return transnational migration was integrated in the life course of the OMFW returnee and his family. The study describes the humanness of return experience and the returnees’ change in self- perception, familism, and final exit from work. In addition, familism is an important factor to describe return and later life, and informs the life course of the returnees and their families. Moreover, the use of FIM facilitated layers of rapport-building that are important in eliciting quality data from the participants. FIM also emerged as a method that was in many ways in contrast to Western research approaches. In FIM, the researcher learned by being a fully integrated part of the community of interest (OMFW) rather than as an outside observer, which is more typical in traditional qualitative research. The study is relevant to Philippine society for several reasons: it adds insight into existing transnational migration programs; it informs life course studies and cross-cultural gerontology; it demonstrates use of a culturally sensitive methodology (FIM); and it provides a voice to a previously overlooked yet important population.

“HOME FOR GOOD:” THE EXPERIENCE OF RETURN AMONG OVERSEAS MALE FILIPINO WORKERS (OMFW)

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of

Miami University in partial

fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Sociology and Gerontology

Karel Joyce Daba Kalaw

Miami University

Oxford, Ohio

2015

Dissertation Director: Kate B. de Medeiros, PhD

Karel Joyce Daba Kalaw 2015

Table of Contents

List of Appendices ...... vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………………….vii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………………...viii Dedication ...... ix Acknowledgements ...... x

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Background of the Problem...... 1 1.2 Brief Theoretical and Conceptual Framework ...... 3 1.3 Potential Original Contribution ...... 4 Familism and definition of development within the household...... 4 Extending indigenous methodologies...... 5 1.4 Dissertation Structure ...... 5

Chapter 2: Review of Literature ...... 7 2.1 Introduction ...... 7 2.2 What is Return Migration? ...... 7 Typologies of return migrants...... 8 Motives for return...... 9 Effects of return migration to individual, family, and community...... 10 2.3 Trends in Philippine Labor Migration: The Research Context ...... 11 Asian labor migration: Male exodus to oil-rich Gulf regions...... 11 Understanding the Filipino culture...... 12 Kapwa and Filipino cultural values...... 13 2.4 The Life Course Perspective ...... 15 Life course as a construct...... 17 Life course as an explanatory theory...... 17 Life course and the return experience...... 18 2.5 Filipino Elders ...... 18 Profile of the Filipino elders ...... 18 2.6 Conclusion ...... 19

Chapter 3: Filipino Indigenous Methodologies (FIM) ...... 20 3.1 Understanding Indigenous Methodologies (IM) ...... 20 3.2 Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP): Filipino Psyche ...... 21

iii

Beginnings, development and impetus of SP...... 21 Development of indigenous concepts and theories: Pagkataong Filipino (Filipino personhood)...... 23 Development of indigenous research methods...... 28 3.3 Kapwa as a Cultural Script ...... 30 3.4 Relevance and Urgency of FIM ...... 31 3.5 Reflecting on FIM ...... 32 3.6 Conclusion ...... 33

Chapter 4: Research Methodology ...... 34 4.1 Ethnographic Interviewing as a Method ...... 34 4.2 Life Story and Narratives ...... 35 4.3 FIM: Pagtanong-tanong and Pakikipagkwentuhan ...... 35 Pagtanong-tanong...... 36 Pakikipagkwentuhan...... 36 4.4 The Research Design ...... 37 Phase 1: Setting the scene...... 37 Phase 2: Interview...... 39 Phase 3: Analysis...... 41

Chapter 5: Results: The OMFW and Their Return Experience ...... 43 5.1 Description of Participants ...... 43 5.2 Major Themes ...... 44 Themes on the return experience...... 44 Themes on old age...... 59 5.3 Response of Others with Return...... 70 The OMFW wives...... 70 The OMFW children...... 71 5.4 OMFW and non-OMFW ...... 72 Recognizing and making sense of one’s own aging ...... 72 5.5 Chapter Summary ...... 74

Chapter 6: Discussion ...... 75 6.1 Change in Self-perception ...... 75 6.2 Filipino Values ...... 76 6.3 Views of Return ...... 76 6.4 Relevance of FIM’s Applicability ...... 78 Doing FIM...... 79

6.5 Migration and the Life Course ...... 81 6.6 Future Research Directions ...... 83 6.7 Reflections ...... 83

References ...... 86 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………… 101 Glossary ...... 179 Acronyms/Abbreviations………………………………………………………………… 181

List of Appendices Appendix A: Letter to the OMFW Respondent ...... 102 Appendix B: Informed Consent—OMFW returnee ...... 103 Appendix C: Informed Consent Form—Wife of an OMFW Returnee ...... 105 Appendix D: Informed Consent Form—Child of an OMFW Returnee ...... 107 Appendix E: Informed Consent Form—Non-OMFW Participant...... 109 Appendix F: Informed Consent Form—Wife of a non-OMFW Participant...... 111 Appendix G: Informed Consent Form—Child of a Non-OMFW Participant ...... 113 Appendix H: OMFW Returnee’s Background Information ...... 115 Appendix I: Interview Guide for OMFW Returnees ...... 116 Appendix L: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW Participants ...... 119 Appendix O: OMFW Returnee’s Background Information (Tagalog version)...... 122 Appendix P: Interview Guide for OMFW Returnees (Tagalog version) ...... 123 Appendix R: Interview Guide for OMFW’ Family Members—Child (Tagalog version) ...... 126 Appendix S: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW Participants (Tagalog version) ...... 127 Appendix V: Codebook ...... 130 Appendix W: Detailed Case Presentation of OMFW Returnees ...... 132 Appendix X: Detailed Case Presentation of non-OMFW Returnees...... 154 Appendix Y: Detailed Case Presentation of OMFW Returnees’ Family Members ...... 161 Appendix Z: Detailed Case Presentation of non-OMFW Family Members...... 172

List of Tables Table 1. Filipino Behavior Patterns and Value Structure: Core, Surface and Societal ...... 182 Table 2. Profile of OMFW Participants ...... 183 Table 3. Non-OMFW Participants ...... 184 Table 4. Profile of Family Members—OMFW Wife ...... 185 Table 5. Profile of Family Members—Non-OMFW Wife...... 185 Table 6. Profile of Family Members—OMFW Child ...... 186 Table 7. Profile of Family Members—Non-OMFW Child ...... 186

vii

List of Figures Figure 1. Conceptual model on levels of social interaction ...... 187

viii

Dedication To my ‘Gerontological’ roots: My Lola (Grandma) Orang, Ma’am Herminia Montenegro, & Dr. Leonardo Chua. To my fellow Filipinos: Para sa bayan! And foremost to the lover of my soul: Glory and honor to my Father God! However, I consider my life worth nothing to me; my only aim is to finish the race and complete the task the Lord Jesus has given me—the task of testifying to the good news of God’s grace. ~ Acts 20:24 (NIV)

Acknowledgements Foremost, I give to God Almighty all honor and praise. To Him be the glory forever. I thank God for giving me kind people who had supported me and gave their sincerest assistance to finishing this work. My heartfelt gratitude to: The Department of Sociology and Gerontology for the funding throughout the program and for providing opportunities to edify and nurture my academic competencies. The Graduate School, foremost Lou Haines, and the Graduate Student Association (GSA) for providing funding opportunities for travel to conferences and for academic advancements. My advisor, Dr. Kate de Medeiros, who had steadfastly provided me her perceptive and constructive contributions—I am grateful for your insightful critiques, enthusiasm for research and zest for learning. Thank you for opening opportunities for me to become a competent scholar. My dissertation committee, for all the expert contributions from candidacy to defense. Your constructive suggestions grounded my research. I would like to thank Dr. Suzanne Kunkel, Dr. Jennifer Kinney, Dr. Kathryn McGrew, and Dr. Carl Dahlman for appreciating the relevance of migration studies and being sincerely interested to reading this lengthy manuscript and offering your expertise. My participants, who made the completion of this final work possible—YOU all will always be remembered. All my professors who generously and patiently directed me to discover my own strengths and weaknesses as a scholar—Dr. J. Lynch, Dr. K. McMahon-Klosterman, Dr. J. Bulanda, Dr. R. Applebaum, Dr. S. Brown, and Dr. H. Ewen. To Lisa Grant, Arlene Nichols, Cheryl Johnson, Deborah Gardner and Andrea Parks for their patient accommodation and kind assistance in making sure that things were done right. Dr. Lisa Groger for being a person to emulate in my forthcoming later years. I learned that life is something to be embraced and shared with others. My mentor, Dr. Dena Shenk, thank you for your unfaltering, tough yet gentle guidance— you served as my comfort and inspiration through my exhaustion and woe. I am forever grateful for everything you are. My Dr. Leonardo Chua & Dr. Corazon Lamug, who in my young mind taught me to love learning and to pursue serving the people—mabuhay. To Sir Augut, maraming salamat sa tiyaga sa pagsusulat ng mga recommendation letters ko. Nagbunga din po—salamat! My Victory Christian Church family for quenching my spiritual thirst and fellowship. Thank you for being my hope and home. My colleagues who served as my fellows and compatriots in pursuit of academic excellence and integrity— Karen Kent, Jasleen Chahal, Phil Sauer, Xi Pan, Kim Ogle, Sarah Hahn, Sarah Boehle, Carol Bashford, Sammy Munanu, Taka Yamashita, Emily Fenster, Phyllis Cummins, Maricruz Cruz, AviElle Raymore, Senjooti Roy; and my MGS and MPGS cohort 2010—Thank you for sharing the journey with me. My GTY 154 students, I am made a better learner, scholar and teacher because of you all. My friends here and back home who constantly remembered me in their prayers—Lars Ubaldo, Thea Custodio, Chrysalyn Gocatek, Ate Aying, Ma’am Girlie Abrigo, Teach Nona, Cacho, Aileen Lapitan, Kristin Walker, Chih-Ling Liou, Amber & Matt Cable, Denise Bordeman, Katie Kutcher, Kelly Visker-Gunyar, Abby Phagan-Byrum, Desiring God Church, Lord of Glory Church, and my Pinoy Charlotte family.

My roomies over time—Qian-Qian Wang, Gowthami Rao, Emily Fox, Kelsang Wangmo, and Rebecca Ockuly, for reminding me to smile regardless. To Corrine Kidd (and family), Lei Song (Mei-Mei), Hannah Stohry, Jiayin Liang (and family), Kelina Basnayt, May Pevsner, and Jenny de Jesus for their unconditional and effortless friendships. My Ninang Yoly, for loving me still in my kakulitan. My Texas Pinoy family—thank you for the hospitality and yummy accommodations whenever I visit you all. Kata, Enrix, Jel, ito na ito. To Robert Anthony who had endured my non-lucid moments—thank you. To Auntie Ellen, for the prayers, confidence and love. My brother (Mark John) who had always been a delight and my sister (Grace Jones) who had been wonderful in all ways—thank you for the love and understanding. My parents (Papa and Mama) for providing me love and life—this is for you.

Chapter 1: Introduction

This introductory chapter offers the rationale and overview of my study. It also positions my research in the theoretical literature on transnational migration and aging studies while accentuating the limitations of the literature in explaining transnational migration and the return experience of male Filipino migrant workers in their later lives. In so doing, my study can be instrumental in addressing these limitations. A summary of the conceptual framework, research methodology, and the study’s potential original contributions to the literature are offered. Finally, the study structure is presented in this section.

1.1 Background of the Problem

The migration experience is a defining feature of Philippine society. The past four decades have seen a significant out-migration of Filipinos as contract workers and Filipinos comprise one of the largest groups of migrant workers across the globe (Bautista, 2002). They help to stabilize the Philippine’s economy. The Filipino diaspora is estimated at 8 million Filipinos working abroad, or 10% of the total population across different immigrant categories. Around 300,000 newly-hired Filipino workers go abroad to work every year (National Statistics Office (NSO), 2009; Philippine Overseas Employment Statistics (POEA), 2009). The Philippines has been deploying more than 1 million overseas Filipino workers each year since 2006. In 2010 alone, a total of 1.4 million Filipino workers were deployed as land-based or sea-based workers, contributing about 8% of the country’s GDP or USD18.7 million (NSO, 2009; POEA, 2009). The 10,000 applicants lining up daily at the POEA is indicative of the bulk and enormity of the Filipino diaspora (POEA, 2009). Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) have become a safety net for the Philippine government’s failure to fully provide services and generate opportunities for its citizens. The remittances that overseas workers send back home aid in sustaining the Philippine economy over time. Because of these remittances, the Philippine government has institutionalized the placement of OFWs in different countries over time. Currently, economic and foreign policies are prioritized to make sure that Filipinos are encouraged to work abroad and to send home money that fuels its economy (Ericta, 2003). Now, four decades into this mass migration, these contract workers are entering later lives, which many will spend back in their country of origin

1 having spent almost half their lives working away from their families in foreign lands. This study focuses on the experiences of Overseas Male Filipino Workers (OMFW) who worked as contract labor workers in the Gulf Areas during the early 1980s. Return home completes the transnational migration process and is an essential part of temporary labor migration. OMFW go through a change in their perceptions and relationships as they cope with daily struggles while anticipating a guaranteed return to their families and homeland. Exploring the experience of return will permit me to reflect on the saliency and viability of transnational migration in their lives as they contemplate and engage in their return and aging in later life in their homeland. My study aims to go beyond the causes of migration and its economic rationale, and investigates the experience of return migration for men and their families in later life. This study aims to address what, with regards to transnational migration, return migration theories and typologies do not adequately articulate and only partially explain. Often, migration theories and typologies as applied to transnational migration neglect the contextualized conditions under which return takes place for male migrant workers, or their situation following return to include their advancing age. More importantly, OMFW remain invisible in policy formulation, despite their salient contributions when they sent remittances to the country and their families. Hence, this study is a response to these gaps. Often, studies on transnational migration illustrate the baseline data and profiles of overseas contract workers, the sending nations, the receiving nations, educational attainment, income levels, and policy programs with respect to their welfare and protection throughout the entire migration process. These studies underrepresent the OMFW experiences, particularly their encounter with return. This study goes beyond the contributory role of OMFW as economic actors, seeing them as persons with robust experiences and stories acquired over time. Positioning the study among male Filipinos in their later life and centering on personal accounts of return transnational migration and subjectivities opens unarticulated concerns and allows these men to express what society may have unintentionally ‘silenced’ them from speaking and saying. Further, the strategic role of aging returnees is central to open awareness and conversation in a society that is slow to recognize the compelling urgency of including an aging lens in government and policy-driven programs. Linking aging with the salient and potent feature of transnational migration among Filipinos and in Philippine society lends an understanding of both

2 its macro and micro implications—migration’s greater social and structural implications globally, and the scope and success of migration goals. Finally, this study illustrates an underrepresented account of the return migration among OMFW by offering a culturally sensitive approach: Filipino Indigenous Methodologies (FIM). FIM offers an appropriate lens that is sensitive to the Filipino culture. Though recognition of culturally sensitive approaches in research exists, the actual performance of research in this way remains lacking. This study addresses this gap and calls for studies that are truly appropriate and relevant for the people under-studied. In Chapter 3, I describe in detail the Filipino Indigenous Methodologies (FIM) The study answers the following questions: 1. What is the experience of return among OMFW? a. What are the challenges they encounter? What are the effects of transnational migration experience on their positions and roles, and their identity? b. What is the response of their family members and household? What is the impact of return migration on their families, relationships within families and households? c. How do they respond to these responses? 2. How do OMFW view their own aging? Overall, this study responds to King (2000) and Castles’ (2000) calls for an interdisciplinary lens to approach the complex and dynamic migration process. More so, the study offers to spur further research interest, and contribute to existing literature. Initiating conversations, building on knowledge, having collaborations, transcending boundaries, and possessing social accountability as they relate to old age will contribute to change, collective well-being, and to improved human lives.

1.2 Brief Theoretical and Conceptual Framework

The life course framework is concerned with the individual’s life as consisting of a series of transitions or life events, which are embedded in trajectories and generate distinct forms and meanings (Elder, Jr., 1985; Elder, Jr., 1994; Marshall & Mueller, 2003). It investigates the life trajectories of individuals as they transition from one role and status to the next, while making sense of life events and patterns of life trajectories. The individual’s life course is embedded in social institutions and is embraced by historical forces and cohort differences (Elder, Jr., 1994). The general aim of this framework is to have a broader grasp of social change and social 3 phenomenon (Giele & Elder, Jr., 1988; Mayer, & Tuma, 1990). Its strength is in its inclusion of the temporal dimension in a person’s life domain in contrast with his other life domains, as changes in social relations and contexts occur. Another important aspect of this framework is that individual events occur within different institutions in society (e.g. family, education, and workforce). For example, the concept of love is expressed in marriage and the eventual outcome of family formation. The individual and personal event of love and marriage occurs within the institution of the family. However, we can’t discount that changes in values over time would lead to changes in the other institutions too. More so, the timing of life events such as education, work, and retirement are framed by societal expectations (e.g., what is the appropriate age to start or finish one’s education). As such, we can see the interdependence among different trajectories which results in the changes in the other life domains (e,g, the different statuses and roles held by the individual). In the example given earlier, the individual is ushered in the enactment of new roles and set of expectations as spouses and parents. I am extending the inclusion of return as a trajectory within the transnational migration process as part of the nexus of trajectory systems in an OMFW’s life course, such as family life, work, the ability to acquire new skills, and others. With the return of the OMFW in his later life, he is now faced with potential changes that he must address which he may or may not have anticipated.

1.3 Potential Original Contribution

My study is innovative on several grounds. The study informs and spurs an understanding of the need to situate return transnational migration in the discourse of aging as manifested in the experiences and stories of OMFW returnees in the following areas:

Familism and definition of development within the household.

The Filipinos value of familism is the primary reason for overseas work. The desire to provide a good life for the family is an overseas worker’s mission—to earn and save as part of the family’s migration aim. Studies often show that the “success” of the migration endeavor is the collective and material gains of migration, which include improved living conditions, owning properties (e.g., house, vehicle, and land; investing in business), sending children to good schools, and helping family members to have a good life. However, little attention has been given to the personal gains and cost on the returnees upon return. I extend the definition of

“development” or “success” of transnational migration to the overlooked aspects of personal and psychosocial costs and gains for the returnees. It is essential to include these in the definition of “development,” as OMFW returnees have significantly sustained and contributed to the overall “development” within the household. This study is innovative; it identifies emerging themes of personal, individualist and psychosocial costs of return for the OMFW.

Extending indigenous methodologies.

Beginning in the 1970s, Enriquez (1975, 1985) and other Filipino social scientists advocated for the indigenization of suitable and relevant social science methods that are sensitive and responsive to Filipinos and Philippine society. They developed indigenous methodologies to elicit and represent social realities with a cultural lens that goes beyond the surface and unearths deeper meanings of Filipino behavior, thoughts, values and experiences. I use indigenous methodologies fitting to a culture of transnational migration, deeply entrenched in Filipino life and society. Through the use of FIM, my study builds on the creation of knowledge which can inform culturally sound policies over time. FIM are discussed in detail in Chapter 3.

1.4 Dissertation Structure

The introduction presents the background of the study, research aims, scope and rationale of for the study, the brief theoretical and conceptual framework and the potential original contribution of the study. In chapter 2, I provide an overview of several migration theories to show the gaps in research on return transnational migration. Trends in Philippine labor migration and a short overview of the Filipino culture are also presented. A discussion of the life course framework ends the chapter. In Chapter 3, I introduce FIM as both a conceptual and methodological approach fit to describe the return experience among OMFW. A short discussion of its beginnings and development is presented to inform the readers about its fit in answering the research questions. Chapter 4 discusses ethnographic interviewing, life story and narratives and FIM as multiple research strategies used in the study. The choice of the research methods was shaped by the research questions, topic of the study and the perspectives offered by the researcher. The use of multiple approaches and a multi-level analysis aimed to link the events of return and later life are presented as well. The chapter ends by highlighting the relevancy of FIM as a sound approach in substantiating the rigor of the research.

In Chapter 5, the findings of the study are presented. The narratives illuminate experiences associated with different transnational migration phases and highlight the return as an outcome of the entire transnational migration process. Detailed presentation narratives for participants are presented in the appendix section. Last, Chapter 6 integrates the narratives and the findings of the study within the larger context of academic research. The private and intimate experience of return and old age are brought to the fore as it reveal the ‘silenced’ yet collective views about it. The chapter concludes by citing implications for policy and future areas of research and my personal reflections.

Chapter 2: Review of Literature

2.1 Introduction

This section provides the theoretical and conceptual framework of my study. It is divided into subsections of theoretical and conceptual literatures that guided my research. The first discusses return migration theories and typologies and the effects of return migration on the individual, family, and community. The second describes Asian labor migration, trends in Philippine labor, Filipino masculinity, and the concept of kapwa as the core Filipino value as it relates to FIM. The third addresses older Filipino adults and aging in place upon return to the Philippines. Last, a synthesis of the concepts and constructs is discussed.

2.2 What is Return Migration?

King (1986) defined return migration as “when people return to their country or region of origin after a significant period abroad or in another region” (King, 1986, p. 4). Return migration remains “the great unwritten chapter in the history of migration” (King, 2000, p. 7) According to Thomas-Hope (1985), it is a compound and complex process, often over an extended period of time, that involves flows of goods and capital as well as the ideas, attitudes, and skills of migrants themselves. Many scholars recognize that among the phases of the transnational migration process, return transnational migration is an understudied area. Scholars often bemoan the lack of attention paid to return migration (Bovenkerk, 1974; Cassarino, 2004; Dustmann, 1986; IOM, 2001; King, 2000; King, 1986; Klinthall, 2006). It is often thought that migration stops when the migrant settles in the place of destination, but this is not the case, as transnational migration must be understood as a process, ranging from pre-migration to post-migration phases. In recent years, return migration has drawn growing attention (De Bree et al., 2010) from different disciplines. It is important to have a sustained interest in return migration, as it has deep implications on personal and interpersonal relations, and on local and international dependencies. Past studies indicated different views on return transnational migration. Koser and Black (1999) saw return migration as a natural endpoint of the migration stage, or “going home,” which implied retirement. As the return migrants go home, their identities are reconfigured and attach new meanings of culture, identity, home and place in their country of origin (Hammond, 1999). The individual has changed vis-à-vis the time one left one’s home country and upon one’s return.

He defended that there is a need to have a definition of return migration, as “there is much terminological sloppiness in the return migration literature” (King, 1986, p. 3).

Typologies of return migrants.

Categories and typologies abound based on the level of development, length of stay, motive to return, or the legal status of migrants. Return migration may be viewed at different levels (i.e. individual, family and societal) and with interdisciplinary perspectives (e.g., back-migration, countercurrent, counterflow, reflux migration, homeward migration, remigration, re-emigration, reflux migration, return flow, return movement, second-time migration, repatriation and retro- migration) (Bovenkerk, 1974; Gmelch, 1980). In the study, I use the term return migration to refer to the return to the home country after a considerable time due to overseas work (DaVanzo & Morrison, 1978). Gmelch (1980) and King (2000) provide four different typologies on return migration. The first is based on the level of development, demonstrated in the three scenarios: the return of migrants from less-developed countries, often colonies, to highly-developed countries, often colonial metropoles; the return of labor migrants from the developed industrial countries to their less-developed home countries; and return movements between countries of broadly equal economic status (King, 2000). The second is based on the duration of time spent back in the home country. It includes occasional returns (e.g., holidays, family visits), seasonal returns such as agricultural jobs, temporary returns such as those due to changes in work contracts, and permanent returns (King, 1978). I focus on permanent returns. The third typology centers on migration intentions and migration outcome (Gmelch, 1980). This is divided into four types of return migrants: 1) those who have the intention to return and, in fact, do return; 2) those who have intentions to return but do not; 3) those who intend to permanently reside in the receiving nation, but eventually return; and 4) those who intend to permanently reside abroad without return. However, it must be noted that these migrants do not have definitive plans and are guided by opportunities they find in the new society (Gmelch, 1980). And the fourth typology rests on the historical evolution of the migration process vis-à-vis the dialectical relationship between the return and acculturation discussed by Cerase (1970). His typology includes: 1) “return of failure” which happens when migrants fail to adapt to the receiving nation and return immediately to their home countries; 2) “return of conservatism”

8 which happens when migrants achieved the goals they initially set and return to their home countries; 3) “return of innovation” which happens when migrants desire to bring back the things they learned from the host nations to their homelands and with the intention of becoming change agents; and 4) “return of retirement,” happens at the end of their working lives. Other typologies on return migration include: emigration, transient migration, re- emigration, second-time emigration, circular migration, seasonal migration, repatriation, pilgrimage migration, ancestral migration, brain return, and retirement migration (Bovenkerk, 1974; King, 1986). In sum, the different typologies on return migration (Bovenkerk, 1974; King, 1978; Ghosh, 2000) are similar in that they delimitate return migrants by return intention or reason for return.

Motives for return.

As mentioned in the theories discussed in the previous section, return migration is a process initiated by various causal factors and resulting in a variety of effects. Roger (1984) identified several reasons explaining the overall motives for return: changes in the home country that made return either viable, profitable or both; awareness of being needed in the home country either by family or for patriotic reasons; changes in the receiving country which have made staying there no longer possible; or frustration over one’s inability to achieve the set goals (Guzzetta, 2004), as such the success and failure. Other reasons for return are those that are economically based. Neo-classical economics maintains that return is seen as a consequence of a failed migration endeavor (Cassarino, 2004), while the new economics of labor migration sees return migration as the logical product of a “calculated strategy” as a result of achieving the set goals. Sociological explanations of return (Asis, 2002; Asis, 2005; Asis, 2006; Massey, et al., 1993) have noted the feminization of the labor migration force (Dungo, 2008; Engel, 1986), the presence of ethnic communities (Gardner, 1995; Ghosh, 2000), and the significant effects of return migration and remittances (Dustmann, 1997) Based on the multiple perspectives presented, the rationale for the return is both economic and non-economic in nature, which includes: family issues in the homeland, end of contract, and socio-political issues in the host country (Stinner & Albuquerque, 1982). Other studies suggest that the actual reasons for return are prompted by strong family ties and homesickness; failure to adjust and inability to integrate

9 in the new culture; inability to adjust from the demands of ‘Western’ work; end of contract; to flaunt material gains acquired by overseas work; social accountability; realization of desired social position; unfavorable social atmosphere in the host nation; and retirement (Bovenkerk, 1974). More so, motives for the return may be a success or a failure but can’t be summed up neatly, as return migration is a multifaceted social reality that is contextualized and experienced differently.

Effects of return migration to individual, family, and community.

The consequences of return transnational migration to the individual, family, and community overlap. First, on the individual level, the return generates gains that can include: a stronger sense of achievement for being good providers for the family (Sri, 2009); a more egalitarian understanding of shared domestic responsibilities (Sri, 2009); a more innovative perspective in doing things as learned from being away (Ammassari, 2004); and an enhanced self-confidence and assertiveness (Sri, 2009). However, aside from the benefits that the return offers, there may also be feelings of guilt for having being away so long and a sense of alienation or disorientation since the home has changed while the worker was away. The remembered home is not the same as he imagined it to be (Markowitz & Stefansson, 2004), and has likely changed literally and figuratively (Gardner, 1995) over the years of being away. In some cases, due to prolonged separation, relationships may be scarred leaving no home to return to (Sri, 2009). Moreover, successful reintegration is desired and is translated into two levels: the personal and collective gain. Personal success is the possession of a sense of social and economic well- being, while the collective success is contribution to the economic and social development of the home country and the community (Gardner, 1995). The effects can be both positive and negative, and consequently, affect how returnees interact with their family and community. Second, the effects of male emigration and their return affect family formation, structure of households, and relationships. With the absence of men in households, women take the lead in maintaining and sustaining households (Bretell, 1988). Also, extensive male emigration promotes delayed age at marriage and results in higher chances for non-marriage and illegitimacy (Pedraza, 1991), creating challenges for single women. However, for married women, an absent husband can be beneficial, giving the women greater control over their lives

10 and their children’s lives through access to better health care and nutrition (Engel, 1986; Pedraza, 1991).

2.3 Trends in Philippine Labor Migration: The Research Context

Asian labor migration: Male exodus to oil-rich Gulf regions.

The scale, scope and complexity of international migration has grown over time as exemplified in Asia in the last four decades (Asis & Piper, 1999; Global Commission for International Migration (GCIM, 2005). As of 2005, Asia houses 53.3 million (or 28 percent) of the worldwide estimate of 191 million international migrants (UN, 2006, p. 29). The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that from among the 86 million migrant workers globally (excluding refugees), about 22.1 million were economically active in the Asian region (ILO, 2004, p. 7). The Asian labor experience bears distinct features that differentiate it from others. First, all destination countries in the region have a policy to keep migrant work temporary. Second, much of international migration in Asia is intra-regional. Third, although there is a legal framework to regulate the movement of workers, the numbers of undocumented migrants are relatively high. Fourth, the migration industry is well-developed and well-connected in the region; with recruitment being largely left to private agencies, this process is replete with abusive practices. Fifth, the share of women participating in labor migration has increased sharply since the late 1970s (ILO, 2003, p. 9). In some countries, the feminization of migration has been notable; in the Philippines, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka, women outnumber men among those legally deployed every year (Asis & Piper, 1999). Beginning the 1970s, research interests were spurred by the mass exodus of Asian workers to the Gulf states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman— members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) established in 1981. This is a response to demands from their oil-based industries that lack a local workforce and seek a foreign labor force (Kapiszewski, 2001). Labor migration later diversified, with affluent East and Southeast Asian countries becoming an attraction for migrant workers by the 1980s. By the late 1980s, well over 2 million persons were leaving their countries of origin every year; today, the number has grown to some 3 million (ILO, 2003). Thus, research on migration has also increased (Asis & Piper, 1999).

The case of the Philippines is noteworthy, as it has recently overtaken Mexico as the largest exporting country in the world (Asis & Piper, 1999). The overseas Filipino population is among the most widely circulated diasporas; Filipinos can be found in almost all the countries and spaces of the world. In terms of gender composition, men and women are equally likely to emigrate. Among land-based workers, women have been in the majority since 1992; in 1998, women comprised between 61 percent and 72 percent of the new hires deployed every year. Filipino migrants range from the less skilled to the highly skilled, reflecting the demands of the labor market; the proportion of the less skilled is larger than the highly skilled. Other Asian countries joining the Philippines in this labor migration to the Gulf areas include Indonesia, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and more recently, Nepal and Vietnam (i.e., newcomers) (Asis, 2005).

Understanding the Filipino culture.

Masculinity and Filipinos.

The Philippines is a traditional, patriarchal agrarian society influenced by historical antecedents from its colonizers. It has similar constructs regarding Western male gender role norms, yet also bears some significant distinctions. Rubio and Green (2011) argued that much of how Filipinos organize themselves in terms of gender roles is attributed to the 77 different ethnolinguistic groups, which are historical, regional, and class-based. A definitive expression of what is truly masculine, and what Filipino men are expected to be, is the ama ng tahanan (father of the home) or the breadwinner of the family (Jimenez, 1983; Jurilla, 1986; Macrohom, 1978; McCann-Erickson Survey Group, 1985; Robles, 1986). Filipino males are seen as protector and overseer (Tan, 1989). Upon fatherhood, Filipino males are described as haligi ng tahanan (cornerstone of the home) and padre de pamilya (father of the family). They lead and take on the responsibility of directing family relationships. Although there is less emphasis on the caregiving role, fathers are expected to take on the dominant role of disciplining the children (Lagmay, 1983; Licuanan, 1979; Liwag, dela Cruz, Macapagal, 1998; Minoza, Botor, Tablante, 1984; Porio & Hollnsteiner, 1975). Filipino men are also seen as exuding responsibility, determination, and hard work, (Church, Katigbak, & Castaneda, 1985). Although all these features of Filipino masculinity are

12 patriarchal, Filipino society is bilateral and egalitarian in nature; both father and mother are seen as equally influential in household decision-making (Torres, 1988). Some characteristics have been romanticized to be distinctly Filipino male: morality, honesty, and ethical values (Church, Katigbak & Castaneda, 1985; Lynch & Makil, 1968); prizing loyal ties to friends and family, pakikisama (being able to get along well with others), oneness with others (Church, Katigbak & Castaneda, 1985; Guthrie, 1970; Margold, 1995), logical thinking and objective competence, and intelligence (Bantug, 1996; Church, Katigbak & Castaneda, 1985; Gamboa, Luciano, Cruz & Laforteza, 1972; Guthrie, 1970). Related to strength, Filipino masculinity is translated to labels of being malakas (strong), matipuno (brawny), malaki ang katawan (big-bodied), maskulado (muscular), malusog (healthy), matatag ang loob (strong-willed), may determinasyon (determined), and agresibo (aggressive). Men are expected to be strong and to tolerate pain or at least suffer in silence (Sobritchea, 1990); to be aggressive and brave in guarding one’s or one’s family honor (Macalandong, Masangkay, Consolacion & Guthrie, 1970, 1978; Guthrie, 1970); to have an aggressive or challenging masculinity; and to be assertive through the use of persuasive words (Margold, 1995). In sum, Filipino men share the same features of traditional masculine roles and its multi- dimensionality, yet culture, history and social positions play an important role in recognizing and defining which roles are significant for them and the society.

Kapwa and Filipino cultural values.

Essential to making sense of Filipino behavior is to know and recognize its underlying cultural values. Table 1 illustrates this, and it is important to understand kapwa as the Filipino core value. A detailed and more substantive discussion on the modes of social interaction is discussed in Chapter 4. Kapwa, when simply translated to the English language, is “others,” yet its definition is more than what the English language conveys. It is the togetherness with others or the unity of self with another or others. It goes together with the other value constructs that make up the wholeness of the Filipino psyche. Kapwa is the heart of being a Filipino, as this is the unity or marriage of the “self” and “others”; hence becoming the shared identity value of being a Filipino. It is “humanness to its highest level” (Santiago & Enriquez, 1976). Kapwa starts with the self-awareness of the shared identity, and not as a status given by others. A deeper cognition of kapwa is possession of a mode of social interaction, pakikipagkapwa (being for

13 others), which is hierarchical in nature and defines the quality of one’s relationship with others. Figure 1 shows several modes of social interaction placed in a pyramid to show the ranking of the different domains of kapwa. The modes of interaction include: (1) Pakikitungo; (transaction/civility with); (2) Pakikisalamuha (interaction with; act of mixing); (3) Pakikilahok (joining/participating with; act of joining); (4) Pakikibagay (in-conformity with/in-accord with); (5) Pakikisama (being-along with; being united with the group); (6) Pakikipagpalagayan/pakikipagpalagayang-loob (being in-rapport/understanding/acceptance with; act of mutual trust); (7) Pakikisangkot (getting involved; act of joining others); and (8) Pakikiisa (being-one-with). Further, kapwa can be categorized as: ibang tao (outsider) and hindi ibang tao (not one-of-us). In order to build on the highest mode of social interaction, the ibang tao (outsider) must start with pakikitungo then move up the hierarchy to pakikisalamuha, pakikilahok, pakikibagay, and pakikisama; while pakikipagpalagayang-loob, pakikisangkot, and pakikiisa become hindi ibang tao (one-of-us), which is the highest mode of social interaction. It is expected in kapwa that the shared identity of self and others gives one the moral obligation to treat one another as equal fellow human beings.

Table 1. Filipino Behavior Patterns and Value Structure: Core, Surface and Societal (Adapted from de Guia, 2005, p. 27)

CORE VALUES

Core Value Kapwa Shared identity

Biro Joke Associated Behavioral Pattern Lambing Sweetness Tampo Affective disappointment SOCIETAL VALUES Karangalan Dignity Associated Societal Values Katarungan Justice Kalayaan Freedom

The Filipino value of togetherness (Medina, 2001) is strangely manifested with the salient and pervasive reality of transnational migration in Philippine society. Households are reconfigured to sustain everyday contingencies brought about by absent parents. Those left behind are mindful of the tasks necessary to complete in lieu of the absent family member; yet, they also realize that the absence fulfills an important function for the family to have a better life. The long-term effects are difficult to tell, as family structure, household resources, numbers of siblings competing for resources, parents’ own educational attainment (Lagrosa, 1986), and the life stage the transnational migrant parent and the children at the event of the return impact household relationships. Rebuilding relationships upon the return is the heart of most reconfigured relationships within the family. Finally, at the community level, the return demonstrates the desired improved living conditions which include drastic increase in incomes (e.g. investing in small businesses and variety stores) (Aban, 1985), social status (e.g. acquisition of land) (Griffiths, 1988), and standards of living. In sum, understanding the effects of the return is to know and understand the rationale and impacts of the whole migration process. The experience of return is a consequence and fulfillment of the desired good life for the family.

2.4 The Life Course Perspective

The life course perspective as a framework is appropriate and useful to explain the return experience of OMFW and family members. The rationale for using the life course perspective to understand return transnational migration in later life rests on its commonly used principles. First, I discuss the assumptions of the life course framework, and then incorporate its utility in the discourse of transnational migration as a whole. Finally, I break it down and apply this understanding to the return phase of migration as experienced by the overseas migrant worker in later life. It is necessary to have an initial understanding of the life course perspective, because it allows for the inclusion of migration in the life trajectory of overseas migrant workers.

Giele and Elder, Jr. (1998) identified four key elements that influence an individual’s life course: human agency, linked lives, historical and geographical context, and timing of life events. First, human agency allows the person to make conscious and voluntary decisions in order to create one’s life path. The life course perspective permits contingencies on trajectories and discontinuities on transitions. Second, the concept of linked lives highlights the individual’s embeddedness in social relationships and with other people, as well as one’s awareness of the saliency of other people in the formation of one’s transitions and trajectories. Third, the historical and geographical context refers to the “lives in time and space,” or the cohort effect, which affects the life paths of individuals. Fourth, the timing of lives includes occurrence, duration, and sequence of transitions (Elder, Jr., 1994). More so, the life course approach has two levels, which gives it a distinct edge in contrast with other analytic lenses, as it proposes two methodological features: methodological individualism and the dynamic approach to human life (Kulu, 2007). The former states that social phenomena arise from the interactions of individual agents as the individual persons initiate social change (Elster, 1989; Hollis, 1996), while the latter stresses the high role of human agency, social interactions, and the context of human action (Giddens, 1984). With the emphasis on the timing of events in context of the several life domains of a person embedded in social relations make the life course appropriate to see the intersection of life course, later life and transnational migration. Over the years, the life course framework had attracted scholars from across several fields of knowledge to extend its utility and aimed to forward our knowledge of the causes of a person’s actions and social processes. A recent understanding on the life course framework presents conceptual distinction between “life course as phenomenon” and “life course as theory” (Dannefer & Uhlenberg, 1999; Hagestad & Dannefer, 2001). First, “life course as phenomenon” pertains “to a construct, a phenomenon to be described and explained” (Dannefer, 2003, p. 647). This tells a picture of life course patterns at the structural level while navigating the cumulative changes and the balance of these patterns and related factors over time (Dannefer, 2003). Second, “life course as theory” pertains to an explanatory theory that assumes prior life course experiences that describe consequent life outcomes (Dannefer, 2003). This enables to track individual change over time while examining the degree that later life outcomes can be understood from events or conditions experienced by a person at a younger age (Dannefer, 2003).

However, the life course framework as a theoretical and conceptual tool needs to be mindful and responsive of today’s changes in the society. For the function that the life course framework serves, it should enable one to understand and make sense of the emerging social realities prevalent in society, linking the four premises of the earlier understandings on the life course elements of—human agency, linked lives, historical and geographical context, and timing of life events. Dannefer (2003) acknowledges the need for a life course framework responsive and sensitive to societal changes and emerging patterns of social life and presented a global understanding on the utility of the life course framework. This global understanding is applied to his discussion on the conceptual distinction between life course as a phenomenon and as an explanatory theory.

Life course as a construct.

The institutionalization of the life course framework (Kohli & Meyer, 1986) manifested by the familiar and standardized form of the “three boxes of life”—of family, work, and retirement (Riley & Riley, 1994), and the “personal life”—stable and prolonged family roles (e.g. Hagestad, 1988; Uhlenberg, 1978; Uhlenberg & Mueller, 2003) guided the life course construct over time. With the changes emerging and occurring in the society and family set-up, the institution of the life course is reworked—“the “typical” life course is not at all typical for much of the human population” (Dannefer, 2003, p. 649). Cross-societal variations are outcomes and responsive with the structural dynamics spurring changes on linked lives and interdependencies as espoused by the life course framework. This study proves useful in investigating the link of transnational migration as it impacts life chances, the structure of opportunity (Dannefer, 2003) and the meanings of the standardized “three boxes of life” and “personal life.”

Life course as an explanatory theory.

Early life events and experiences impact the direction of a person’s later life (Dannefer, 2003). This highlights the predictability of life routines and the capacity to map life in ways based on societal features and its general rules of conduct as well as maintaining societal balance (Dannefer, 2003). The study is a good opportunity to present the event of transnational migration and foremost return migration as a disruption of the general social orderliness among OMFW returnees’ life course and its eventual impacts in his family.

In all, the life course perspective invites several levels of analyses when looking at migration. These life course principles do not comprise a comprehensive life course explanation, yet are informative to describe the highly complex and dynamic interconnectedness of structures and personal accounts over time.

Life course and the return experience.

As discussed briefly in Chapter 1, I suggest that the relationship among the trajectories of family, education and employment is not unilinear; rather it is circular, representing the dynamic fluidity of its interconnectedness. The return is the seeming endpoint of the ‘journey,’ yet this is not the case. The return prompts and reconfigures the already-restructured family dynamics, skill acquisition, and prospective consideration for employment, e.g. self-employment as an outcome of the actual migration itself. Rather than using the temporal, normative and structural ordering of education, work, and retirement in the conceptual map, I refrain from the use of retirement as a construct, as there is a likelihood that OMFW would not see their return as retirement. In the final analysis, whether the migration endeavor was successful or not upon return, the OMFW, in his later life, needs to contend with the objective changes and realities he now faces. By incorporating the life course lens, we can see the interconnectedness among parallel trajectories of migration (return), family, education, and employment (and potential emerging life trajectories) as situated in the migration process.

2.5 Filipino Elders

Profile of the Filipino elders

The Philippines has a relatively young population, with 34 percent of its population less than 15 years old (Central Intelligence Agency, 2014). In 2010, there were 6.5 million older people, which is approximately 6.9% of the total population NSO, 2000). However, that number is growing at a quicker rate than in many other countries and is anticipated to increase to 18.1% of the total population, or exceed 11.1 million, by 2050. Examining Filipino elders is important to identify and formulate ways on how to deal with the concerns and challenges of aging. Since “retirement” is perceived, defined and experienced differently in different countries and cultures, the reality of going home after being away for a large portion of one’s life may be perceived as “retirement” by others, but may spur multiple perspectives from the aging OMFW.

The construct of retirement in the Philippines, especially in the context of return transnational migration, has not been extensively studied.

2.6 Conclusion

Overall, there are few studies that focus on the diverse social and cultural aspects of elder Filipinos. It is only in recent years that Filipino elders have been noticed and given attention by the Philippine government and its constituents. As such, this study offers an opportunity to address this gap.

Chapter 3: Filipino Indigenous Methodologies (FIM)

This chapter describes FIM in detail. First, a brief overview on Indigenous Methodologies (IM) is presented. Second, a discussion on the Filipino psyche (Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP)) in response to colonization is described. Third, a presentation of kapwa as a concrete expression of FIM is offered. Fourth, a justification for FIM is discussed. Finally, my personal observation and concluding thoughts are presented.

3.1 Understanding Indigenous Methodologies (IM)

A brief overview on IM as it relates to traditional qualitative research practice is imperative to situate FIM. First, as a whole, indigenous research (IR) refers to “any study on a unique local phenomenon or a unique element of any local phenomena from a local perspective to explore its local implications” (Li, 2011). IR illustrates the distinctness of its local characters, who bear the peculiarity of their local views when compared to standard and foreign features and perspectives (Li, 2011). In doing IR, ways of knowing are translated into IM. FIM then follow the tradition of several IMs to accommodate a better understanding of the Filipino way of thinking, behaving and feeling. Second, IM is a dynamic field of knowledge generation involving local characters, while using their own orientations, perspectives, and understandings, to do social research and use relevant methodologies (Moreton-Robinson & Walter 2009). The scope and breadth of IM are broad and divergent, as it penetrates disciplinal spaces and boundaries. As such, it informs the way scholarship is advanced (Moreton-Robinson & Walter 2009). Third, its aim is to highlight the culture specifics and divergent natures of a local phenomenon in contrast to the cultural universals and convergent natures (Li, 2011). IM illustrates our ways of knowing, ways of doing and ways of being (Moreton-Robinson & Walter 2009). It recognizes our understandings about ourselves and the world, e.g. on what is meaningful and reasonable, and extends its utility to the research process (Porsanger, 2004, as cited in Moreton-Robinson & Walter, 2009). Fourth, IM adopts a context-specific approach to discover existing indigenous knowledge that is embedded in the subjectivities and experiences of daily living (Moreton-Robinson, & Walter, 2009) as well as to develop locally relevant concepts, methods and theories (Li, 2011).

As a result, IM reconfigures traditional standards of conducting research, both at the theoretical and methodological levels. Fifth, IM is a research framework (Li, 2011) that is part of the scientific tradition (Kim, Yang & Hwang, 2006). It advocates several perspectives in pursuit of knowledge embedded in a cultural context. This knowledge is translated as a basis for universal understandings about constructs and concepts contributory to enhancing the field of knowledge (Kim, Yang & Hwang, 2006). In sum, FIM follow the tradition of doing IR, yet showcase distinct contributions when doing IM. In the following discussion, the significance and relevance of FIM is offered to claim its legitimacy in doing scholarly research along with the traditional Western qualitative research. To do this is to first situate FIM in its beginnings, coming from Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP). The following section leads us to this understanding.

3.2 Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP): Filipino Psyche

Beginnings, development and impetus of SP.

Important in understanding the origin and scope of SP is its socio-historical and cultural context. Philippine society is a product of its indigenous roots as well as its past colonizers such as the Spanish for more than three hundred years, Japanese occupation for three years, and American control for more than 30 years. However, among its colonizers, the U.S. still significantly affects modern Philippine society. The majority of Filipino-established and long- held traditions are rooted in Spanish influences, but contemporary modes of thinking and being are highly evident of Western and American thought. Much of the success of the U.S. in colonizing the Filipinos is attributed to their educational platforms and programs, such as its claim of a “benevolent assimilation” campaign. The Filipinos, after having been liberated from the explicit exploitation and oppression by the Spaniards and Japanese, perceived the Americans as a much better colonizer when contrasted to its foreign predecessors. Unaware of the “civilizing” mission the Americans proclaimed, Filipinos were placed in a subtle reign of foreign enculturation and assimilation. With long years under foreign powers, Filipinos have developed ways to safeguard themselves from exploitation. Filipinos use the resources they have to engage in self- preservation. The knowledge acquired accordingly allowed them to rethink and question

Western-imposed knowledge and constructs to free them from such influences and restricted lenses fit to make sense of Filipino experience. The beginnings of SP came as a response to disparaging interpretations of Filipino behavior among Western thinkers. This led to the unrest among Filipino scholars, who reasoned that Filipinos are misunderstood and at times characterized as behaving inappropriately, and as such are judged negatively. For example, Filipino farmers are portrayed as lazy people by foreigners because they take a midday nap. The rationale behind the midday nap is a break from a very early agricultural work that starts at dawn. At about midday, the sun is too hot to work, and it is illogical to work unproductively under the heat of the scorching sun. As foreigners begin their day at midday, the Filipino farmer is almost done for the day. Due to an incomplete picture of rural and agricultural living by foreigners, negative valuations of Filipino behavior arose. As a response, Filipino scholars, under the leadership of Virgilio Enriquez, initiated and developed SP as a tool to correct this misunderstanding of Filipino culture and behavior. In Enriquez’s words, Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP) is “the study of diwa (‘psyche’), which in Filipino directly refers to the wealth of ideas that comprise the philosophical concept of ‘essence’ and an entire range of psychological concepts from awareness to motives to behavior” (Enriquez, 1985, p. 160). Important in his definition is the centrality of the Filipino perspective. Bearing an understanding of the Filipino orientation paints a more accurate interpretation of social experiences (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000) and allows better explanation and understanding of Filipinos’ thoughts and realities. It is a psychology arising “from the experience, thought and orientation of the Filipinos, based on the full use of Filipino culture and language” (Pe-Pua & Protacio- Marcelino, 2000, p.49). Significant in SP’s definition is an understanding of its origin and the impetus of its inception. SP goes deep into the native history, language, arts, values and characteristics of a region, resulting in the development of theories, concepts and methods with the Filipino culture (de Guia, 2005). The emerging models and constructs are further tested, compared, and modified abreast prevailing standard theories, methods, and techniques in psychology (de Guia, 2005), substantiating each another to better explain Filipino realities and experiences. Much of the Filipino methods are likened to field methods, i.e. participant observation (Pe-Pua in Kim, Yang & Hwang, 2006). This succeeding section demonstrates this through a discussion of the indigenous knowledge, evidenced by the Filipino value system.

SP’s core feature as an indigenous endeavor rests on several branches of knowledge, which include psychology, sociology, philosophy, history, and linguistics (de Guia, 2005). It encourages dialogue among several fields of knowledge. It does not ignore and discount Western theory and method, but contradicts uncritical and thoughtless impositions of Western thinking (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). SP seeks to “liberate” understanding of human behavior and experiences from the limiting Western perspective by being responsive and relevant to and for the Filipinos. In sum, SP includes the use of historical and socio-cultural realities, comprehension of local language, and the unraveling of Filipino characteristics and their explanation through the eyes of the native Filipino (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000).

Development of indigenous concepts and theories: Pagkataong Filipino (Filipino personhood).

Enriquez (1989) proposed a framework for studying the ways of the Filipinos that advocates for understanding the Filipino’s mind, personalities, and behaviors. He also identified existing, significant and lexicalized concepts in Filipino language helpful to further explain the Filipino’s personhood. He encouraged a rethinking of Filipino values using a Filipino orientation. Together with fellow scholars, e.g. Lagmay, Salazar, and Bonifacio, they offered evidence and support for Filipino psychological studies in in their respective studies on the exploration of indigenous Filipino concepts and mind frame. Enriquez expressed this in his theory of Pagkataong Filipino (Filipino personhood) and offered a context for understanding the value system of Asian personality. His framework follows Western personality theory, yet advocates concepts and value structures that are distinct among the Filipinos (de Guia, 2005). According to Enriquez, the Filipino as an individual is distinct and rests on the core value kapwa (or “others”), together with pakiramdam (or “shared inner perception”) and kagandang- loob (or “shared nobility”), which eventually emanates from kapwa. The Pagkataong Filipino, as an area of study, is an entire system that aims to communicate the Filipino’s understanding of being an individual, which is different from those of other cultures and other people groups. The Filipino way of looking at oneself is viewed differently from Western constructs. Enriquez highlights the shared humanness of an individual as it shares the otherness of another person. It has a strong emphasis on the collective nature of an individual. It is nothing inclusive, but is shared and extended toward others. Pagkataong Filipino then rests on a collective sense of an

23 individual rather than on the characteristics that differentiate one individual from the other (de Guia, 2005). In essence, Filipinos are relational individuals and operate on collective modes of interaction. Enriquez’s typology on the Filipino value system summarizes the composition of Pagkataong Filipino (see Table 1 in Chapter 2). For the purpose of this section, only those selected value structures deemed necessary to describe Pagkataong Filipino are described. Pagkataong Filipino includes features that bear core values, surface values and indirect communication modes. Core Values. The Filipino core values comprise kapwa, pakiramdam, and kagandang-loob. The following presentation reflects the challenge of translating each to its closest English word; this section offers an explanation of how each value is conceived and comprehended through the Filipino indigenous perspective. Kapwa. The word kapwa, when simply translated to Tagalog, means “others.” The closest interpretation is “the self in the other.” But this is not how Enriquez envisioned kapwa to be. He provided a profound version that possesses a deep, reflective and powerful meaning: the “shared inner self” or the “self in the other.” It extends itself to an ethos of sharing, caring and looking after the other person as oneself. It emanates a consciousness and conviction of being human and of being one with the other. It does not simply translate to the “others” as defined and understood in the English word. The extension of self to others is what makes kapwa the heart of humanness in being a Filipino. This is then manifested to other value structures comprising the whole of pagkataong Filipino. Kapwa, as a core value, cannot be easily summed up from the preceding discussion. It is important to remember that this is the heart of pagkataong Filipino and serves as the basis for Filipinos’ social interaction with others. The identification and realization of kapwa as an indigenous concept makes it a distinct, non-Western construct. Oftentimes, it is challenging for non-Filipinos to fully grasp its truest essence. Pakiramdam. Another core value is pakiramdam or “shared inner perception.” The closest way to describe this core value is the possession of a “shared inner perception,” which supplements the shared identity construct of kapwa. Pakiramdam is stated in several ways: a heightened emotional prerequisite (de Guia, 2005) that is a trigger for things to occur;

“heightened awareness and sensitivity’ (Enriquez, 1992); and “feeling for another,” and “sizing up each other” (Mataragnon, 1987). This prompts the notion of empathy and causes Filipinos to give meticulous care to subtle hints and other nonverbal behaviors (de Guia, 2005). At the same time, pakiramdam is a feeling characterized as having an increased sensitivity, intuition, emotion, ability to situate one’s heart into something, a sentiment, and sensual interpretation (de Guia, 2005). This is especially crucial to a culture that operates on considerable nonverbal human interaction (de Guia, 2005). Pakiramdam enables a person to fit in, have the ability to sense a good time to seek favors, how to do this, and how to aptly direct ambiguous situations. Aside from being an emotional prompt to do things, it may very well be a cognitive approach to addressing a situation. Filipinos operate on pakiramdam as a key social skill to relate to unknown, unclear, and undeclared social situations (de Guia, 2005). Kagandahang-loob. Kagandahang-loob when translated to English terms, is “shared nobility” and links the personal and the social value. It further prompts an individual to act sincerely toward the other (de Guia, 2005). Kagandahang loob enables the person to give more of oneself and thus translates to an expression of generosity. The above discussion on Filipino core values allows us to have an understanding of how Filipinos behave, think and relate to one another. This is not a comprehensive account, but it is adequate to have insight on how Filipinos interact toward each other. These core values are the basis of other Filipino values which are relevant to achieving a certain degree of social relation. It is important to recognize the depth of the core values per individual. It is not always the same for each person. Thus, the degree of the other values are dependent on the degree of internalization of one’s core values: a deeper sense of the core values would also mean a deeper understanding of the other Filipino values. The core values define and shape the individual or that of pagkatao, as espoused by Enriquez.

Surface values.

In addition to the Filipino understanding of being an individual, it is important to also be aware of the surface values that are part of Filipino culture. As the name implies, these are values that may be easily noticed by Westerners but are often misunderstood (de Guia, 2005). There are two types of surface values: accommodative and confrontative. Both are described in the following sections.

Accommodative surface values.

The predominance of research about Filipinos by non-Filipino scholars point us to the celebrated values among Filipinos (Lawless, 1969, as cited in Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). These accommodative values promote hospitality and warm accommodation by the Filipinos to other cultures and people. The focus on surface/colonial accommodative surface values by non-Filipino scholars is self-serving and largely evidences a post-colonial domination. Among the accommodative values worth mentioning are hiya, utang na loob and pakikisama. These three concepts of hiya, pakikisama, and utang na loob form a triad, which arises from kapwa, as the most essential core value (Enriquez, 1993). These are not free-standing values and cannot operate as one wills them to. This triad comes into being if and only when the core values are nurtured and understood by the individual, such that these concepts promote a deep sense of human interrelatedness (Enriquez, 1993).

Confrontative surface values.

In response to colonizization, Filipinos have resistance, an idea which is given less attention by Anglo-centric research. Confrontative surface values reinforce SP’s advocacy in correcting the long-standing miseducation of Filipinos by promoting culturally sensitive methodologies and concepts. The following discussion identifies bahala na, lakas ng loob and pakikibaka as manifestations of the Filipinos’ confrontative surface values. Bahala na. Bahala na, or determination, can be looked at both as a positive and a negative value. Filipino scholars stress its positive interpretation as promoting “determination in the face of uncertainty (Lagmay, 1976). It prompts the individual to respond in their best capability in dealing with difficult times (de Guia, 2005) and knowing and developing one’s strengths, weaknesses and competencies to face uncertainties in life which results in creativity, resourcefulness, and ingenuity (de Guia, 2005). However, bahala na can be seen as passivity and fatalism. Resigning and surrendering to unanticipated events and plain acceptance paints a pessimist account of bahala na. With the realization that things are out control and are inevitable, Filipinos resort to an improvisatory behavior (Lagmay, 1976). Lakas ng loob. When translated to the English word, lakas ng loob means guts, which encourages courage, audacity and boldness. Regardless of the circumstances, the individual is

26 able to rise above one’s limitations. This is the inner strength and feel, which manifest the good in one’s inner essence and extends itself toward the goodness of others as well (de Guia, 2005). Pakikibaka. Pakikibaka or resistance is viewed in several ways: “a campaign against evil,” “participation in a battle or war,” and “cooperative resistance” (de Guia, 2005). It showcases “strength of will and determination” (de Guia, 2005). The two surface values, accommodative and confrontative, demonstrate the Filipinos’ ways of relating and the manner it is understood by others. Accommodative values celebrate values perceived to be good, while confrontative values demonstrate the Filipinos’ show of strength when called for. Each serves its respective functions, as explained earlier. However, it is important to bear an accurate picture and understanding of who and what a Filipinos is, as the accommodative value is often noticed and observed first by Filipinos and non-Filipinos alike.

Indirect communication.

Although not articulated as a value, indirect communication is a prominent feature among Filipinos that is important to mention since it plays a key role in FIM. Heightened sensitivity to non-verbal cues and unspoken actions characterizes Filipino interaction and is essential to understand the Filipino way of conveying and relating one’s behavior, thoughts and feelings. Often, indirect communication is required to avoid slighting or offending others while conveying what is perceived to be truthful and necessary at any given time. This mode of communication supports pakikiramdam (shared inner perception/feeling) and a shared “feeling for another” (Pe- Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). Filipinos often tap this skill to gauge and elicit a desired response by placing and pacing oneself in relating with one another. Pakikiramdam allows the researcher to gauge unspoken words and a set of body language, including voice intonations of the participant (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). An established rapport and trust is necessary to allow the participants to comfortably share information and stories about themselves and the things of interest to the researcher. In most cases, the researcher is interviewed and asked first before the researcher can go through the actual process of the interview (Pe-Pua & Protacio- Marcelino, 2000). In this way, the researcher is a part of the community of study rather than positioned as an outside observer. The act the participant “interviewing” the researcher is a subtle way to establish rapport at the same time

The strength and direction of each value presented are interrelated and both define and guide the thoughts, feelings and relations of Filipinos. To tread into kapwa is not an easy task. It is a challenging undertaking to fully realize its meaning without gaining entry and experiencing its very essence. Filipinos, by nature, are relational beings and define themselves juxtaposed with others. They see others as fellow beings, co-existing and relating with them. This is not merely the pure act of relating, but a deeper sense of connection that is necessary to achieve a meaningful interaction for each.

Development of indigenous research methods.

SP extends its scope to developing and enriching indigenous ways to gather and interpret data. One of its techniques, as developed by Filipino scholars, is pakapa-kapa. When translated to English, it refers to “groping, searching, and probing into an unsystematized mass of social and cultural data to obtain order, meaning and directions for research” (Torres, 1982, p. 171 as cited in Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). This is an unassuming way to do social research by using Filipino indigenous methodologies (FIM). Initial application of this technique enhanced the Filipino indigenous framework. Pe-Pua and Protacio-Marcelino (2000) identified five basic principles relevant to using indigenous concepts and research that help to situate the practice of SP in the field of traditional research practices. The following discussion presents these basic principles. First, knowledge and understanding of the different modes of social interaction among Filipinos is key and necessary. Only when a relationship is achieved can the desired information and/or behavior be elicited. As initially discussed in Chapter 2, the modes of social interaction include: (1) pakikitungo (transaction/civility with others); (2) pakikisalamuha (interaction with; act of mixing); (3) pakikilahok (joining/participating with; act of joining); (4) pakikibagay (in- conformity with/in-accord with); (5) pakikisama (being-along with; being united with the group); (6) pakikipagpalagayan/pakikipagpalagayang-loob (being in-rapport/understanding/acceptance with; act of mutual trust); (7) pakikisangkot (getting involved; act of joining others); and (8) pakikiisa (being-one-with). The quality of information is associated with the quality of relationship one has with the participant. It is here where kapwa, the core Filipino value, is manifested and must be understood well. This is further discussed in the succeeding section.

Second, the researcher should see the participants as equals and invaluable contributors to the pursuit of generating knowledge. Participants must be treated as fellows, as the information source rather than an information target. Unknowingly, the participants have a hand in time management, how questions are asked, and in offering interpretations. It is common that participants interview and ask the researcher questions before the actual interview begins to assess the researcher’s sincerity (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). For example, participants ask the same question that the researcher asked her/him, or at times personal questions about the researcher are asked. The researcher should know how to address these when they happen, as the researcher’s response will heavily influence the flow and nature of the interview. In most cases, questions are asked by the participants to gauge the sincerity of the researcher in the act of knowing and understanding them. The participant appraises her/his level of comfort with how the researcher responds whenever he or she gets the chance to ask any question from the researcher. This determines the participant’s willingness to proceed with the interview and the level of personal details that is disclosed. Third, since a certain level of relationship is reached through data collection, the relation between the researcher and the participant transitions and extends to that of a close family friend. This is in contrast to Western protocols of research, since the relation between researcher and participant mostly ends when the research is over. Welfare, as defined and understood in doing FIM, is going beyond the research call in answering research problems, but extends to assisting, helping and improving the life of the participants in any way one can possibly imagine. FIM result in a bond that endures over time and is embedded in the Filipino value of utang na loob. Fourth, the means to collect and gather data must be appropriate to the participants. For example, the Western approach of being mindful about time is often not recommended, as time is seen and lived differently by a person living in a rural community. The practice of “chatting” and “hanging-out” together is the preferred way to collect data. For people to open up, an informal and laid-back mode should be in place. Mostly, people living in rural communities are farmers, and as such, the researcher must be knowledgeable about the daily routine and farm- work related activities of the community, e.g. the proper time to do the interview and the norm of doing things. Also, in most cases, people will not share information without the provision of food. The presence of food opens up and speaks to many things in data collection among rural communities and in Filipino society. Knowledge about these cultural nuances is possible upon

29 possessing pakikiramdam (increased sensitivity) and is an invaluable asset in ascertaining how to go about the interview process (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). Possessing pakikiramdam places the researcher in a good position to gauge when and where not to ask personal or sensitive questions, when to end the interview, and even in interpreting a “yes” or “no” question. Fifth, language plays a key role in the research process. It is best that the researcher is knowledgeable and understands the local language. If this is not possible, local researchers can be used. Moreover, communicating through the use of a “shared” and “comfortable/relaxed” language better elicits information and stories from the participants (Pe-Pua & Protacio- Marcelino, 2000). Speaking and understanding the “shared” and “comfortable/relaxed” language, together with heightened sensitivity, pakiramdam, and possession of kapwa, make FIM distinct. FIM represents culturally sensitive research and uses a language that is indigenous and better speaks of the humanness of Filipinos. To illustrate this point, one must bear in mind that Filipinos operate on their Filipino value system. Filipinos are relational and place a high regard in the possession of kapwa. Participants are sensitive to the researcher’s intent as they have already achieved a certain level of social relationship. The participant now positions himself in deciding which language to use to cater to the researcher’s goal for her/his study. A careful consideration, though, is crucial on the Filipinos’ fluency in speaking and understanding the English language. Filipinos can speak and converse in English if necessary. The participant can answer in the English language to perform the act of a formal and “scholarly” approach in the interview proper. In so doing, the “performance” the participant has done what is expected from him by the researcher. However, Filipinos would rather use Tagalog (the local language of Filipinos) to express their thoughts and feelings. The role of the gatekeeper is important as it identifies potential participants for the study.

3.3 Kapwa as a Cultural Script

It is important to include the concept of cultural scripts as it relates to kapwa. A cultural script is a pattern of social interaction that is a feature of a particular cultural group (Triandis, Marin, Lisansky, & Beyancourt, 1984) and serves as an organizing principle to explain culture- specific behavior. Often, Filipino cultural scripts have no exact equivalents or translations in English words. To this end, it is important to highlight the importance of understanding cultural scripts in their closest meanings and definitions. These cultural scripts allow people to make meaningful interactions with one another, and without an accurate understanding of it, significant 30 interaction will be challenging. In this regard, kapwa among Filipinos maybe likened to a cultural script that allows individuals to position and pace themselves while interacting with one another. Kapwa acts as a cultural script that allows them to predict, control, and maintain behavior accordingly. It promotes order and regulates permissible behavior. The utility of kapwa in understanding human behavior is informative and can be extended when studying other ethnolinguistic groups.

3.4 Relevance and Urgency of FIM

The fields of cross-cultural psychology and indigenous studies show evidence that other ethnolinguistic groups have their own ways of doing research (Kim, Yang & Hwang, 2006). IM and FIM share the premise that each culture is distinct. What makes one IM different from another is its responsiveness and relevancy for each. Each IM utilizes its own resources and what is indigenous in their respective cultures. It is the task of each IM to discover, know, create, or develop indigenous ways of making it relevant to and for them (Kim, Yang & Hwang, 2006). Hence, with the knowledge about their indigenous ways, an IM can then inform other IMs accordingly. IMs are culture-specific and contextualized to better capture ethno-culturalities within their respective orientations. Often the danger lies in ethnocentric claims of exclusivity, insularity (Church & Katigbak, 2002) and superiority. IM and FIM share these features, and both remind scholars and researchers to be cognizant of and honest about their traditions. FIM’ “insider” feature is different from the emic perspective, yet it is similar in several accounts. Emic perspective, as used in anthropology, necessitates an outsider’s entry into the culture, story or life of the participants, thus affording one to be an “insider.” The researcher accordingly earns this as one informs, educates and equips himself on becoming an “insider.” This is done by practicing ethnographic means on becoming an “insider.” FIM go more than the emic’s “insider’s” approach, as the emic researcher does not share the social proximity that the FIM researcher has. In light of FIM, the emic’s “insider” remains an outsider, as the “imagined community” between the researcher and the participant is not materialized. The nature of being immersed into the culture of the population under study by the emic researcher equipped with local language competencies and developing rapport lacks the prerequisite of FIM’s feature on social proximity or that of being an “insider” and a culture-bearer. More importantly, with FIM’s feature of the researcher as an “insider” and a culture-bearer, the kind of knowledge and the 31 perspective the researcher brings in gives an added insight and another layer of meaning to the topic under study. FIM are ideally best realized when the minority or the indigenous population is made aware of one’s silenced voice (Enriquez, 1994). FIM make it possible for participants to have a way to identify and express their concerns and be heard. The participants, rather than being the culture-targets, become the culture-source of the study and have the position to articulate what is foremost for, and relevant to, them. Academics question FIM’s cultural validity and distinctiveness from standard ethnographic method (Church, 1986; Sevilla, 1982b). Enriquez (1994b), cognizant of this, argues that FIM might be similar to ethnography, but it significantly bear a heightened cultural sensitivity and an extended application of participant observation that are not present in traditional ethnographic approaches. FIM celebrate diversity and equality, (i.e. offering opportunities to consider experiences and particularities contextualized in different cultures), and respecting these different culture specifics as equally important, relevant and does not impose its ways (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). The culture-specificity of kapwa evidences that FIM are a distinct approach to conducting research. Further, Sta. Maria (1996) adds that FIM are better fitted and suited to understanding the cultural nuances of Filipino interaction and behavior. FIM call for an extended practice of research that does not start and end upon the beginning of the interview and the termination of the study. Rather, research creates a relationship between the researcher and the participant that can last a lifetime if proper indigenous research protocols are ideally followed. More so, reiterating the principles outlined by Pe-Pua and Protacio-Marcelino (2000), much of the emphasis placed by FIM are on the welfare of the participants and relationship-building, i.e. pakikipag-kapwa, which are essential to do research. Both Enriquez’s (1994b) and Sta. Maria’s (1996) explanations resonate kapwa when doing research. The saliency of cultural specifics with indigenous knowledge and practice delineate FIM from traditional qualitative research. Kapwa evidences the relational perspective that FIM hold. It is through sharing of oneself or the shared humanness extended to others that enhances its credibility as a forceful and informative scholarly undertaking in doing qualitative research.

3.5 Reflecting on FIM

In the study, my unique position as both a Filipino and a product of a transnational migration household situates me to have a greater understanding of the return encounter among OMFW. As 32 a researcher, I bring in several perspectives: being an outsider, insider, culture-bearer, and my unique position as sharing similar lived experiences as I join my fellow participants’ feature of being a part of a migration household. I am at a privileged position as I share roles with my participants: (1) migrant self (e.g., international graduate student), and (2) belonging to a migration household. The role of the gatekeeper is important too. He served as the link between me and participants. The shared similar feature of my gatekeeper on being a returnee himself enabled his credibility among the participants. This familiarity and integrity of the gatekeeper in the community are important features that facilitated in developing and establishing pakikipagkapwa among the participants. The presence of gatekeeper enabled me to gain entry to my participants’ stories in an unobtrusive way. A more detailed discussion on the role of the gatekeeper in the study is presented in the methods section.

3.6 Conclusion

The Philippine case paved the way for other IM to develop their respective ways of doing research and at the same time know and understand themselves better in a contextualized and culturally manner. The rally for a culturally relevant and responsive science has been the driving motivation of FIM. FIM initiated the rethinking of doing traditional social research protocols through IM and cross-cultural studies. As scholars are becoming aware of FIM’s soundness, there is greater room for dialogues that encourage this on-going undertaking. In the next chapter, I describe several qualitative modes of doing research, paying a closer look on FIM as culturally appropriate to understand the return migration experience as refracted by age among OMFW returnees. It is suggested that a cross of qualitative approaches with FIM is best to answer the research aims.

Chapter 4: Research Methodology

This chapter describes the combined features of Western research traditions and FIM. This research uses qualitative methods to explore how participants attach meanings of their own experiences (Benmayor & Skotnes, 1994; and Denzin, 1997). As contrasted with quantitative studies on migration, which highlight the structural and macro-level explanations of migration, qualitative techniques allow for a deeper and robust understanding of a given social reality and phenomenon. The unit of analysis is at the individual level, as this describes and understands the returnees’ encounters with return migration in later life. However, it is also important to include the family members’ responses at the event of return, as this substantiates the OMFW return. Inclusion of male non-migrant workers in the study serves as a point of reference on the construct of a Filipino male in later life and further enhances the return experiences of OMFW.

4.1 Ethnographic Interviewing as a Method

This study is informed by ethnographic interviewing, making memos, and taking field notes, three well-founded techniques in qualitative research. Ethnographic interviewing is a good fit to elicit information for the study, as it complements FIM. Ethnographic interviewing is a form of interview conducted in the context of a relationship with the participants while having an established relations of rapport and respect sufficient for a genuine ‘meeting of minds’ and that allows for a collective exploration of the meanings the researcher applies to their social world (Heyl, 2001). These are the features from which FIM’s inspiration is drawn. In Chapter 3, the discussion of FIM highlighted the extended engagement and commitment of the developed relationship between the researcher and participant through data collection over time. Three types of interviewing were used to demonstrate and describe the return experience among OMFW: informal conversation interview, interview guide approach interview, and standardized open-ended interview (Patton, 1987, p. 113). These techniques required the researcher to identify the locale of the study; know the language and culture of the participants; approximate how to present oneself; identify an informant; create and refining questions, probes, and meanings of pause; convey the study’s aims; create rapport and acquire trust; organize questions fittingly; record and document interviews; and gather pertinent materials (Reed & 34

Joseph, 2008). Memo-making and field note-taking are flexible techniques that utilize the reflective impressions, observations, and thoughts to substantiate the study. Further, reflective notes were helpful in making sense of the information gathered. Through the complementary use of ethnographic interviewing and FIM, a better understanding of the phenomenon of return among returnees in their later life is articulated. The very nature of FIM (see Sections 4.3 and 4.4) —eliciting information in a natural setting through an almost conversation-like and spontaneous questioning and probing—make the construction of knowledge interactive and most meaningful.

4.2 Life Story and Narratives

Life stories describe stories people tell about themselves and their lives (Linde, 1993). Many argue that it is through the telling of life stories that people make sense of their experiences. More so, life stories are central to identity formation and self-concept, and they represent processes of change over a person’s life (Gardner, 2002). A life story approach brings to light the processes and experiences of return transnational migration from the perspectives of the returnees and the family members themselves (Benmayor & Skotnes, 1994). As the aim of the study centers on the unique experiences, perspectives and relationships of OMFW, the individuals’ life stories are an appropriate approach to use to enhance FIM. Similarly, the use of a narrative method is informed by a social constructivist perspective (de Medeiros, 2014). Narrative construction is central to a human way of making sense of and offering meaningful interpretations to the world through temporality (Polkinghorne, 1988; Smythe & Murray, 2000). It is through the narrative meaning-making process that life experiences and events are organized into temporally meaningful episodes (Li, 2010; Flick, 2006). In this study, narratives of OMFW and family members were used to know and describe the return experience of OMFW returnees while emphasizing the saliency of cultural specifics and the development of kapwa.

4.3 FIM: Pagtanong-tanong and Pakikipagkwentuhan

FIM are used as the main mode of data collection in the study. (See Chapter 3 for a complete discussion on FIM). FIM are manifested in the data collection methods of pagtanong-tanong and pakikipagkwentuhan.

Pagtanong-tanong.

Pagtanong-tanong is one of the FIM and is a Filipino term meaning “asking questions.” The repetition of the term tanong reflects the informality of the interview process. The casualness of asking questions makes it more comfortable for the participant to tell his answers. Pagtanong- tanong is likened to chatting, having friendly conversations, and exchanging ideas and questions. Ordinarily, Filipinos are not used to interviews, but Filipinos engage in several hours of doing pagtanong-tanong (Pe-Pua, 1999). Although it has some similarities with conducting ethnographic interviews, it should not be construed as a plain improvisation of interviews; rather, it is a culturally appropriate method of asking questions that take into account Filipinos’ set ways of doing things.

Pakikipagkwentuhan.

Pakikipagkwentuhan is a cross between interview and a focus group discussion. In English, it means to converse, chat and share stories. If the participants wish to be interviewed with another person, then the request is granted. This is a valid research technique because it aligns with the Filipino culture of being at ease when a friend is brought along in an unfamiliar situation. This interview mode stresses the relational nature of Filipinos. The informal and friendly environment it exudes encourages a trusted, unobtrusive, and safe venue in which to elicit information from the participants.

It is possible that a combined use of pagtanong-tanong and pakikipagkwentuhan may gradually occur when people come in and out during the interview (e.g. pagtanong-tanong). Natural clusters, or umpukan, are unintentional gathering or huddling of people that often results in unsolicited conversations and story-sharing sessions. This is not seen as something rude and inappropriate; rather, it is a Filipino trait exemplifying the collectivistic and relational value on shared identity, or that of kapwa. It is simplistic to imply that life story interviews, pagtanong-tanong, and pakikipagkwentuhan are all the same. What justifies the use of FIM in this particular study is its uniqueness, and more compelling is the social utility of the investigation for the participants. In this study, pagtanong-tanong and pakikipagkwentuhan addressed the indigenous features aligned with the culture specifics of my participants—the relational cultural trait of researcher- participant. 36

4.4 The Research Design

The study was conducted for 12 months and consisted of three phases: (1) setting the scene, (2) data collection (e.g. the interviews), and (3) data analysis. It was approved by Miami University’s Institutional Review Board.

Phase 1: Setting the scene.

In phase 1, prior to being in the field, I identified a gatekeeper, my father, who would act as an intermediary between me and potential research participants. My father who shares the same features of being a returnee himself and is from the small community make him suitable to serve as my link and as a key informant to gain entry into my participants’ stories. The use of my father as the gatekeeper is fit as it calls for a culturally appropriate approach to earn trust among the participants. The function my father served as a gatekeeper allowed the participants to see the sincerity and honesty of the study it intends to convey. I communicated with the gatekeeper often. He identified potential participants and did research on where they were residing. He was in a good position to do so because of his own prior overseas experience and his membership in the community. From the list provided by the gatekeeper, I was able to have an initial list of the potential participants. After setting the scene, which took seven months, data were gathered in a small town in the Philippines from June 2013 to January 2014. Conducting a study in a small, familiar environment had its advantages. Being familiar with the local culture and customs and having already established a relationship provided the opportunity for me to easily gain entry to participants. As a Filipina researcher, I was privileged with ‘insider’ information that would not be easily offered to a stranger. Yet I was also cognizant that prior knowledge could lead to underlying personal bias and preconceived ideas. Moreover, I occasionally met with Filipino scholars at a local university to seek their thoughts and insights on the status of FIM.

The gatekeeper (insider knowledge) and FIM.

The gatekeeper acted as the link between the researcher and participants and was important in establishing palagay na loob (trust and inner ease) among the participants. He shared characteristics with the OMFW participants, as he himself was an OMFW returnee. The gatekeeper introduced me as the researcher, and helped with palagay na loob and development

37 of kapwa, which in turn helped me to gain entry into the participants’ world. The gatekeeper suggested potential questions and issues that may emerge in the interviews. Through a mock interview with the gatekeeper, the researcher was able to approximate the actual interview process with the participants. The initial meeting of the researcher and the participant was facilitated by the gatekeeper through personal introduction and a formal letter (see Appendix A) introducing the study. Interview sessions were then scheduled. This initial meeting signaled my entry into the community of the participant, hence becoming an “insider” and hindi ibang-tao. Through this, I earned a hindi ibang-tao status and was assured an access to the world of the participants. The introduction and the initial meeting with the participants set the tone and direction of the entire data collection process. The manner by which I presented myself and the language I used were critical as the participants assessed my agenda in seeking them. I accordingly addressed them as Tito (Tagalog word meaning uncle) and Tita (Tagalog word meaning Aunt) as a show of respect. Filipino culture highly recognizes relations, and these titles indicated that despite not being blood-related, I acknowledged their being older than me. This was also a demonstration of the relational character among Filipinos of wanting to be related regardless of blood. It is common for Filipinos to call each other family once the minimum palagay na loob (a feeling of ease; trust; honest sincerity) is achieved. The impression I aimed for was to generate a palagay na loob with me asking about their return experience. The presence of the gatekeeper acting as my ambassador all the more strengthened the claim on palagay na loob, thus leading to the development of kapwa. Having palagay na loob and the eventual edification of kapwa, the researcher is assured an entry into the participants’ world and stories.

Developing the guide questions.

The initial interview guide was informed by a mock interview with the gatekeeper. The refined interview guide (see Appendices I-S) served as a basis to elicit narratives from the participants. However, these questions were left open to accommodate emerging concerns or themes about the participants’ world. The direction and flow of the questions asked were dependent on how the participants responded. The questions were developed served solely as a guide, and were flexible and reflective in nature to encourage any emerging themes that arose.

Phase 2: Interview.

Phase two involved the actual interviews with participants and their families. Following is a description of the sample selection and rationale, and the interview strategy used in the study.

Sample selection and rationale.

Two samples were interviewed: the OMFW returnees and their families. First, the returnee sample comprised participants with the following criteria: (1) male; (2) aged 55–60 years old; (2) had worked overseas at least 12 years; (3) had stayed in the Philippines for at least 3 years after doing overseas work; and (4) a Filipino citizen. Second, the returnees’ families included the wives and children who currently or previously lived with the returnee and were willing to be interviewed. A total of 6 OMFW, 4 OMFW wives, and 5 OMFW children were interviewed. For comparative purposes, I also interviewed non-OMFW 64 years old or older who stayed in the Philippines and worked and lived for a significant amount of time in the small community. The comparison group was included to as a contrast to the returnees’ experience. The gatekeeper also helped in identifying the comparison sample participants. The non-OMFW wives and children were also interviewed, if applicable. A total of 4 non-OMFW, 3 non-OMFW wives, and 4 non-OMFW children were interviewed.

Interview strategy.

Two separate interviews were conducted with the OMFW returnees, while single interviews were conducted among their family members, the non-OMFW and their family members. I conducted the interviews for all sets of participants. Most of the interviews lasted from 90 to 120 minutes, except for interviews with children. The interviews for children were much shorter, lasting from 30–45 minutes. The interviews were conducted at the homes of the OMFW and their wives. However, for the children of OMFW and non-OMFW, the interviews were at a place of their choosing (e.g. coffee shops or their offices). Memos were written throughout the interviews on the body language, gestures, and emotional expressions of the participants. The interviews were audio-recorded with permission and were done in Tagalog. However, there were occasions when the participants answered in English. Interviews were transcribed, and transcripts were re-read several times to identify and categorize emerging themes.

Interview questions for both interviews are included in Appendix I & P. Before the second interview, I summarized the first interview to recall what transpired last time. In the interview, I began with a general question: “Can you tell me your return experience after being away from your family?” The interview’s pace and content were dictated and defined by the participants. I practiced active listening (e.g., reaffirming comments) and probing (e.g., asking for additional information) during the interviews. Interviews with OMFWs family members: The wife/child. Separate and individual interviews with participants’ wife and child were conducted. I elicited information from the family members using pagtanong-tanong and pakikipagkwentuhan. Through pagtanong-tanong, I used my unstructured interview guide and allowed them to answer the questions; while through pakikipagkwentuhan, the participants substantiated their answers and stories without probes and prompts. I drew from an outline of topics that included background information to situate the direction of the interview (Appendices M, N, Q & R). The guide questions were divided into three sections that addressed the actual return, the present, and the coming years. Probing questions were used to validate information to ensure a good understanding of what was said. Interviews with comparison group: Non-OMFW and their family members. A single interview was completed with non-OMFW. The single interview was sufficient to elicit the necessary information as these participants had no overseas work narrative to share. This is in contrast to the two separate interviews with the OMFW that required another interview session to elicit overseas narratives. Before the actual interview started, I built on a social relationship using commonalities and similarities that enabled me to elicit information from my participants and made them to be comfortable with me. I sought to find a similarity that we both shared, and this served as the beginning of pakikipagkwentuhan or a conversation-like interview. For example, recognizing and reminiscing overseas experience that we all shared provided a springboard for interviews to begin in a most casual and effortless way. Once palagay na loob was established with the participants, they easily shared their stories with me. Similar to the interviews with OMFW family members, separate and individual interviews with wives and children were also done.

Phase 3: Analysis.

Data verification.

In qualitative research, an account is trustworthy “if it represents accurately those features of the phenomena that it is proposed to describe, explain or theorise” (Castles, 2000, p. 65). Trustworthiness was established in the following ways: analysis was peer-reviewed by colleagues familiar with qualitative analysis; repeated interviews were done to ensure richness of data; the stories were member-checked to add rigor to the analytic process (DePoy & Gitlin, 2005); quotes were included and translated to English to enhance and substantiate stories, creating ‘thick descriptions’ (Geertz, 1973); a comparison group was included; trust and rapport—the essence of kapwa—were built with participants in order to elicit more comprehensive and truthful data; biases and limitations were recognized; and notes on reflective observations, thoughts, and descriptions during the course of the data collection were made, recorded, and referred to when analyzing data. These included transcripts, field notes and memos, and conversations with professors and colleagues.

Data analysis.

I used a cross-participant comparison grid based upon my research questions, emergent themes and special findings (Appendix M) to sort and organize the data. I also utilized the process suggested by Aronson (1994) in doing thematic analysis. First was to collect data through audio-recording of the interviews. The interviews were done and transcribed in Tagalog. Only selected Tagalog quotes were translated to English. From the transcribed narratives, patterns of experiences and constructs were identified. After reading and several re-readings, I had familiarized myself with the data. Second, I did manual coding and identified several codes from my participants’ narratives and my memos. Patterns emerged from direct quotes from their stories or paraphrased similar ideas. I assigned code names and then sorted and collated similar codes. The sorted codes were arranged to form categories of codes which were then used to form themes. Themes are defined as entities drawn from patterns such as "conversation topics, vocabulary, recurring activities, meanings, feelings, or folk sayings and proverbs" (Aronson, 1994, p. 131). Themes from participants’ stories were each assigned informative labels.

Third was to combine and sort related themes into sub-themes. It is easier to see an emerging pattern when one looks for sub-themes (Aronson, 1994). I used FIM to verify the subthemes and sought comments from the participants as the interview progressed or after transcribing. In the former, I used my participant’s answer to frame the next question to verify the sub-themes or patterns that emerged. In the latter, I asked my participants for their feedback based on the transcribed interview session we had through the member-checking process. The sub-themes were then included in the thematic analysis. Finally, I returned to the literature to help me make inferences from which to build and create additional themes. Although the process Aronson (1994) offered was sequential, analysis was recursive. I had to go back and forth to make sure that the themes resonated the return and later life experience of my participants or if emerging and special findings arose. The final codebook with descriptions of the codes is presented in Appendix V. This was used to identify prominent themes and compare the different sets of participants. It should be noted that the themes identified are not distinct; as they overlap one another. Member-checking. As described by Lincoln & Guba (1985), member check is when “the provisional report (case) is taken back to the site and subjected to the scrutiny of the persons who provided information” (p. 236) to address validity issues in doing qualitative research. During this process, the participant is asked if the researcher has accurately reported and noted her/his stories. I aligned and extended my member checking using FIM’s techniques. Since I had gained kapwa with my participants, I was invited to attend various family gatherings. I took this as an opportunity to complete member checking by preparing mental notes on the highlights of their narratives. Through pakikipagkwentuhan (FIM) I was able to do a casual form of member checking of the narratives. It was not an interview compared to the formal interview(s) I had with them. I was with all the family members and what occurred was the natural clusters or that of the umpukan. After the visit (gathering), I noted these observations and substantiated my notes and transcriptions.

Chapter 5: Results: The OMFW and Their Return Experience

This chapter presents the findings of the study. The study was conducted in a small community in the Philippines (Makiling)1 for 7 months beginning June 2013 to January 2014. I interviewed 6 OMFW and 4 non-OMFW together with their wives and children when applicable. A total of 7 wives and 9 children were interviewed. The interviews were done in their respective homes. Children’s interviews took place at coffee stores or at their workplace during their lunch break. Interviews were conducted in Tagalog and were transcribed and translated. Pseudonyms were used for each participant. Detailed case presentations of family members for both OMFW returnees and the comparison group are in the Appendix (Appendices W & X). The first section of this chapter offers a brief overview of the participants’ demographic profile. A detailed profile of the participants and their household members is included in Tables 2 and 3. The second section showcases the major themes on return experience of each OMFW participant and themes on old age and aging. The third section presents the responses of family members and community upon return. The final section presents a comparison of later life between the OMFW and the non-OMFW.

5.1 Description of Participants

All participants were of Filipino descent, born and raised in the Philippines. All had families, with children and grandchildren, living together. This extended family living arrangement allowed the participants to care for and, in return, be cared for by their family members. The OMFW’s ages ranged from 64 to 77 years at the time of the study. One participant was a widower. Only one participant had a college education, while the rest had completed secondary education; one participant was Baptist, and the rest were Roman Catholics. Years spent working overseas ranged from 12–30 years, while the number of years since their final return to the Philippines ranged from 3–30 years. The OMFW worked in Saudi Arabia as blue-collar workers (e.g. driver, construction worker, auto mechanic, and equipment operator.) The non-OMFW ages ranged from 67 to 77 years. Only one non-OMFW participant was from Makiling; the rest were migrants who came to Makiling because of work opportunities. One

1 Makiling is a pseudonym for the locale of the study and is small community. 43 was a widower, and the rest were married. They were all Roman Catholics. Only one participant had completed college, while the rest had at a minimum of an elementary schooling. Three non- OMFW had been employed, but were retired at the time of the interview. They had worked as service workers for a range of 23 to 40 years in total. Only one non-OMFW was self-employed and had a small business which was his primary source of income. A detailed case presentation of all the participants are presented in the Appendix (Appendices W, X, Y & Z).

5.2 Major Themes

The discussion below provides the findings of the study. This includes: themes on the return experience; and themes on old age and aging by the OMFW returnees.

Themes on the return experience.

In this section, themes arising from interviews with the different participants are presented. The themes are organized to give a picture of the return experience of OMFW. The themes identified include: (1) expressions of their return, (2) dimensions affecting the return experience, (3) challenges, (4) impact of return, (5) preoccupation with overseas life; and (6) Filipino values emanating from overseas life.

Expressions of the return experience.

All participants expressed their return in several ways. Their degree of involvement in each expression of return also varied; these could be classified as active or passive. Active expressions of return. Active expressions of return included their current activities that kept them busy: taking care of grandchildren, performing domestic activities, engaging in hobbies, going to church, having small businesses, and working in a small, local establishment. Boyet, for example, did all these. His routine was more pronounced compared to other participants, as he earned a regular salary from his work in a local restaurant. He woke up early and together with his wife prepared his grandchildren for school. Then, he would send them to school and drive his wife to work. Boyet’s case illustrated that return was not a complete cessation of the things he did prior to overseas work. His being busy in several ways allowed him to continue the things that he did before working overseas, with the addition of taking care of his grandchildren.

In addition, an active expression of return was illustrated by making oneself visible to others and being engaged in external domestic affairs. For instance, after his return, Boyet earned money from his job at a local restaurant, and busied himself with affairs outside his family. Similarly, Ramil took a hands-on role in sharing the responsibility of raising his grandchildren. Ramil and his wife drove their granddaughter to school; they waited for her until school ended daily. This had become their routine when their granddaughter started attending school. Differing expressions of return were influenced by the personality and the attitude of the returnee. Boyet believed himself fortunate to have these opportunities upon return. Boyet’s very determined attitude enabled him to have a busy and active return experience. His awareness and capacity to practice Filipino values were edified over time through overseas work, which prepared him for his later life and return. Boyet did not need to work, but did so because he found fulfillment and meaning in it. His way of confronting his return experience was to engage in the things that he did prior to overseas work. Boyet still sees himself as the breadwinner of his family. But there was no pressure to do so, as he was being supported by his daughter and some small investments they have as a family. Similarly, Ramil and Ruben shared this perception of wanting to do work. They stated that their bodies missed work and that their work defined who they are. They were able to work, but their children strongly recommended that they retire and assured them of their financial support. Tirso had no urgency to work for his family now, but he wanted to. This was what kept him busy. He drove his PUJ 4–5 times a week in the evenings to have supplemental income for his family, foremost for his grandchildren. Passive expressions of return. In contrast to the active expressions mentioned in the previous paragraphs, a passive expression of return was manifested when returnees disengaged from traditional and explicit family and community role expectations. For example, Pablo stayed home most of the time and kept himself busy by watching television and occasionally hanging out with neighbors and community people. Pablo did not feel the need to support his family and rested on the assurance that his children will take care and support him in his old age. For him, there was no urgent sense of responsibility to be the breadwinner for his family, especially now that his wife was deceased and his children having their own families. This was the same with Ruben, as he leisurely engaged in cockfighting to keep busy and entertained. However, Ruben made it a point to instill the value of education in his grandchildren in the same manner that he

45 did with his children. Both Pablo and Ruben demonstrated different views on how they spend their time upon return.

Dimensions of the return experience.

The dimensions of return included relational, financial, health, and cultural domains. Return experience was best understood when viewed in this manner. Relational dimension. The relational dimension refers to the dynamics of exchange and interactions between the returnee and his family members and community. This is best understood as the exchange of responses between the returnee and their household members that took place. First was the returnee’s reaction to the household members upon his return, and second was the household members’ reaction upon the returnee’s return. This was manifested by the returnee’s physical presence in his household. The recognition of his permanent presence in the household created changes (i.e. the adjustments, shifting, and emergence of roles among the returnees and their household members.) Miguel saw his return as a continued assertion of his paternal role in the family. Despite not being gainfully employed, he made sure that he was an active contributor to family’s well-being. Miguel busied himself being directly and personally involved in domestic affairs, attending to the needs of his school-aged family members, and manning their sari-sari store (small convenience store). In the same light, Ramil saw his return as a time to compensate for his shortcomings as a father to his second family2 with whom he lived. Through his direct and personal involvement in his granddaughter’s schooling, Ramil reclaimed his masculine roles of being a husband and father at the same time. Ruben, Boyet, Tirso and Pablo remained providers for their families during the initial years of their return. In terms of the family members’ reactions to the OMFWWs’ return, the common themes were the changing roles of children in the household and changes in interpersonal relationships with their spouses. Pablo’s son shared that they took care of their father’s needs, especially because Pablo was all by himself, as their mother/his wife passed away a long time ago. Pablo’s

2 This is Ramil’s second family while he was still working overseas. His second family has this understanding that they remain to be the second priority of Ramil. But Ramil as much as he can tries to compensate his shortcomings by spending time with them whenever he goes home for his annual visits and sends financial support through the course of overseas work. 46 living arrangement called for adjustments for Pablo’s son and his son’s immediate family members. Miguel’s wife said that the liberty of time she had when Miguel was working overseas was now gone. She had to seek permission whenever she left home. She missed the freedom she lost upon Miguel’s return. Unlike Miguel’s wife, Boyet and Tirso’s wives said that with the return of their spouses, they felt happier because their families were together again. They valued the sense of togetherness as a family, especially now in their later lives. Interestingly, Boyet’s, Tirso’s, and Miguel’s children felt a sense of awkwardness with the return of their fathers. The physical presence and the reality of their fathers living in their homes created contradictory feelings of longing for a complete family on the one hand and the desire for their fathers to continue overseas work because of the material gains it offered on the other hand. Financial dimension. The financial dimension referred to the state of finances upon the OMFW’s return (e.g., the current source of income and means of living.) In most cases, the returnee ‘relinquished’ the breadwinner role to his children. The seeming transfer of roles to the children was forced by circumstances at the time of the OMFW return. The children assumed the role of supporting the household. The returnee was then left to attend to domestic affairs and supplement the new role of his children in supporting and providing for the entire household. Darla, Miguel’s daughter, took the breadwinner role for the family now. With the humble earnings she had as a call center agent, she supported the entire household, including her brother’s family who lived with them. Darla said that reversal of roles was taking place in their family as she, the child, supported the family. In the same light, Ruben’s four children who worked overseas sent money to him and supported Ruben and his wife. Nearly all participants’ children gave financial support to the participants on a regular basis or took responsibility for the household expenditures. Boyet and Tirso were the exceptions; they were able to earn money without the help of their children. Boyet remained gainfully employed by a local restaurant and Tirso drove his own PUJ. Health dimension. Health was more equated with physiological dimensions rather than its mental aspects. Taking medications and frequent visits to the doctor described of the returnees’ health dimension upon return. The theme of health was best illustrated, however, with stories about the returnee’s physical changes, including his inability to do the things he used to do, and a gradual drop in his strength and sharpness in doing things. The more obvious physical signs of aging, such as graying hair and slower body movements, were also discussed. Although all

47 participants mentioned the gradual physical signs of aging, they were quick to recognize that they were still able to work if given the opportunity. Cultural dimension. The cultural dimension refers to the set of ways the returnee did things and served as one’s force in behaving and relating to others. This included the values, attitudes, and beliefs of the returnee as he navigated return and his own aging. The OMFW’ awareness of being a Filipino was realized through the course of overseas life. All participants, upon overseas work, recognized the distinct Filipino character, best shown in the kind of Filipino work ethic, among all the Filipino values impacting the thoughts, feelings and behavior of each participant. This heightened awareness resulted from each participant’s interaction with fellow overseas contract workers coming from different nationalities. In the interviews, each participant shared that because of the kind of work ethic Filipinos have, they were preferred over other nationalities. In this way, the focus on the shared otherness of kapwa extended itself to the work ethic overseas Filipino workers were known for. More so, familism, as the common value that prompted overseas work, remained the potent force in situating the returnees’ position in the household that he had been physically absent from for a time. Familism is the high regard and credence given to the welfare of family members. Upon return, this familism was expressed by the returnees’ physical presence in the family, exhibited as togetherness.

Challenges upon return.

In addition to the financial aspects of return mentioned earlier, the breadwinner role -- making both ends meet -- was a challenge for all participants. Now that they had come back home and were at a later stage in their lives, the opportunity for gainful employment was less likely. Only Boyet was able to obtain work in a local restaurant. Boyet’s case was exceptional3, as all five returnees felt the financial burden upon return. This was best demonstrated in Miguel’s case. He strongly felt that as the father of the house, he had to continue to live up to his breadwinner role. He therefore still explored the possibility of doing overseas work. He said: “I feel that I am useless and I am nothing.” This description of himself shaped the manner in which Miguel looked at his return and later life: He said:

3 Although Tirso also worked as a jeepney driver, he worked for nobody. He drives his own jeepney and he is his own manager and employer. But Tirso’s family shares the financial challenge on not having disposable income just like the rest of the returnees’ families. 48

Yes, it is the case. It is really difficult if you don’t have means to support your family. I feel that I am useless and I am nothing. For instance, whenever my grandson would ask money from me and I am unable to give anything, I feel bad. I depend on the support that his auntie (refers to his sister-in-law) gives and with this at least I am consoled. With his daughter supporting their family, Miguel felt bad about not living up to the expected role of a breadwinner. As much as he wanted to be the provider of the family, he could not do much since viable opportunities were limited for men of his age. He added that financial security was already challenging, coupled with the present crises that their family was experiencing. The financial stability that they had when he was working overseas was non-existent. Miguel also stated, “Another adjustment is foremost money. We really need money. It is hard to have no money.” Miguel, who was used to being the economic provider for his family, found it hard to reconcile that he was not living to the traditional role as the household head. Aside from financial considerations and making both ends meet on a daily basis, Ruben felt disoriented in his place in his family. Prior to his return, he had a clear vision and aimed to provide a good life for his family. He felt he did well as a provider for his family. He was able to have his own house and lot, and sent all his children to school. He considered himself a successful OMFW. Now that he has returned, he felt that he had nothing to aspire to, as he did what he thought he had to. Ruben said: “Where will I position myself? I am wondering how I will live without aspiring for things? This is my concern.” He felt uncertain upon his return, as all his children were working overseas, and the things he set out to do for his family were in place. He saw the good lives of his children as fruits of his labor and sacrifice.

Impact of return.

Participants mentioned having become more contemplative and reflective than ever upon their return. They used different expressions of return to address and confront their return. Ramil’s case is particularly noteworthy. His story was extraordinary, as he was a widower, but he found redemption upon his return through his estranged second family4. With the death of his

4 Ramil had a second family and has a daughter. While doing overseas work, he remained a distant father, sending financial support to his second family. His first family didn’t know that there was a second family. It was only upon the death of his first wife that Ramil confessed to his first family that he 49 first wife and his return, Ramil was made aware of and re-examined his life’s purposes and reasons. Ramil said he made sure that he made amends to both his first and second families. Ramil’s story attested that his return was meant to rectify his wrongdoings and for him to be at peace with himself. Ramil said: Yes, I really want to go home. It seems that I get tired of this kind of life. The overseas life of constantly going back and forth from here to Saudi. I miss my children so much and wish to spend time with them more and on a permanent basis. With the prolonged absence, Ramil wanted to be with his family. But Ramil also knew that being away from his family meant a better opportunity for his family to have a better life. Miguel, having only returned three years prior, said he was in despair. He felt he was not ready to be back home and felt that his return was premature as he was unable to fully prepare financially. Though he was informed about his eventual return, unforeseen events and family tragedies (his son had an accident) had disheartened him. For Miguel, his return meant hopelessness and surrender. He said: “This is it; this is what my life will look like.” With his return, though he had small plans on having a business with the little savings he had, his son had an accident and used up all his savings. This was not the life he had envisioned upon his return. Tirso’s exit was prompted by his family’s request and the fact that many of his trusted fellow overseas Filipino workers had left the job location. When considering his return, he also assessed his financial situation to make sure he could continue to support himself and his family. Though still able to go back overseas to work, he opted to be home. His return was a collective decision. Tirso’s mindset and attitude toward his return and life back with his family made his return experience sustainable. Tirso had convinced himself that his return meant to go back to the life they had prior to overseas work. He said, “Should I return to work overseas even if life remains the same? I am already here and there is no difference.” Tirso’s family knew that disposable income would not come as easily as when Tirso was working overseas, and as a family they had decided to make it work. Tirso shared that: “Of course, your family is your greatest priority. People live for their families.” Familism was exhibited as Tirso opted to return to his family, and a shared essence of familism from his family made Tirso’s return successful.

had another family. The ‘other woman’ was only known to trusted fellow OMFW that allowed Ramil to send money back to his second family. 50

For Boyet and Pablo, their return meant going back to the life they had prior to working overseas. Boyet was able to practice the skills he acquired and developed overseas. Upon return, he was able to find gainful employment. His employment enabled him to have something to do and, at the same time, allowed him to earn money that supplemented his family’s small businesses. The pressure to provide for his household was not as much as it was prior to working overseas. They used their savings to invest in small businesses. Boyet was able to plan for his return. With the kind of attitude and mindset, return meant a more comfortable living for him and his family. Pablo’s return also meant going back to the life he had before working overseas. Upon his return, he was able to drive his acquired PUJ and found work as a driver. For Pablo, return meant going back to the only trade that he knew. He said, “Yes, when you go back to the Philippines, you will return to your old ways. It seems that you are on your own again. It is never the same again.” Pablo recognized himself as being changed by overseas experience. Pablo explained: Because it is so different when you do overseas work. Opportunities are greater and the kind of work you do is fairly compensated. This is why I am saying that I will be back to what I have been used to upon returning home. Pablo’s return meant going back to the way things were. With his wife gone, he was resigned to the idea of being alone in his later life. Pablo saw his life upon return as reliving the life when he was younger, as he was all by himself, and his children had their own families now. Both Boyet and Pablo were living the life they had prior to overseas work. Boyet was back as a liaison officer/consultant to the local store, and Pablo was driving for the municipal office until his retirement years. Ruben saw his return as a rest from a life’s labor. In his stories, Ruben shared that he lived a life in poverty. The poverty that Ruben experienced all his life was his push to aspire more for his family and be a good provider for them. Ruben explained, Education is the only thing that I have invested the most. This is the mission that I set to do since I was unable to have education. I have none to give to my children but education. I have none to give to them! He sent all his children to school as he believed that education will give them a better life. Three out of his four children finished college, and all four of them are now working overseas. The return for Ruben meant savoring the success of his children’s good life. While he refocused his

51 thoughts on himself now and enjoyed leisure activities, he continued to extend his parental role to his grandchildren. Although all returnees expressed thoughts about their return experience and what their return meant to them, it took them a while to process these things and to articulate them. It was telling that the cognition of their return’s impact was unknown until they were given an opportunity to talk about it openly. In doing so, they were made aware of their relations with their family members. For example, all returnees extended parental roles to their grandchildren, with their child’s family living with them still. As for their relations with their wives, they were made more aware of and shared in domestic responsibilities. Returnees learned to accept that their role as sole providers for the family had changed and that their children took a more active role in supporting the family. Even more so, the return enabled the OMFW to reflect on the tangible gains that they had. All returnees expressed that the expected material benefits of acquisition of house and lot, sending of children to school, acquisition of passenger jeepneys (for some) were achieved. Miguel shared, To have a good life for my family, and a house. Also, to send my children to good schools. These were the collective understandings that my wife and I agreed upon doing overseas work. I want for my children to say to others that you are welcome to our home! To call it our own home. This is what I truly dreamt of owning and having a home. The house as a goal in doing overseas was a dream for Miguel and he extended this to his children. The house was a physical structure but something more important. Ramil fondly remembered, “I built my house only after 18 months of doing overseas work. Then after two years, I was able to buy my own jeepney! (laughs).” The increments of a perceived good life for Ramil were realized. In the same light, Ruben, coming from a poor family, contrasted the house he acquired over time and the house he had before overseas work: Yes, our house was just there without a form. It is like a shanty. The land that this house stands I got it as an installment over time. The house I had before was just one room and we are all 4 in the house! (laughs) However, for Boyet, increments and renovations on their house were relatively lavish compared to the other returnees.

After three years, I was able to build my house. Not this house. The old house was a bungalow type but it is already here in this place. I renovated it to make it bigger. I completely rebuild my house in 1983. I started with P1.2M5 and the house was finished in 1994. We continue to add more through the course of my overseas work. The construction of a house and a home was important for the returnees. The house as a physical structure was telling of the impact of return for the returnees themselves as well as for their families.

Preoccupation with overseas life.

Each returnee had a story about overseas life to tell ranging from trivial to the most serious ones (see Appendix W). For example, Ruben was imprisoned with his co-worker for 2–3 days due to miscommunication issues. Pablo encountered explicit forms of discrimination with Saudi nationals, while Miguel needed to cover for the immature mishaps of his Saudi supervisors’ children. Ramil had to ask money from fellow OMFW to keep him afloat while his salary was still pending. He said it was good for him to know that fellow OMFW understood his situation and offered financial assistance whenever they could. Ramil was grateful for this, as he was able to send money to his two families back home. In contrast, Boyet needed to serve as the designated driver whenever his fellow OMFW went partying. For Tirso, it was a matter of standing up for his Christian faith in an environment where freedom of spiritual beliefs was restricted. For Tirso, preparing for his return allowed him to think about his forthcoming aging. He had pictured his return when he was younger, but was made aware that he will go on to his later years. He said: I don’t have any aspirations or dreams. I think about and prepare for my return. Just in case I wanted to work overseas again at that time, I can. But I decided that since I am getting old and the plea from my family, I decided to finally go home. Now I am driving and at the same time managing our farmland. And this is I think is good enough. Tirso saw his return as a recognition of his aging. Though his exit from overseas work was voluntary, he envisioned his return as an acknowledgement of his forthcoming aging. He was set into his later life as he saw himself doing the things he did prior to overseas work.

5 Amounted to $109,090 in 1983. 53

The telling and remembering of overseas experiences by the returnees contributed to their return experience. This telling and sharing created the person of the now, the kind of person they had become upon return. It was while reviewing their overseas experience that the OMFW values were recognized, tested and edified. It was a continuous process of seeing and perceiving themselves. The values on familism, treating others well, and an extension of oneself to others (i.e., kapwa) exhibited the sense of being a Filipino. This heightened cultural sensitivity enabled the returnees to rethink and rework how they interacted and related with people with their return and with life hereon.

Filipino values emanating from overseas life.

The Filipino values recognized, practiced and developed while doing overseas work included familism, risk-taking, Filipino work ethic, treatment of others: damayan, pakikipagkapwa-tao, pakikisama. pakikipagpalagayang-loob and tiyaga. Familism. Familism was expressed in different ways, but the meaning remained the same: high regard placed on the well-being and good life of one’s family. Prioritizing the family above self was the essence of familism. Tirso articulated this: “Of course, your utmost priority is your family. People live for their families.” Ruben added: This is why I combat nostalgia. If you think of your family, you will sacrifice all and everything. If you think of your own self, a good life for your family is not possible. If selfishness rules in me, my family will have no future and will be just like me. It is indeed for the family. I don’t have any complaints. I can withstand pain and sickness. I can for my family. It became clear that familism was the same rationale that prompted and sustained overseas work for the returnees. Similarly, Pablo agreed, saying: “Caring and providing for the family. This is the truest and highest deed. Because if you do not take care of your family, they will turn their backs on you.” The heart and core of overseas work was familism. This was the potent force that drove overseas work. OMFW, together with their family, lived and acted on this value foremost. More so, familism was the same value that brought back the OMFW to his family over time. But upon return, familism was even magnified and solidified with them living together. Risk-taking. The reality of OMFW—living in a foreign land and leaving their families behind—was about risk-taking. This propensity to act on something uncertain was exhibited as a

54 risk-taking behavior. Often, this was translated to a bahala na (come what may) attitude borne by Filipinos. This attitude allowed OMFW to thrive and survive overseas life. Miguel recalls that his overseas undertaking was all about risk. In his words: I don’t have an idea on what I am doing. All I know is that I will be working overseas. I thought about things and I was hesitant on the things that I am uncertain of. But anyway, I can always go back home when things don’t go well. That is the way it goes. And so, I went, conquered and thrived! That’s the way it is. This risk-taking behavior was also shared by Ruben. With his limited education, he bore this bahala na attitude to overcome language challenges. He mentioned: “Yes, I know that my English is not fluent and perfect, but with the minimum English language I know, it is better than nothing. Bahala na, I know that I can thrive despite my limited education.” Uncertain of what lies ahead of overseas work, possession of bahala na as a value, enabled Miguel and Ruben to provide for their families. Filipino work ethic. The Filipino work ethic refers to the passion and love for extending their services to others, as mandated by their work demands. This was expressed as being matiyaga (perseverance). According to the participants, people who worked with or were around Filipinos noticed this distinct work ethic and objectively agreed that this was the case. The possession of this work ethic was ingrained in one’s value system, operating on the core value of kapwa (shared and collective sense of otherness), a core Filipinos value. In practicing this, OMFW said they made sure that work was delivered well. But most important was the kind of caring that went with it. It was not simply the delivery of what was expected from them, but it went beyond the call of duty. For Boyet, another Filipino work ethic that he found necessary in relating with supervisors and fellow overseas workers across nationalities was “teachability.” He said, “Filipinos learn quickly and are teachable. If a Filipino doesn’t know how to do things, he is able to teach himself and know what is necessary. It is hard if you are unable to do that.” Miguel also shared this view that Filipinos are preferred because of the kind of work ethic they possessed: “There are many Filipinos working there. Almost all are Filipinos. Filipinos are given and entrusted with the challenging and difficult jobs.” Miguel shared that he was one of the favored ones because of this distinct Filipino work ethic. In Boyet and Miguel’s narratives, kapwa was reflected in their work ethics and was easily recognized and felt by their co-workers.

Treatment of others: Damayan, pakikisama, and pakikipagpalagayang-loob. There are three Filipino concepts related to the treatment of others: damayan (having a heart for others), pakikisama (getting along with others) pakikipagpalagayang-loob (building rapport), Filipinos in a foreign land practiced damayan. Damayan. Damayan is to express compassion and have a heart for others. The strangeness of being away from your family and roots made damayan a powerful force to move people to take care of each another. Miguel in his small ways made sure that pagdamay (the act of damayan; the act of being compassionate) was shown among his fellow OMFW. He said: Yes, indeed. I can see the difference. There are occasions wherein I meet fellow Filipinos and their work conditions are minimal. I am fortunate that I am in a good company and as much as I can, I extend whatever help and assistance to my fellow Filipinos. I feel for them. When we see one another, we will be bringing bread and cheese for them to live by with the humble compassion we can offer. To show compassion to others when one has the resources to extend oneself was demonstrated by Miguel through pagdamay. In the same manner, Ramil expressed this: Yes, there are opportunities for you to share your thoughts and your concerns to others. This is what you do to your trusted fellow Filipinos. You are able to vent out your worries and concerns to them; the things that worry you and concern you about work and family. This is how it is in living abroad. For Ramil, damayan was illustrated by confiding personal and intimate concerns to trusted fellow OMFW. Miguel and Ramil both showed pagdamay as a value bearing intrinsic and extrinsic benefits. Pakikipagkapwa-tao (shared identity; the act of extending oneself to others). Miguel was the only OMFW who explicitly articulated pakikipagkapwa-tao to refer to the act of extending oneself to others. However, all returnees practiced pakikipagkapwa-tao as evidenced in their descriptions of their overseas experience. Miguel was especially liked by his fellow workers regardless of nationality as he was open and accommodating. The language and cultural differences did not stop Miguel from exhibiting and practicing pakikipag-kapwa tao. Miguel found the enhanced understanding and practice of pakikipagkapwa-tao to be useful in his interactions with people over time. He explained:

In my opinion, my fellow workers think highly of me. They see my work ethic, as a Filipino, as good. Because of my pakikipag-kapwa, I am often sought by my fellow workers. I try hard to be friendly, accommodating and welcoming to them. Even if it is hard for us to communicate in English, I try hard to understand them. I study how they communicate to best exhibit pakikipag-kapwa. I can speak minimal and survival Arabic to relate to them well. It was interesting to note that Miguel used pakikipag-kapwa to describe his manner of relating with his co-workers. He was aware of this Filipino trait with his interaction with other nationalities, and this cognition was further edified. He said: This is true as you have to practice pakikipagkapwa-tao. I especially observe pakikipagkapwa among Saudis. There is a huge difference between Filipinos and Saudis as it relates to communicating and interacting. There is a huge difference on how they see things and foremost the religion that each of us practices and believes. A big difference it is. Overall, pakikipagkapwa OMFW was useful and served as a strategy to survive and relate with others while doing overseas work. Pakikisama (Being united with group). Ramil said he knew well that pakikisama or “getting along with others” was a good character among Filipinos. He practiced this with much caution. He knew where to place himself, as he was also aware of the differential personal spaces among different people. In his opinion, in possessing pakikisama, it was important to respect the personal spaces of each person. He explained: Yes, I get along as much as I can to people. But I am also aware that there are things that are personal. That is why I only offer advice if solicited. This is where the tension arises if you are too nosy and eager to give your opinion. This is the reason why I am well-liked by my fellow workers. This is why I take caution in relating with them. For Boyet, it was important to know what made a person tick. He studied his co-workers’ behavior and knew how to relate with them based on this. He said, “I was able to know and learn about their character.” Ruben knew that missing home was one of the downfalls among OMFW. With this understanding, he made it a point to transcend this through relating well with others. Pakikisama helped him combat nostalgia. He said: “If you are weak and do not know how to

57 relate with others, you will not last. People are different. If you get homesick, then it will be truly difficult.” Withstanding nostalgia was one reason, according to Ruben, to develop pakikisama—to serve as a cushion for other challenges that may come. The practice of pakikisama was approached differently by Ruben. He used this as a coping strategy to thrive in a foreign land. With pakikisama, he was able to place himself among his co-workers and over time he had proven this to be a useful social capital. He said, “Yes, if you know how to relate to others and makisama, there is nothing impossible.” Through the possession of pakikisama, Ruben was able to thrive in overseas life. Pakikipagpalagayang-loob (Being in rapport, act of mutual trust). Boyet knew that establishing a deeper sense of rapport, pakikipagpalagayang-loob, was relevant to thriving while doing overseas work. Though very good at relating with others, Boyet also knew that overseas life demanded a different system of relating with others. He used his developed and enhanced pakikipagpalagyang-loob to build rapport among his co-workers. This awareness and practice of pakikipagpalagayang-loob among the people he related with was helpful in navigating his overseas life. In Boyet’s words: “I did relate well to my supervisors and co-workers. I was able to relate with hard-to-deal-with people. I was able to build rapport and gained their trust.” Similarly, Miguel shared that he had acquired a level of relation among his Saudi co- workers. His constant interactions with his co-workers allowed Miguel to have an opportunity to nurture a deeper sense of establishing rapport with the people he least likely imagined he would be friends with. Miguel shared that, “If you were offered to take their special tea that they especially made for you, you have to take it. The tea symbolizes their trust and friendship. Because that is how they are.” With the observed cultural differences, Miguel had earned his Saudi co-workers’ trust as he practiced pakikipagpalagayang-loob. Tiyaga. Tiyaga or perseverance could be found in Ruben and Ramil’s several applications and reapplications to work overseas. Ruben said he never took no for an answer in his initial attempts to apply for overseas work. He was unable to count how many times he applied to work overseas. While waiting for results of his applications, he would explore other overseas opportunities as long as his resources would allow. Earning and saving for application and processing fees, he bore tiyaga that permitted him to work overseas as a means to have a better life for his family. At times, he had to compromise for lower wages, He reasoned, “Though the

58 pay is low, I am assured of a fixed and permanent income in a month. I can send it back to my family as a lump sum and is fixed.” The assurance of having something regular to send to his family back home justified the low salary. He shared this was better than nothing. In Ramil’s case, he had intermittent overseas job offers. He had to stay for a time in the Philippines to do work while waiting for overseas opportunities to come. He juggled several jobs in the Philippines until he was notified that an overseas opportunity opened up. At one point, he had to wait for several months until he received his monthly pay. With no salary at that time, he had to depend on his fellow OMFW for loans to keep himself afloat and also send money back home to his two families. The values identified are interrelated with one another. One value may overlap with others and may cause another to occur. The underlying principle among all the values acquired, nurtured and edified throughout overseas work emanates from kapwa as the core Filipino value.

Themes on old age.

The themes arising from the interviews on old age referred to how the participants see, think, and feel about later life. I identified two broad themes, namely, the changing roles and reflective expressions of old age by the OMFW returnees. Following these broad themes are sub- themes to further make sense of the OMFW’ understandings of old age. Inclusion of the non- OMFW narratives are also presented to compare it with the returnees themes on aging and old age.

Changing roles.

With the onset of older age, roles emerged and were changed over time. Old age was understood as taking on the grandparent role and performance of redefined traditional gender roles. First, the presence of grandchildren engaged the returnees in providing care and support for them while the middle generation works. The OMFW’s living arrangement allowed them to do so. Since the middle generation was actively employed, the supervision of grandparents was needed. Each returnee mentioned that it was their hope for their grandchildren to have a good life. The returnees therefore talked about making sure that proper guidance and values were instilled. All the OMFW interviewed had grandchildren, and this allowed them to perform the function of a grandfather in attending to the daily and immediate needs of their grandchildren. Miguel closely supervised his grandson, who lived with them. In Miguel’s words: “Especially

59 that my grandson lives with us, I want to give whatever is best for him and the things that he wants.” Miguel made sure that he personally attended to the daily needs of his grandson. Grandparenthood allowed the returnees to have a purpose in life and make sense of later life and old age. This was also shared by Ramil, Ruben and Boyet, whose grandchildren live with them.

Of the non-OMFW, Jose, Andres and Danny had their grandchildren living with them. This enabled them to take care of and interact with their grandchildren. It was only Eddie who was inhibited from performing the grandparent role in a more personal and direct way because he had no grandchildren living with him. The second theme of old age is enactment of the reworked traditional gender roles (e.g. the breadwinner role for husbands and household management and domestic affairs for wives.) Such a change in gender roles would not have occurred in early stages of the men’s lives, when they were employable and still able to financially support the family. Upon return, OMFW stepped down from their breadwinner function and gradually stepped up to becoming more involved in managing household and domestic affairs. Wives now shared their long-time domestic role. For example, Miguel’s return allowed him to take the lead role in doing domestic activities. He said: It is the case that I need to move forward and contribute in this way. Since I have no gainful employment, I have nothing to offer. I think that I need to help with domestic things. It is necessary to help each other out and work as a team. Down to the most trivial thing of doing laundry. I do laundry. Yes, this is true. I help my wife. I cook. This is true as I am the earliest to wake up so to prepare the younger family members to school. I do what I think is necessary. I also do handyman activities like electrical, plumbing and carpentry. If I know how to do it, I make sure that I do. As this quote demonstrates, Miguel realized that staying to be the man of the house didn’t necessarily mean to be economically productive. He remained to be in control of his masculine role as a redefined man of the house doing domestic work. It was not only between the spouses where traditional roles were changed; it was also evident between parent-child relations. The OMFW’ role as parents was now renegotiated as the children had become adults. The children of Miguel, Pablo, Ramil, and Ruben took a dominant role in providing for the family. Miguel expressed this best: “It is okay that my daughter is the breadwinner of the family at the present.”

It was noteworthy that parental authority had diminished, as the now-adult children repositioned themselves in family and household dynamics. The exceptions were Boyet and Tirso, whose dominant role of being parents remained the same as they still have a regular source of contributing to the economic well-being of their families. The amount of parental authority was lessened as the children are now adults and had their own respective families. For the non-OMFW, it was only Eddie who stepped down from his managerial role in their sari-sari store business. Though still involved in manning their store, he had delegated the managerial and operations functions to his daughter. As Eddie expressed: Yes, I don’t have work anymore that is why I am the one manning the store. The store is in my daughter’s name now. I don’t have salary and the money that my daughter gives me I use it to play lottery tickets. As for Danny, Jose and Pablo, they had their retirement pensions to keep themselves afloat and to supplement overall household expenditure.

Reflective expressions of aging.

Reflective expressions refer to recognition and awareness of aging in later life. This included: (1) one’s observation of the physical signs of the aging process; (2) views on aging and old age; (3) revisiting of overseas life; (4) familism; (5) noted changes in the community; and (6) thoughts about later life. These themes are not inclusive and may overlap. Physiological changes. The returnees saw and felt that they were aging through changes in their physical appearance (e.g. graying of hair and hair loss and the presence of sagging skin and wrinkles.) The collective concern in experiencing slower movements, together with the occasional doctor visits, taking maintenance medication and being unable to do things that they used to do when they were younger, were their collective concerns. Miguel articulated this by saying, “I get tired as I am getting old. Unlike before when I was younger.” This was also shared by Tirso as he continued to drive and troubleshoot his own jeepney. His strength was often tested as he maintained his jeepney. Tirso remarked: Another thing is that when you are older, there are many changes. There was a time when my strength was tested whenever I work with my jeepney. I can’t work that long and I can’t move around as I used to. When I sit on the ground for a long time, then I have a hard time getting up. My knees hurt. It is not that easy as when I was

younger since I was more flexible. It is the case that I am weak now. I am not strong as I used to be since I don’t have any sickness at that time. I was stronger when I was younger. This is my life now. This is the thing that I observed. The returnees recognized their aging experience in similar ways as they did manual labor when they were younger. It made them aware that the physiological changes they have now as a consequence of aging. In the same light, Danny, a non-OMFWOMFW, acknowledged his physical changes, “Yes, I accept my aging. Look at my white hair!” He shared the sentiments of the OMFW returnees as well: Aging? First is that you think of many things that you can do but you can’t do that anymore because of the changes in your body. The changes are signs of aging. Because your mental state is still the same but the actions and things you do are gone. Just like when I was younger, my body is able to walk my grandchildren and carry them over my shoulders, but now it is impossible. Similarly, Eddie expressed this too: I am the kind of person who is not picky with work. I lift and carry stuff frequently. I arrange and sort the items we sell. But I can sense and feel that my strength changes. It is different when I was younger. For Danny and Eddie, what mattered was the age-related and the physical changes that they were experiencing. On a similar note, Jose shared that: One ages faster when the one’s work is physically laborious and draining. Just think of doing manual labor under the scorching heat of the sun every day. This was my experience. Being under the sun for long periods of time every day, ages a person quickly! Coming from a poor family, Jose did manual farm labor when he was younger and came to realized that the nature of work even when one was younger impacted later life. More so, Jose was aware that physiological changes were not the only age-related changes My concern is that at times you forget things. Of course, this is natural since you are aging. But in other things there are not much surprises in the changes happening. If

one is getting old, the body aches and hurts because of diseases. This is not the case when one is younger. Because of his earlier experiences, Jose made sure that he practiced a healthy lifestyle: As for my wife and I whenever we feel something, we make sure that we seek medical assistance whenever. We monitor our health well. Our blood sugar and cholesterol levels. We try to be healthy by having a healthy lifestyle. For Andres, the recognition of changes was known. “Because I feel that I am not that really old-old. I feel that I am still the same. This is how I feel and plus that I am not getting sick.” For both the OMFW and non-OMFW, the inability to engage and do things that they used to do when they were younger via the physiological changes they were experiencing influenced how they expressed aging. Views on aging and old age. Participants’ views on old age and later life included how they experienced it and their observations from their family members and community. Returnees view later life with a pinch of humor and candidly. For Pablo, old age needed to be viewed with humor. He said: “I am here and my time is running out. I am waiting for God’s time. One keeps living because one is breathing (laughs). I believe that old age is when you stop breathing. That is how old age works.” Pablo’s statement showed that humor was used as a buffer in looking at aging and old age in a different light. “Aging in humans only occurs when one is asleep. You will wake up because you will pee. It is manifested in one’s body especially when one lacks food.” In this statement, Pablo recognized the physiological changes an older adult experiences. While in this statement: “Ah, I told my friends and loved ones that if I get sick, put a white cloth over my dead body,” Pablo advised his friends to do him this favor upon his death. He further shared: “If you are about to die, make sure that you won’t stop breathing. Breathing is free and so breath until you can! (laughs).” For Pablo, viewing life with humor and the things he had no control of was the best way to address things related to old age and later life. In contrast to Pablo’s humor, Ruben had a different perspective: “Now that I am old, I think that I have faced all problems. That is why I say to my wife that now that I am already old, I am unable to handle problems that well and so I ask God to take me first.” The challenges Ruben experienced in a life of poverty while he was growing up and until he was working overseas shaped his attitude on his later years. Ruben noted that: “I hope that I am the first to die.” His

63 way of seeing death implied that with the challenging life he had, he was about ready to face death. Others (Boyet, Tirso, Ramil, Miguel) all saw old age as something natural and inevitable. Miguel articulated this well. He said: In reality, I want to face old age. I know that it is inevitable and it will come. All will go there, and I am not an exemption. But I am hoping for when that time comes. I don’t want to experience sickness and decline. I want to get old without experiencing sickness and pain. Miguel said he knew very well that his time for being an older adult will come and ardently wished that his experience of old age will be decent. The death of loved ones as well as people they know in the community spurred more awareness that they were in their later lives. Miguel said: “Yes, there are many of my friends and the people I know that are dead. Today’s times are very much different when compared to before.” The awareness of themselves aging was brought forth as evidenced by the aging of others within their environments. For Ramil, the death of his wife and son brought forth this realization. He said, “The life of a person is so quick and fast. You don’t realize that life ends unexpectedly.” The OMFW bore different perspectives on old age and, most especially, their own aging. In the same light, the comparison group shared this view on death. However, it was only Eddie who articulated this the most about his thoughts about death. The death of his wife as well as the deaths of his friends in the community made him realized the inevitability of death as part of old age and later life. More so, the non-OMFW expressed similar accounts of old age. Danny shared: “Your relations with the younger generations change. You confidently say that I have been through the things that you are experiencing. I had experienced all the good, bad and ugly things in life. These I had gone through.” Danny viewed aging as becoming a seasoned and experienced person in life. He offered advice to younger people as he felt that he was in a position to do so with the experiences he had over time. Eddie shared a candid perspective on old age similar to Ruben and Pablo. In his words: “Aging and later life are fine. Well, this is like having an easy, laid-back and leisurely life. It is just as easy to be just my handsome self! (laughs)” In sum, for both the OMFW and the non-OMFW, views about later life were shaped by their personal circumstances and observations/social cues from others.

Revisiting overseas life. Overseas life played a central role in the life of the OMFW. It was their overseas experience that enabled them to become who and what they are now upon return. Their recollections of overseas life were juxtaposed with their present understandings of life in their later years. Examples of their individual stories attested to how vividly and clearly overseas life had influenced their return. In Miguel’s words: “Yes, of course. My overseas life supported my family. This is part of my life. I am grateful for the overseas experience I have.” This is further edified by Pablo in his description of how his overseas opportunity enabled him to have something from his life. He said, In my life, I don’t have regrets. All I want is to live. If I didn’t leave the country and stayed here, I will not have achieved it. If you stay here, you will know what I mean. You will have an idea on what is the condition here. This is why I am saying that I don’t have regrets on why I went overseas in contrast to staying here. Though he had challenging times in Saudi, he said he was aware that overseas work made a positive difference in his life and that of this family. Clearly, Pablo’s share of trials while doing overseas work were outweighed by the economic benefits it offered. The work demands were different, but he was compensated well for doing good work. Pablo said: “Because it is totally different if you work overseas. If you go work overseas and do your job, you will do well. But if you stay here you will have nothing unless you drive. This is why I am saying that upon my return, I will go back to the life I had prior to overseas work.” All OMFW shared Pablo’s sentiment of dealing with their return and the opportunities that were worthy to explore. The recollection of overseas life allowed the returnees to contemplate on their return and foremost their later lives. For the comparison group, all had the opportunity to explore and possibly do overseas work. Andres, had relatives that could easily assist and facilitate his overseas application but he opted not to continue. Jose tried and applied for overseas work but was a victim of fraud and decided that overseas work was not meant for him. Eddie applied but was unsuccessful being hired as he was underqualified for the job. And lastly, Danny was accepted for overseas work but declined because the pay was not enough to support his family. Changes in the family. With the OMFW’ return and reentry to their respective households, they observed changes among their family members. They noticed that children are now adults and have their own lives now. Both Miguel and Pablo articulated this well. Miguel said, “The

65 changes that I see in my family are that my children are now matured. I can see this clearly as I left them young, but now they are working. This is the huge change." Pablo explained, “You know that your children changed. That is indeed a big change.” The aging of their family members, as exhibited by their now-adult children, led to the OMFW’ awareness of their aging as well. In addition, family crises and tragedies allowed OMFW to think about old age and later life. All OMFW experienced situations that they were unable to control and prevent from happening—Pablo6 and Ramil7 lost their wives; Miguel8 had to deal with his sick child; Tirso9 and Boyet10 had an untimely initiations into grandparenthood; and Ruben confronted a dilemma with his youngest child. With the family circumstances and events that each of the OMFW’ families encountered, the family as a unit collectively act as one coherent group headed by the returnee. In so doing, the returnee was made to contemplate his own aging as informed by the well-being of his family. Changes in the community. In a broader context, OMFW saw changes in their community. Miguel and Tirso noticed changes in the community vis-à-vis the infrastructures. They noted the then and now, which led them to think about the time that transpired. The changes in the community, as evidenced by its urbanization, initiated their awareness of aging. Tirso shared that: “Yes, if you think about it there are big changes already since then. We have Shakey’s then!” Shakey’s was a family restaurant that only big cities had and for Tirso, his small community had leveled-up and became modernized. Ruben, noticed that within his neighborhood, people changed over time. He shared that: In the older days, my neighbors and I were like brothers and family even if we were not blood-related, we help one another. But over time when their children had a good standing in life, like priests, lawyers and other important jobs, they changed. They think highly of themselves since then! (Laughs)

6 Pablo lost his wife to diabetes but was already back home when this happened. 7 Ramil lost his first wife to thyroid cancer. 8 Miguel and his wife are the direct caregivers of their eldest son who had a stroke. The eldest son together with Miguel’s grandson live with them. 9 Tirso’s eldest daughter’s early marriage while doing overseas work. 10 Boyet’s youngest daughter’s early marriage due to wedlock when he was already home. 66

In Ruben’s mind, his standing as an OMFW spurred awkward social relations with them. Ruben thought about these things and attributed this to accumulated differences among them over time. Seeing the aging of their family members, experiencing family tragedies, and observing community changes caused OMWFs to reflect on their later lives. For the comparison group, not leaving the country and staying in the community allowed them to know and be engaged in the community. All of them were aware of community affairs and issues even when they were still working. However, their degree of involvement differs. Only in their later lives were the non-OMFW able to spend time in community affairs. Jose and Andres were both active in the community, in contrast to Danny and Eddie. Jose was actively involved in church activities and served as a deacon in their Parish church. Andres held a position in the community as a senior citizen coordinator and organized activities for older adults in the community and at the same time volunteered for their Parish church’s activities and programs. Danny and Eddie, they made sure to keep themselves updated with community affairs. Thoughts about the future. Looking forward, the returnees’ views on their later lives rest on how they assess their overseas work and their aspirations aligned with familism. The majority of the OMFW expressed contentment in several ways. Tirso was happy being with family. We are happy and content with what we have now. I am grateful to God that I was able to get to this age. I don’t feel anything bad, and I see my grandchildren growing up. I am happy seeing these things in my life. I am happy that I have this life. This was also true for Boyet, as he was simply happy now. He stated, “I am happy and I do not have anything to aspire for.” Ruben expressed contentment with what he has now. The reality of addressing the basic things in life made him content. He explained: I don’t have grand dreams of living a luxurious life. I tell myself that to eat three times a day means I am well. All I want is for my children’s good life and successes. And after that, I can tell the Lord that He can take me and that I am well. For me, I don’t aspire for myself now. In the same manner, Tirso also shared Ruben’s sentiments on contentment: “None. I have nothing more to ask from life. None. I don’t have any ambition in life.”

Looking forward to their later lives, they said they were content with themselves as they saw the success of their hard work and sacrifice they did for their families. Several accounts of the OMFW described this. Ramil stated, I think that my life is complete now, as I can leave my children with their own lives. I am made rich because my hopes for a good life for them have come to pass. I am happiest now. I fervently pray that my children’s lives prosper. My only hope is for them to make it happen for them. Ruben expressed a similar sentiment, saying, I am thankful. I am thankful to God that I was able to raise my children and provide for them. They were responsible to make it happen for them with the sacrifice I did. I tell my wife that I am happy upon death with me seeing my children having good lives. Ramil and Ruben are both content with the life they have now. Yet for Miguel, he wanted things to happen for him: I have aspirations but it is not for me. My aspirations remain to be for my family. My aspirations now are for my grandchildren and to see them successful in life. I am here for them and make sure that they become successful and have good lives. This is my aspiration. As for me, I am fine. I have no more aspirations for myself. Miguel’s aspirations were not for himself but towards his family. This was also true for Boyet, who shared this view yet extends it to being instrumental toward others as well: Our happiness is for us to be healthy and to be strong. We pray that God grant us strength so that we may care for our grandchildren. We don’t aspire for more money, but if it comes, then we welcome this (laughs). But to aspire for more is not our main concern. We have this life now that we are able to eat daily and this is good. We ask the Lord to grant us more blessings so we can share it to others, our relatives and our siblings. This is my hope, to help others whenever we can. The life we have now is good, and we are content with what we have. In Boyet’s statement, taking care of oneself and having good health would enable them to help and assist others more. Further, Boyet added that: I don’t have aspirations anymore. It is normal to think about these things when you are aging. To ask questions of how long is my strength able to work and support my

family. I think of these things. I say to myself that I need to stay strong. I am not afraid of getting old and I accept the reality that there is no stopping aging (long pause). For Boyet, taking care of himself was necessary to take care of his family. The returnees’ statements showed the recognition of aging and their thoughts about the future. For the comparison group, aspirations for the coming days were also directed toward a good life for their families. Jose shared that: “All I dream of is to see my grandchildren and children to have a good community standing and good life. For this I am happier. That they don’t have any problems.” Danny has no aspirations now that his family is together. In his words: I am happy, indeed happy that I have a life such as this. I have a family. I have a good wife who knows how to take care of my family and the children. I am content and happy. I don’t have anything more to ask for. However, Andres and Eddie expressed that they have aspirations still. Andres shared: My dream is to have a shuttle bus. I was able to do that in my humble way. Now I want to have a two-level house. I would like to add another level to accommodate my grandchildren and great children so that they have their own respective spaces. I want to give whatever I may to my grandchildren and great grandchildren, and that what is best for them. I don’t want them to experience the hardships that I experienced. Andres continued to want to have a better house to continue to provide a better life for his family. Similarly, Eddie sense of security through having their own home was articulated as well. As for me, I would like to continue to serve my children. So long that the good Lord allows me to. I don’t have grand dreams of getting rich. All I want is for us to have our own house. I am not thinking of myself but for my children to have a place of our own when they want to visit me over time. Clearly, in the narratives, both the OMFW and non-OMFW practiced familism in their thoughts about the future and in their later lives.

5.3 Response of Others with Return

Responses of others upon return includes the responses of OMFW wives, children and the greater community. Each are described below.

The OMFW wives.

The sharing of household management responsibilities between spouses varied in degree upon the returnees’ return. Wives shared their stories about their husbands’ return. The reality of their husbands being physically home and living with them now allowed them to reposition their places in their family and household. To the extent that overseas work ushered wives in to the dual roles of being both mother and father for the children, their husbands’ return enabled them to take a less visible role in household management. Returnees’ roles as household managers were more pronounced than ever upon their reentry into their respective households. Only Pablo, who was a widower, had the least adjustment upon his return, as he presently lived with his son’s family. Pablo was the recipient of care and was less involved in household management. He is taken care by his son’s family and household. With Miguel’s return, Emma shared that her sense of freedom was limited. With Miguel gone for overseas work, Emma enjoyed the liberty of managing her time abreast maintaining household affairs and raising the children. But upon Miguel’s return, she related that her sense of freedom was restricted. Emma added that though their children are now adults, Miguel took an active and direct role in attending to the needs of each family member now. With the addition of their grandson in the family, Miguel exercised the parental role even more. An exception was Boyet’s wife, Elda, who remained in command of household affairs as the household manager. With Boyet back in the house, Elda had Boyet to assist her. For Elda, nothing much has changed either during or after Boyet’s overseas work. Elda shared that their family had been cushioned from financial challenges. Elda thought that they had been blessed over time, and they accorded this to their faithfulness and belief in God. All four wives said that with the return of their spouses, they recognized thoughts about growing old and living together side by side in their later lives. This was best articulated by Belen who said, “At this point in our lives, we both feel that we are getting old. We are getting old indeed!” Now that their spouses are here for good, each said that they were happier and at peace, as they had each other to face the coming days. With the exception of Elda, they added

70 that despite the challenges with finances and just barely making it on a daily basis, they preferred to be together in their later lives. This was best illustrated by Belen, as she looked forward to Tirso’s presence in their household. She recounted being alone in doing domestic affairs and raising their family when Tirso was gone for overseas work. Now, with Tirso in the household together with all of their now-adult children and grandchildren, she was more at peace and comforted that they will be all together in the coming years. The sense of emotional security was valued more by Belen, in contrast to Emma’s sharing of financial woes. In sum, wives expressed their preference for togetherness in their later lives. This edified the claim on familism as a collective consciousness and the value lived by Filipinos over time. Familism was expressed in different ways in an overseas household, with economic and relational dynamics demonstrated. Though a hint of ambivalence was articulated, a greater sense of validation of familism as a value was demonstrated together with the awareness of the aging among family members.

The OMFW children.

The children shared that things changed upon their father’s return. The physical presence of their fathers allowed them to reposition their place in family relations and dynamics. In doing so, they were made aware that life then and now was different in many ways. They saw and appreciated how their fathers’ overseas work led to what their lives have become. Though not living a grand and lavish life that most people would dream of, their fathers’ overseas work resulted in a better life. Children of OMFW noted that their fathers’ return meant changes in family relations and dynamics. First was the financial component upon the return of the OMFW. With their father’s return, the returnees took a less active role as the primary provider for the family; thus the children took an active role in doing this. Second was the relational component of the return. The adult children repositioned their role as children, but now that majority of the household members are adults, the dynamics had changed. The parental role was rethought, as adult children took care of their parents. A more relaxed relationship between parents and children existed now. And third, children had more room for their opinions to be heard. They took part in family decisions and household management.

All children were keen to observe notable changes upon their fathers’ return. The changes that they noted related to their fathers’ physical changes as a result of aging. Having seen these changes, all children collectively shared their sentiments to take care of their parents. All children, except Alvin, expressed their intentions and aspirations to do overseas work if given the chance. They all felt that overseas life would benefit all their family members; the value of familism remained an important reason for overseas work regardless of their experiences with their own fathers’ absence.

5.4 OMFW and non-OMFW

In the study, non-OMFW shared similarities with the returnees as they viewed and expressed aging and old age. These were noted in the changes in the roles and reflective expressions on old age that the non-OMFW also showed.

Recognizing and making sense of one’s own aging.

The rate of recognition and enactment of roles attached on aging and later life spelled the difference between the OMFW and non-OMFW. The comparison group demonstrated that there were marginal differences on how aging was made sense of and understood. The awareness of aging was seen as older men related to their immediate family, relatives and community over time. The early initiation to grandparenthood for Jose, Danny and Andres allowed them to see themselves as in their later life. Having their children and grandchildren live with them reminded them that they are grandfathers now and were in their later lives. The reality of their remaining in the household--not leaving the country and being with family—led them to gradually ponder their later life. Retirement as a construct was an objective reality for them now. They transitioned from a daily routine of going to work and from an “active” and structured life to a life at home attending to domestic affairs in their household. Jose explained: This is so as I need to go to work early, around 6 am since the classes of the students are 7 am. I need to be at the office by 6 am to open the department and the classrooms. The students can’t go in the classrooms if I go there by 7 am. Jose’s formal retirement ended this routine and he was convinced that he had officially exited this portion in his life. Now with his retirement, he established another routine:

I wake up 5 am and then I do whatever I can think of. Sometimes I will invite my wife to go to the hill to walk with me to serve as our exercise. We always go for a walk when the weather is good. This is our routine. Then I clean the backyard, and I have a week-long set of activities in the church and community. Andres had a retirement party given by his office upon his formal exit from the workplace. “Golden Seed Award, this was my award upon my retirement from work. This was a good award since it has a price. I had several awards due to my performance. It is merit-based and based on years of service.” Andres took pride with the work he had as he shared that he earned a good name for himself for others to emulate. It was known to Andres that with his formal exit from work meant his retirement. It was different for Danny, as he had a forced retirement. It was a case of retrenchment and he had to deal with this new retirement policy in their company. Danny was unprepared with this but was forced to deal with this. It is the case that I didn’t confront the authority or those people in power. I asked them in the most polite manner if I did not do my job well and if this was the case, how can I improve myself. And then I was surprised since they can’t answer me (laughs). Danny had no choice but to accept his untimely forced retirement. In Danny’s mind he is officially retired but with a different concept of retirement. For both Andres and Danny who were drivers, routines were rather arbitrary in contrast to Jose’s fixed and regular routine in doing maintenance tasks. The need Jose to establish a routine upon retirement was greater in comparison to Andres and Danny. Jose, Andres and Danny, they had different experience of how retirement was viewed, practiced and observed. Eddie, the popular construct of retirement did not apply. He continues to manage the store, however during limited hours now. He shared that he will continue to man the mini grocery as long as his body allows. The home now is a place for older men to reflect upon their aging and later life. This awareness was defined by their immediate environment and structures rather than their inner subjectivities. The formal retirement marked the gradual realization of their old age. The non- OMFW were entwined with domestic, family and community affairs that caused them to have less time to ponder their own aging. This was the case as they enacted the role of grandfathers to their grandchildren as their living arrangements allowed them to care for their grandchildren. This was true for Danny, Jose and Andres since their grandchildren live with them.

5.5 Chapter Summary

This chapter provides an account of the return experience of OMFW to the Philippines after working abroad. The themes presented on the return experience and old age offer an understanding of what return was for OMFW and, at the same time, how they were related to their thinking about old age and aging. OMFW viewed themselves differently because of their overseas experience as part of their life course. They acknowledged that the event and process of overseas work in their lives impacted their worldviews and made them see things differently. The change in their self- perception was two-fold: personal and collective. First, on a personal level, OMFW were cognizant that they all came from poor families. The act of doing overseas work and the high status accorded by Philippine society on overseas contract workers changed the way they perceive themselves. The OMFW recognized overseas work and the benefits it offered as a redemption from poverty. Overseas work enabled them to see themselves as acquiring a better life and, foremost, took delight in being instrumental in improving their families’ quality life. The social status that overseas work accorded to the OMFW’ families impacted the way returnees perceive themselves. By looking at the stories shared by the non-OMFW, an emerging similar theme encapsulated the salience of the core Filipino value of kapwa—the heart of every Filipino in relating to one another and in guiding one’s thoughts and orientation as evidenced in familism.

Chapter 6: Discussion

This chapter offers a discussion of the findings of the study in relation to the literature, and theoretical and conceptual frameworks presented in the earlier sections. The study highlighted the experience of return transnational migration. A major concept that ties many of these together is the notion of familism which is linked to many of the main themes. A discussion of the major findings and conclusions drawn from this research follows. The chapter ends with recommendation for future research directions, and a final reflection on the study.

6.1 Change in Self-perception

The complexity of migration needs to be examined and viewed as a “dynamic whole and as a lifelong process” affecting a migrant’s existence (Castles, 2000, pp. 15-16). The change in self- perception among returnees was an outcome of the entire migration process. The themes on return showed that return, as the endpoint of the transnational migration process, was experienced similarly by the OMFW. The experiences they shared about pre-migration and overseas life indicated that OMFW had collective similarities and concerns, thus leading to their return experience. However, each returnee experienced return differently as contextualized by their individual and idiosyncratic circumstances. The themes represented the noticeable and relevant understandings on the return experience. In the interviews, migration as a trajectory in the lives of OMFW was illustrated. Migration was an established social reality and has created a system that sustains its viability over time for families and the Philippine society in general. Living and working overseas offered changes on how returnees viewed themselves upon return. The OMFW upon return have a stronger sense of achievement as breadwinners for the family, an egalitarian understanding of shared domestic responsibilities, and possession of an enhanced self-confidence and assertiveness (Sri, 2009). With prolonged absence from their families, relating with different nationalities, and living in a foreign place ushered them to contemplate on their later life upon return to their families and community. The entire migration process itself was challenging physically, socially, and psychologically (Sri, 2001). The return was telling about the persons that they had become as a result of thriving in a foreign place. In the study, heightened cultural sensitivity, strong sense of confidence and redemption from a poor self were among the several features of an older OMFW returnee.

6.2 Filipino Values

While doing overseas work, OMFW were made to reflect and celebrate distinct positive Filipino values as they related with others. They came to nurture these values, which proved beneficial as they related with people of different nationalities and personalities; they served to affirm their identity as a Filipino at the same time. More so, OMFW were also made aware about their status as a worker in a foreign land. This enabled them to view themselves as global and well-rounded people, resulting in an increased sense of cultural sensitivity. In the study, Enriquez’s understanding of the Filipino psyche, highlighting confrontative values of bahala na11 (Lagmay, 1976), and lakas ng loob12 (de Guia, 2005), were exhibited by the OMFW returnees while doing overseas work and upon returning home for good. The degree of the values expressed were different for each returnee but the possession of these values allowed them to make meaning of their views about themselves. With the return, meanings about themselves were made clearer as there was more time to reflect now that they are at home.

6.3 Views of Return

OMFW’ views of return were influenced in great part by the reason behind the decision to return home. Reasons for return were voluntary and involuntary. First, voluntary returns occurred if there were family crises or personal troubles that were encountered by the returnees themselves or their family members back home; there was the need to go home though the contract was still good. The returnees’ homecoming were aligned with Roger’s (1984) motives for return as OMFW were aware on the need to be home because of their families. Other factors of homesickness and retirement (Bovenkerk, 1974) were reasons for return as well but not as powerful as having strong family ties. Second, involuntary returns occurred when it was the end of contract (Stinner & Albuquerque, 1982) on older contract workers. The literature supports this study as OMFW returnees being labor migrants from developed industrial countries were expected to return to their less-developed home countries (King, 2000). The OMFW’s homecoming was permanent and those who have intention to return and do return (Gmelch, 1980) because of the Saudization policy that did not encourage permanent residency. OMFW returnees were forced to return to the

11 Determination in the face of uncertainty 12 Guts 76

Philippines when their contracts ended and returns were mostly spurred by the prescribed retirement age of 60 years old13 as stipulated in their contracts. The final exit policy was strictly enforced unless the OMFW services were extended for lack of people to immediately fill in the position that they will be leaving. However, in the minds of the OMFW returnees, retirement migration (Bovenkerk, 1974; King, 1986) as a construct and popularly conceived by society (e.g. cessation from formal work) was absent. Both voluntary and involuntary returns led to ambivalent feelings of returnees as they were concern with their family’s economic security when they were going home for good. In the study, it is interesting to note that the construct of retirement, be it a voluntary or an involuntary return, was more of “going home” (Koser & Black, 1999) rather than the society’s popular understanding of retirement. The OMFW returnees experienced retirement tacitly. “Going home” and being with family upon return celebrated familism, but returnees remained to have the desire to continue to pursue economic goals on being the ama ng tahanan (father of the home) (Jimenez, 1983; Jurilla, 1986; Macrohom, 1978; McCann-Erickson Survey Group, 1985; Robles, 1986), haligi ng tahanan (cornerstone of the home) (Tan, 1989) or padre de pamilya (father of the family) (Tan, 1989). This is when ambivalence of return is often felt and thought about. It is important to highlight that familism, again, was the value that drove the entire migration process. As such overseas work and the eventual return was a collective strategy and commitment among family members. It can be said that this familism emanated from kapwa as an ingrained and core value among Filipinos. Kapwa, being the shared otherness and high regard for the well-being of others more than oneself, validated the claim on familism by the returnee’s family. In a way, ambivalent feelings of return edified kapwa as the underlying vigor as demonstrated in familism. Hence, ambivalent feelings of return highlighted and edified return experience as being about family and the shared otherness of kapwa among the returnees and one’s family members.

13“SLL Article (74): A work contract shall terminate in the following cases: (4) The worker attains the age of retirement, which is sixty years for males and fifty five years for females, unless the two parties agree upon continuing work after this age. The retirement age may be reduced in cases of early retirement as provided for in the work organization regulation. If it is a fixed-term work contract which extends beyond the retirement age, it shall terminate at the end of its term.” http://ofwempowerment.com/new-saudi-labor-law/

However, it is also important to account the contradiction that familism espoused. As Gardener argues, “migration is inherently contradictory for it involves physical separation in a society which so greatly values togetherness” (2002, p. 226). Familism is redefined and given new meanings in contrast to the notion of togetherness (Medina, 2001). The absence of a family member in the likeness of the OMFW accomplishes an important function for the family to have a better life that impacts family structure, formation and relations, and household resources (Bretell, 1988; Lagrosa, 1986). With the prolonged separation of the OMFW from his family, feelings of guilt and a sense of disorientation impact both the returnee and his family (Sri, 2009). The study showed that even values are responsive to the emerging structural changes prevalent in today’s society.

6.4 Relevance of FIM’s Applicability

FIM showed its appropriateness as a tool in the study, as the researcher had extended relations with the participants’ families even after data collection was accomplished. The developed relationship over time and the acquisition, practice, and understanding of kapwa highlighted FIM’s fit to understand the return experience of OMFW and their aging experience. While ethnography allows the researcher to also take part in the community’s tradition, it does not operate on a prolonged relationship. The study became a joint undertaking of both the researcher and the participants’ lives and families.

The study also manifested cultural traits and nuances. In doing FIM, it is important to recognize these to aptly interact with the participants. In the study, the following practices were observed in to become an insider and to possess the privileged position of hindi ibang-tao: (1) calling the participants as Tito (Tagalog word meaning uncle) and Tita (Tagalog word meaning aunt); (2) taking part in family traditions and activities (e.g. going to their church, being invited to family get-togethers); (3) giving of gifts; (4) bringing snacks during each visit to the participants’ homes; and (5) keeping in touch even after data collection (e.g. sending of birthday cards, connecting through social media). The distinct values that were recognized and practiced included: familism, risk-taking, Filipino work ethic, damayan, pakikipagkapwa-tao, pakikisama, pakikipagpalagayang-loob, and tiyaga. This same set of values was also practiced and impressed in their later lives upon their coming home for good. It was with their narratives of return that the OMFW returnees

78 articulated that the lessons while doing overseas work were brought back home. Clearly, the migration trajectory was included in the later life of the OMFW upon his return. Unknowingly, with their return, the OMFW were then ushered to the realization of their aging experience as well. As they continue to make sense of their return as refracted by age in their later life, the values impressed, practiced and understood while doing overseas work guided their thoughts about the future. The distinct feature of FIM was the understanding and possession of kapwa. With kapwa, a heightened sensitivity and awareness of others is practiced and observed, which thus enables one to extend and share one’s sense of otherness to another. Kapwa, as a potent construct and value, served as the core conceptual and methodological context spurring significant human interaction and understanding. In addition, my unique position as a cultural “insider” allowed for development of rapport and trust between me (the researcher) and the participants. “Insider” research was comprised of social interviews with participants who shared a similar cultural, linguistic, ethnic, national and religious heritage to me (Ganga & Scott, 2006). I was therefore accorded a special place by my participants because of these shared similar features. This social proximity creates an “imagined community” (Ganga & Scott, 2006) that embraces the understandings between myself as the researcher and my participants. This social proximity evidences the development of trust through relationship-building of pakikipag-kapwa and thus, possessing kapwa. With the achieved and ascribed kapwa, sharing of quality good information and relationships are created. The uniqueness of my position as a culture-bearer adds another layer to navigate the significance of possessing kapwa. Being a culture-bearer, expressed and translated in bearing social proximity with the participants, is not a requisite of FIM, but is an addition that increases trust and good quality information from them. The social proximity gained from being a member of a transnational migration household affords me an ascribed position of being one of them, hindi ibang-tao.

Doing FIM.

With the lessons, insights and premises FIM offer, other disciplines can learn from FIM’s relevant contribution with its emphasis on the development of kapwa or a deeper and rooted kind of rapport and trust-building operationalized in a particular setting when conducting research.

Also, the growth of a culturally relevant and responsive research practice is a distinct feature of SP compared to IM and mainstream psychology (Church & Katigbak, 2002). It is encouraged that IM scholars test its usability in their specific cultures over time. By sharing the sentiments of Filipino scholars (Aguila, 2014; Mendoza, 2006; Pe-Pua, 2001) in advancing FIMs as a research approach, this study has its endogenous (originating from within) beginnings and impetus. This study took on multi-disciplinary perspectives and used several qualitative research approaches that were contextual and culturally-sensitive in nature. FIM, in this regard, are an interruption from the traditional way of doing research, as they extended their social utility even after the research, went deeper in nurturing several layers of rapport-building measures, and transcended the binary insider-outsider research stance (Aguila, 2014). The enduring relations created and nurtured throughout the research highlighted this distinct feature of FIM, together with the participants sharing the status on being co-equals in doing the research; such that a dialogic exchange between myself and my participants existed. As the researcher, I framed my conceptual lens based on my unique position as an international scholar trained in a Western orientation while sharing similarities with my participants. More so, FIM are not reinventing the wheel of doing research, but remind, inform and enhance standard research practices on the saliency of cultural specifics. In so doing, it is possible to illustrate cultural specifics in a way that combines an insider’s perspective with lucidity from the perspective of outsiders in a way that it is free from cultural hegemony and American-centrism. FIM continue to be steadfast on its initial impetus to decolonize research. The extension and utility of FIM in the academe is an important theoretical and methodological addition that offer a different way of knowing that rethink ways of doing research. The Philippine case of doing IM, as expressed in FIM, serves as a springboard and catalyst for reconsidering ways of doing grounded and relevant research. Through FIM, this study aims to illustrate, bridge and contribute to the growing scholarly endeavor between western concepts and indigenous ways of knowing, i.e. with an emphasis on using and edifying indigenous ways, knowledge and cultural protocols, thus contributing to an improved and relevant methodology both in theory and practice. The prevailing value of kapwa tied the entire research together. This was also true for the wives and children whom I interviewed. Though I had only a single interview session with each of them, I am assured that quality information was offered, as most of them disclosed

80 information about themselves willingly. I was caught by surprise, as the nature of the information they shared is typically contained within familial boundaries or a type of relation that accorded deeper trust. My interaction with the wives and children were much closer and intimate. I say these things as we shared the sameness of the roles we have of being a woman for the wives and on being a child for the children. As the interviews transpired, the similarities became magnified through the sharing and telling of stories, such that the quality of information went beyond the bounds of the research questions. The interview allowed the family members’ stories to be heard and allowed them to hear themselves; this made them feel good that their voices were heard. The trust and rapport I was accorded was indeed a manifestation of attaining a pakikipagpalagayang-loob. The extended relationship I have now with my participants even after the interviews illustrates the kind of social relationship and that kapwa was demonstrated to better elucidate understanding when conducting research.

With the use of FIM, Filipino values were uncovered. The presence and enactment of a value allowed other values to occur. The narratives of both the OMFW and non-OMFW offered a validation of several values presented in Chapter 3. Filipino values of damayan (empathy), utang na loob (debt of gratitude), treating me as their own family member, pakikisama, pakikiramdam and the value on togetherness resonated in the study. All these emerged from kapwa as the underlying value operating relationships and social interactions among OMFW, non-OMFW, family members and the community.

In sum, the distinct feature of FIM was the understanding and possession of kapwa. With kapwa, a heightened sensitivity and awareness of others was practiced and observed, which thus enabled one to extend and share one’s sense of otherness to another. Kapwa, as a potent construct and value, served as the core conceptual and methodological context spurring significant human interaction and understanding.

6.5 Migration and the Life Course

In the study, transnational migration was seen as a key point in an OMFW’s biography and as an interruption in the institutionalized life course framework of the “three boxes of life” (Riley & Riley, 1994), and the “personal life” (Hagestad, 1988; Uhlenberg, 1978; Uhlenberg & Mueller, 2003) that impacted the life course construct over time. It offered a rethinking of the life course perspective as evidenced on how transnational migration and culture affected individual

81 experience and impacted the decision to migrate, while focusing on the individual’s life course trajectory at the event of return migration. The study generated a new understanding on the premise of the life course perspective as it relates to the consequences “involved in transitions are discrete and bounded; when they happen, an old phase of life ends and a new phase begins” (Hutchinson, 2007, p. 15). The return experience and the entire transnational migration process is a social phenomenon responsive to the structural changes needing a careful inclusion in the life course perspective. This is in response to a plea in enriching the field of life course studies and to widen its applicability and scope in its existing knowledge base (Dannefer, 2003).

More so, the life course perspective as an individual and biographical affair was brought into question as the saliency of linked lives and interdependence of individuals, foremost centering on the family for synchronizing the individual’s life abreast with family members’ lives over time (Oleinikova, 2013), as shown in the study. This was exhibited in familism as a value emanating from kapwa, and being a core Filipino value (Enriquez, 1985). The role of culture embedded in the social, economic, political and historical arrangements guided the returnees’ life. Transnational migration mapped the life course of individuals who decided to work overseas to provide a better life for one’s family. In a way, transnational migration was a collective understanding and action to counter social degradation (Jazwinska & Okólski, 1996; Okólski, 2004) of family members. As shown in the study, the familiar and standard understanding of the life course perspective on the high regard for human agency in making choices (Hutchison, 2005) and the use of personal power to achieve one's aims (Oleinikova, 2013) were rethought. To extend the usefulness of the life course perspective, it should not be restricted on the high regard for human agency and individual differences solely as most of studies would suggest (Elder, 1994; O'Rand 1996) but must also consider the inclusion of collectivities and social groups in maximizing the efficacy of the life course framework.

The case of the OMFW returnees’ transnational migration provided us that individual choices are embedded in the family and are delimited by Philippine economic, political, social and historical arrangements as well as global interdependencies. Life-course perspective gives attention to the consequences of historical and social change on human behavior (Oleinikova, 2013) that is significantly relevant in Philippine society. In this case, transnational migration, e.g.

82 return migration, as experienced by the OMFW returnees was a collective rational decision in the assessment of one’s family’s welfare and future.

6.6 Future Research Directions

While this study shed some light into the return experience of OMFW, investigating gender differences, occupational types, and cross-cultural constructs on retirement are fertile grounds for further studies. First, the study only dealt with the return experience among male overseas Filipino workers. Studies on female overseas workers may yield different results. Second, studies on different occupational types may reveal other differences related to the experience of transnational migration as work condition, pay and other factors may play a role. Third, exploring cultural constructs of retirement would be worthwhile. Fourth, gaining a deeper understanding of how transnational migration affects family members (e.g., spouses, children) and the community would be important. And last, I suggest extending the utility of FIM to diverse fields of knowledge. This is to test the conceptual and methodological soundness of FIM as a research approach. In so doing, it will lead to a method fit and appropriate for and about the Filipinos. All of these future directions may ultimately help policy makers better understand and support OFWs.

6.7 Reflections

This final chapter encapsulated the narratives of OMFW returnees. With the saliency of migration as a public event of Philippine society, the study illustrated that the return penetrated the intimate lives of its people. A key lesson to learn from this study is the universality and inevitability of aging and old age. The returnees were embraced with this objective reality and hence deserving of attention as they made sense of their return to their families and community after a prolonged absence. In a way, the returnees’ views about themselves came from their status as OMFW. The study showed the relevance of placing the returnee in the entire context of the migration process from the beginning until the end, with their return home for good and their realization of their own aging. In the findings, the narratives captured the socio-cultural and psychological domains of return migration juxtaposed in the entire migration undertaking. The study provides a substantive understanding of return experience as a less-studied area in migration and more so, went beyond what the more common migration theories failed to explain and understand. The study echoed

King’s (2000) plea that “studies of return not be isolated around the return decision or event, but be built around a more holistic and theoretically informed appreciation of the nature of migration and mobility in this globalized era” (p. 45). My research centered on the inner subjectivities and humanness of OMFW with return migration, life course, aging, and later life together with FIM. I addressed the less-explored areas by which migration studies may unintentionally overlook. More importantly, the goal of describing the intersection of return migration with aging and later life was achieved in the study. The life course perspective allowed me to examine the interplay of personal biographies, socio-cultural forces, and linked lives as refracted by age. I have extended the utility of FIM to enhance traditional ways of conducting qualitative research. In the process of doing research, I came to understand that the narratives allowed my participants’ voices to be heard. In so doing, they allowed themselves to take a pause and think about themselves. Non-verbal cues during the interviews revealed the deep feelings of mixed emotions about their past, present and forthcoming later years. The return in their later life enabled them to reposition themselves further in their families and home. Family remained the potent force and reason for things. Familism guided and directed their sense of purpose—kapwa with its saliency embedded in the Filipino culture. They acknowledged the changes and very well noted the reordered and reworked relations that led them to share their thoughts about their aging selves. The life stories that the returnees shared prompted thoughts, feelings and values about overseas work, later life and its intersection. This enabled them to reflect, ponder, and interpret how overseas life, e.g. return migration, shaped and impacted their outlook in their later years and the on-going aging experience. As they articulated and shared their narratives, a becoming and transformation were revealed and disclosed. In the process of describing themselves, my participants were in a process of finding the persons that they were, are and had become. The temporal domain of the life course perspective was helpful in understanding and making sense of the intersection of return and later life inscribed in the entire migration process and their life course. There is much to say about the impacts of migration at different levels: the dependencies between and across nations, the family and individuals’ experience of aging. It is useful to situate migration in a broader context as one understands and makes sense of the returnees’ narratives as refracted by age. More so, return migration and later life converge. In the life of the returnees,

84 the return and later life were meant to be inscribed in their life course trajectories. The potential discourse and exchange from across disciplines on migration, inner subjectivities, and later life are fertile and urgent. The lessons learned from OMFW returnees offered understandings, more questions and curiosities as well. Such a careful examination is warranted to better capture and understand the intersection of return migration, humanness and old age in a returnees’ life course further. The study has its challenges and limitations. The study cannot be generalized to every OMFW returnee, as it described the return experience among married (or once married) and unskilled OMFW returnees in their later lives in a small community in the southern region of an island group only. The narratives they shared spoke of their individual return experience and later life. As a final note, the study is transformative and a reflective experience for my participants and me. The conceptual and methodological stance that FIM offered each one enabled both my participants and me to position ourselves in the study as individuals sharing the same features of a common cultural heritage, belonging to a migration household, and bearing kapwa as our operating core value guiding a person’s thoughts, actions and feelings. We acknowledged this sameness and allowed our relations to endure and remain even after the study. The relations forged as an outcome of bearing kapwa as transformative in itself allowed us to make sense of the reformulated persons we had become as co-equals in the process of doing FIM.

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Appendix

Appendix A: Letter to the OMFW Respondent

______

Dear ______:

Good day!

I am a graduate student of Miami University and is conducting a study on male overseas Filipino workers, who have return in the Philippines. It is the aim of the study to know and understand the experience of life after the return from overseas work. In order to do this, your kind response and voluntary cooperation are significant to achieve this end.

I am privileged to have been assisted by ______(name of endorser) to identify you as one of my potential respondents. They were kind to refer you as a possible candidate for my research. It is to this reason, why I am asking you to be one. Rest assured that the information you supply by participating in this study will be kept confidential. The data collected will be solely used for the specific study and to contribute the field of knowledge.

There are no known or anticipated risks in participating in this investigation. This study has been reviewed and gained ethics clearance by the Office for the Advancement of Research and Scholarship. However, it is still your final decision to participate in this study. If you decide to participate and have concerns or comments resulting on your participation in this study, please contact the Research Compliance Officer: Dr. Neal Sullivan ([email protected]). If you decide to participate in the study and have questions or would like additional information to assist you in whatever way, please contact myself, Karel Joyce D. Kalaw, at 469-766-4426 or e- mail me at [email protected].

Thank you in advance for your cooperation in my research.

Sincerely yours,

Karel Joyce D. Kalaw

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Appendix B: Informed Consent—OMFW returnee

One of the distinguishing features of a Filipino household is the saliency of an overseas family member. In a survey conducted by the Social Weather Stations in 2004, about 52 percent of Filipinos in the country have a family member or relative living abroad. Because migration for the Filipinos is both a family and societal strategy to improve their lives, it is important to understand this pervasive phenomenon over time. My study entitled: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino workers returnees, aims to know the experience of life after return from overseas work among overseas male Filipino workers (OMFW). In order to describe the experience of return, I am asking for your cooperation. For your reference, kindly see the information below.

Investigator(s): The research project is being conducted by Karel Joyce D. Kalaw, a Graduate student in the Social Gerontology PhD Program, at Miami University under the supervision of Dr. Kate de Medeiros.

Description of Participation: As a volunteer, you will be interviewed by the researcher. The interview will be conducted in English, Filipino or a combination of both (Taglish) depending on which language is most comfortable for the participant. The interviews will be audio-recorded by the researcher and later transcribed for the purpose of data analysis. The interviews will be conducted at a place that is mutually agreeable to the participant and the researcher. Also, the information generated during the study will remain confidential and will solely be used for the purpose of the study. To protect your privacy and identity, the use of pseudonyms in reporting will be used.

Length of Participation: An interview will last for approximately one and a half to two hours depending on how much information you would like to share. For each participant, there will be two to three interview sessions. During the first session, questions pertaining to your life as an overseas worker will be asked; on the second session, questions on your life upon the return in the Philippines, will be asked; and lastly, on the third session, questions on your plans for the future now that you are in your later life will be asked. Any clarifications and questions on the study and related concerns will be answered.

Risks and Benefits of Participation: The anticipated benefit of participation is the opportunity to share and discuss the experience of return migration after overseas work among overseas male Filipino. There are minimal risks from participation in the study, i.e. emotional discomforts upon recollection of stories or sensitive issues related to family or experiences in life overseas. However, the researcher assures that these emotional distresses are not detrimental to the over-all well-being of the participant; and if there are occasions that these occurrences will arise, the researcher will stop the interview and offer relief from the emotional upset the interview might have triggered.

Volunteer Statement: You are a volunteer. The decision to participate in this project is completely up to you. If you decide to be in the study, you may stop at any time. You will not be treated any differently if you decide not to participate or if you stop once you have started.

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Copyright: The researcher will retain the copyright. Recordings and transcripts will be kept by the researcher for three years and only the researcher and the members of her graduate committee will have access to the data.

Fair Treatment and Respect: Miami University wants to make sure that you are treated in a fair and respectful manner. Contact the University’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) at [email protected] or 1-513-529-3600, if you have any questions about how you are treated as a study participant. If you have any questions about the project, please contact Karel Joyce D. Kalaw, (469) 766-4426 or by email at [email protected]., or Dr. Kate de Medeiros by email at [email protected].

Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix C: Informed Consent Form—Wife of an OMFW Returnee

“Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Dear Participant:

You are invited to take part in a research study that aims to know and understand the experience of life after the return from overseas work of your husband. I am interested to know and understand your experience as a wife and a parent. You can decide not to participate. The following information is provided for you to make an informed decision whether or not you would like to take part. If you have any questions please do not hesitate to ask. You are eligible to participate in this study because you have met the criteria set by the study.

Project: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Purpose of the Project: This study will investigate the life of aging OMFW and their families.

Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an interview with your spouse. The interview will take approximately one hour to one hour and a half of your time. The interview will be audio recorded and will take place at your home. During this interview you will be asked a series of questions. These questions are designed to allow you to share your experiences as a wife of an OMFW and a parent. Additionally, you will be asked to fill out a demographic sheet that will include demographic information and questions.

Risks and/or Discomforts: There are minimal risks from participation in the study, i.e. emotional discomforts upon recollection of stories or sensitive issues related to family or experiences. However, the researcher assures that these emotional distresses are not detrimental to the over-all well-being of the participant; and if there are occasions that these occurrences will arise, the researcher will stop the interview and offer relief from the emotional upset the interview might have triggered.

Benefits: The information gathered and gained from this study may help us to better understand the experiences of life after the return from overseas work.

Compensation: You will not receive any type of compensation for participating in this study.

Opportunity to Ask Questions: You may ask any questions concerning this research and have those questions answered before agreeing to participate or during the study. Or you may call Karel Joyce D. Kalaw at any time, (049) 536-0258 or email [email protected] or email Dr. Kate de Medeiros [email protected]. If you have questions about your rights as a research participant that have not been answered by the investigator or report any concerns about the study, you may contact Miami University’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) at [email protected]. or call 1-513-529-3600.

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Freedom to Withdraw: You are free to decide not to participate in this research or to withdraw at any time without unfavorably affecting your relationship with the investigator or Miami University. Your decision will not result in any loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled.

Consent: If you wish to participate in this study, you will be interviewed, and filled out a demographic sheet. You are intentionally making a decision whether or not to take part in this research. Your signature attests that you have decided to participate having read and understood the information presented. You will be given a copy of this consent form to keep.

Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix D: Informed Consent Form—Child of an OMFW Returnee

“Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Dear Participant:

You are being invited to participate in this research study because you are a child of an OMFW and I am interested in understanding your experience upon the return of your father after being away for a long time when you were growing up. This research explores in understanding the experience of an OMFW’s experience of return and aging. You can decide not to participate. The following information is provided for you to make an informed decision whether or not you would like to take part. If you have any questions please do not hesitate to ask. You are eligible to participate in this study because you have met the criteria set by the study.

Project: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Purpose of the Project: This study will investigate the life of aging OMFW and their families.

Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an interview. The interview will take approximately one hour to one hour and a half of your time. The interview will be audio recorded and will take place at your home or in any place you are comfortable at. During this interview you will be asked a series of questions. These questions are designed to allow you to share your experiences as a child of an OMFW. Additionally, you will be asked to fill out a demographic sheet that will include demographic information and questions.

Benefits: The information gathered and gained from this study may help us to better understand the experiences of life after the return from overseas work.

Compensation: You will not receive any type of compensation for participating in this study.

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Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix E: Informed Consent Form—Non-OMFW Participant “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Dear Participant:

You are invited to take part in a research study that aims to know and understand the experience of Filipino males in their later lives. I am interested to know and understand your experience as a Filipino male in the Philippines in your later life. You can decide not to participate. The following information is provided for you to make an informed decision whether or not you would like to take part. If you have any questions please do not hesitate to ask. You are eligible to participate in this study because you have met the criteria set by the study.

Project: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Purpose of the Project: This study will investigate the life of aging Filipino males and their families as well as the life of aging OMFW and their families.

Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an interview. The interview will take approximately one hour to one hour and a half of your time. The interview will be audio recorded and will take place at your home or at any place that you are comfortable. During this interview you will be asked a series of questions. These questions are designed to allow you to share your experiences as a Filipino male in the Philippines in your later life. Additionally, you will be asked to fill out a demographic sheet that will include demographic information and questions.

Benefits: The information gathered and gained from this study may help us to better understand the experience of later life among aging Filipino males.

Compensation: You will not receive any type of compensation for participating in this study.

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Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix F: Informed Consent Form—Wife of a non-OMFW Participant

“Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Dear Participant:

You are invited to take part in a research study that aims to know and understand the experience of Filipino males in their later lives. I am interested to know and understand your experience as a wife and a parent over time. You can decide not to participate. The following information is provided for you to make an informed decision whether or not you would like to take part. If you have any questions please do not hesitate to ask. You are eligible to participate in this study because you have met the criteria set by the study.

Project: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Purpose of the Project: This study will investigate the life of aging Filipino males and their families as well as the life of aging OMFW and their families.

Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an interview with your spouse. The interview will take approximately one hour to one hour and a half of your time. The interview will be audio recorded and will take place at your home. During this interview you will be asked a series of questions. These questions are designed to allow you to share your experiences as a wife a parent. Additionally, you will be asked to fill out a demographic sheet that will include demographic information and questions.

Benefits: The information gathered and gained from this study may help us to better understand the experience of later life among aging Filipino males.

Compensation: You will not receive any type of compensation for participating in this study.

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Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix G: Informed Consent Form—Child of a Non-OMFW Participant

“Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Dear Participant:

You are being invited to participate in this research study because your father has been selected and I am interested in understanding your experience as a child of an aging Filipino male over time (i.e., when you were growing up). This research explores in understanding the experience of an aging Filipino male in the Philippines. You can decide not to participate. The following information is provided for you to make an informed decision whether or not you would like to take part. If you have any questions please do not hesitate to ask. You are eligible to participate in this study because you have met the criteria set by the study.

Project: “Home for good”: The experience of return among overseas male Filipino worker returnees

Purpose of the Project: This study will investigate the life of aging Filipino males and their families as well as the life of aging OMFW and their families.

Procedures: You will be asked to participate in an interview. The interview will take approximately one hour to one hour and a half of your time. The interview will be audio recorded and will take place at your home or in any place you are comfortable at. During this interview you will be asked a series of questions. These questions are designed to allow you to share your experiences as a child of an aging Filipino male. Additionally, you will be asked to fill out a demographic sheet that will include demographic information and questions.

Benefits: The information gathered and gained from this study may help us to better understand the experiences of life after the return from overseas work.

Compensation: You will not receive any type of compensation for participating in this study.

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Participant Consent:

______Participant Name (PRINT) Date

______Participant Signature Date

______Investigator Signature Date

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Appendix H: OMFW Returnee’s Background Information

Interview session #: Date of interview: Place of interview: Interviewer: Time started: Time ended:

Background information

1. Name 2. Address 3. Telephone number 4. Birthday 5. Education level 6. Marital status 7. Household members 8. Return date 9. Length of return upon return 10. Current employment status 11. Countries worked in 12. Years overseas 13. Occupational type when overseas 14. Number of years upon return 15. Current occupation (if applicable) 16. Other information

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Appendix I: Interview Guide for OMFW Returnees Interview session #: Date of interview: Place of interview: Interviewer: Time started: Time ended: Interview session 1: Background information Prior migration: Pakikipagkwentuhan, Pakikipagtanong-tanong 1. Life before migration 2. Reasons/motives for working abroad 3. Decision-making for working abroad 4. During migration: work experiences, relationships with employers, co-Filipinos and host country/society, adjustments made, coping mechanisms, significant experiences

Interview Session 2 Life after return: Pakikipagkwentuhan, Pakikipagtanong-tanong

1. Why and when did you decide to return to the home country? 2. What does the expression, coming home for good mean to you? *It is possible that the concept of retirement will emerge here but I shall refrain from asking about retirement or mentioning it, rather I shall let it emerge (if it the topic arises) 3. What is the home that you returned to? 4. Was this the same home you had earlier left behind? 5. Did you prepare for your return? In what way? 6. Looking back to your experience overseas, what do you remember most? What do you value most? 7. What lessons have you learned from your experience working abroad? 8. Did you gain any new knowledge or skills? Any changes in yourself? In your outlook in life? In your relationships? 9. How were your earnings utilized? 10. What changes have you observed in your family, community and society upon return? 11. Discuss life after migration 12. What adjustments did you have to make after return? 13. What were your most pressing needs after return? How did you cope or manage? 14. What did you expect from the government in terms of support or assistance for resettling after migration? 15. Describe your relationships with spouse and children or with other members of family and with your community. 16. How did you react to the reactions of your family members with your return? 17. Describe your overall standard of living after migration. 18. How do you see yourself from hereon and in the future? 19. How do you see yourself now that you have aged? 20. Will you return to work again? 21. If so, what kind of work?

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Appendix J: Interview Guide for OMFW’ Family Members—Wife

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Age 2. Work 3. Address (residential history) 4. Education 5. Work history 6. Length of years

Prior the return 1. What is a typical day for you? 2. What do you do? 3. What keeps you busy? 4. What is your relationship like when he was still working overseas? 5. How is it being away from your spouse affect you? 6. How often do you talk? 7. What is your mode of communication? 8. How do you decide on things concerning the family when he was still working overseas?

Life after return 1. What is a typical day for you upon his return? 2. Can you describe your relationship with your husband when he came back? 3. How is your relationship with him upon his return? 4. How did you feel upon his return? 5. How did you arrive at the decision about his coming home? 6. How did you feel about it? 7. Do you want for him to come home at that time? 8. What were you thinking and feeling then? 9. Who decided his return? 10. Why did he return? 11. When did he return? 12. What are your experiences upon his return? 13. How did you react when he return?/How was your experience of his return like? 14. What are the adjustments, if any? 15. How did you handle these? 16. How do you decide on things concerning the family now that he has come back? 17. Do you see yourself and your family being “successful”? 18. How do you feel now? 19. What is your life now? 20. How do you see your life ahead? 21. How do you see yourself with him now that both of you are in your later years?

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Appendix K: Interview Guide for OMFW’ Family Members—Child

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Age 2. Hobbies 3. Education 4. Sex

Prior the return 1. What is a typical day for you? 2. How do you talk to your father when he was still working overseas? 3. How often do you communicate with him? 4. What are your usual conversation topics? 5. Do you tell him stories about you and your daily activities? 6. Do you seek his advice? 7. Tell me about your relationship with your father when he was still working overseas. 8. How did you feel that your father will be coming home for good? 9. How did you feel about it? 10. What is your understanding when you learned that your father will be staying home for good? 11. How do you feel about it?

Life after return 1. Tell me about your relationship with your father upon his return. 2. How do you feel about your father’s return? 3. What are the adjustments you made and are doing?

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Appendix L: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW Participants Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Age 2. Work 3. Address (residential history) 4. Education 5. Work history 6. Length of years 7. Retired

Now 1. Tell me about yourself. 2. What is a typical day for you? 3. What keeps you busy? 4. Do you still work? 5. What is it that you do for a living? 6. Do you like your work? 7. How do you feel about it? 8. Is it enough to make both ends meet? 9. Have you considered other employment opportunities? Did you consider working overseas? 10. Are you satisfied with the life that you have right now? 11. Do you consider yourself a good provider for your family? 12. Tell me about your family. 13. How is your relationship with your family like? 14. How is your relationship with your wife? How is your relationship with your children?

Looking ahead 1. How do you see yourself now? 2. How do you see yourself in the future? 3. Do you have plans for the future? If so, what are these? 4. How do you see yourself in the coming years of your life as you enter old age? 5. How do you see yourself in the coming years in relation to your family’s well-being? 6. Do you think if you considered working overseas, would it make a difference in your life?

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Appendix M: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW’ Family Members—Wife

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Age 2. Work 3. Address (residential history) 4. Education 5. Work history 6. Length of years 7. Years of marriage

Pakikipagkwentuhan and Pagtanong-tanong

1. What is a typical day for you? 2. What do you do? 3. What keeps you busy? 4. How do you decide on things concerning the family? 5. Can you describe your relationship with your husband? 6. Do you see yourself and your family being “successful”? 7. How do you feel now? 8. What is your life now? 9. How do you see your life ahead? 10. How do you see yourself with him now that both of you are in your later years?

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Appendix N: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW’ Family Members—Child

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Age 2. Hobbies 3. Education 4. Sex

Pakikipagkwentuhan and Pagtanong-tanong

1. What is a typical day for you? 2. What keeps you busy? 3. Tell me about your family. 4. What are the childhood stories you will always remember? 5. How do you talk/communicate with your father? 6. What are your usual conversation topics? 7. Do you tell him stories about you and your daily activities? 8. Do you seek his advice? 9. Tell me about your relationship with your father. 10. What are your observations on your father over time? 11. What is a good father for you? 12. What are the values that your father taught you?

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Appendix O: OMFW Returnee’s Background Information (Tagalog version) Interview session #: Date of interview: Place of interview: Interviewer: Time started: Time ended:

Background information

1. Pangalan 2. Tirahan 3. Telepono 4. Kaarawan 5. Antas ng napag-aralan 6. Marital status 7. Mga kasambahay 8. Petsa ng pagbabalik 9. Gaano ka na katagal simula sa iyong pagbabalik sa Pilipinas 10. Ano ang migration status mo 11. Mga bansang nag-abroad 12. Taon sa ibang bansa 13. Uri ng trabaho sa abroad 14. Bilang ng taon mula ng ikaw ay nagbalik 15. Trabaho ngayon kung aplikabol 16. Iba pang mga impormasyon

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Appendix P: Interview Guide for OMFW Returnees (Tagalog version) Interview session #: Date of interview: Place of interview: Interviewer: Time started: Time ended:

Interview session 1: Background information (Buhay bago umalis) 1. Mga rason bakit nag-ibang bansa 2. Desisyon sa pangi-ngibang bansa 3. Habang nasa ibang bansa: karansan sa trabaho, relasyon sa mga empleyado, relasyon sa kapwa Pilipino sa ibang bansa, mga adjustments, mga makahulugang karansan

Interview Session 2: “Pakikipagkwentuhan”, “Pakikipagtanong-tanong” (Buhay sa pagbalik) 1. Bakit at kalian ka nagdesisyon na umuwi sa Pilipinas? 2. Anong ibig sabihin ng pag-uwi at pagbabalikbayan? *It is possible that the concept of retirement will emerge here but I shall refrain from asking about retirement or mentioning it, rather I shall let it emerge (if it the topic arises) 3. Ano ang tahanan na inuwian mo? Anong kalse ito? Ipaliwanag. 4. Ito ba ay kapareho ng tahanan na iyong nilisan, iniwan? 5. Ikaw ba ay naghanda sa iyong pagbabalik at pag-uwi? Sa paanong paraan? 6. Kung aalahanin ang buhay ng isang migrante, ano ang pinaka naalala mo? Bakit mo ito lubos na naalala? Ito ba ay pinahahalagahan mo? 7. Ano-ano ang mga aral na natutunan mo habang ikaw ay nagtratrabaho sa ibang bansa? 8. Ano ang mga bagong pagkatoto o kaalaman ang natutunan mo? Ano-ano ang mga pagbabago sa iyong sarili na iyong napuna kung meron? Sa iyong buhay? Sa iyong mga relasyon? 9. Paano nagastos ang iyong mga pinadala? Saan ito napunta? 10. Ano-ano ang mga pagbabago na iyong napuna sa iyong pamilya, komunidad and lipunan sa iyong pagbabalik? 11. Ano ang buhay pagkatapos mangibang-bayan at magtrabaho? 12. Ano-ano ang mga adjustments na ginawa mo nung ikaw ay nagbalik? 13. Ano-ano ang mga pangangailangan mo nung ikaw ay bumalik at nanalagi na sa Pilipinas? 14. Ano-ano ang mga inaasahan mo mula sa gobyerno bilang isang balikbayan? 15. Ilahad ang klase ng iyong relasyon sa iyong pamilya—asawa at anak—maging sa iyong komunidad sa iyong pagbabalik. 16. Ano ang naging reaksyon mo sa reaksyon ng iyong kapamilya sa iyong pagbabalik? 17. Ilahad at ikwento ang iyong antas ng buhay sa iyong pagbabalik. 18. Paano mo nakikita ang iyong sarili ngayon at sa darating na panahon? 19. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo na ikaw ay matanda na? 20. Kung bibigyan ng pagkakaaon, nanaisin mo ba na bumalik at manalagi at magtrabaho muli sa ibang bansa? 21. Kung oo, anong klaseng trabaho at bakit?

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Appendix Q: Interview Guide for OMFW’ Family Members—Wife (Tagalog version)

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information

1. Edad 2. Trabaho 3. Tirahan/Mga naging tirahan 4. Antas ng pagkatoto 5. Mga naging trabaho 6. Bilang ng taon sa trabaho

Buhay bago umalis

1. Ano ang tipikal na araw sa iyo? 2. Ano-ano ang mga ginagawa mo? 3. Ano-ano ang mga pinagkaka-abalahan mo? 4. Ilahad ang uri ng iyong relasyon habang ang iyong asawa ay naghahanap ng trabaho sa ibang bansa? 5. Paano ka naapektuhan ng iyong pagiging malayo sa iyong asawa nung mga panahon na yun? 6. Gaano kayo kadalas mag-usap? 7. Paano kayo mag-usap noon? Paano ang komunikasyon ninyo? 8. Paano kayo nagdedesisyon sa mga usaping pampamilya noong iyong asawa ay nagtratrabaho pa sa ibang bansa?

Buhay sa kanyang pagbabalik

1. Ano ang pang-araw araw na buhay sa pagbabalik ng iyong asawa? 2. Ilahad ang iyong relasyon sa iyong asawa nung siya ay bumalik na? 3. Anong klase ng relasyon meron kayo? 4. Ano ang iyong naramdaman nung siya ay bumalik? 5. Paano kayo gumawa ng desisyon sa kanyang pag-uwi at pagbabalik? 6. Ano ang iyong naramdaman? 7. Ginusto mo ba ang kanyang pagbabalik at pag-uwi noon? 8. Ano ang iyong inisip at naramdaman noon? 9. Sino ang nag-desisyon sa kanyang pag-uwi? 10. Ano ang rason sa kanyang pag-uwi? 11. Kailan siya umuwi? 12. Ilahad ang pag-araw araw na buhay simula sa kanyang pagbabalik. Ano-ano ang iyong mga karanasan sa kanyang pagbabalik?

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13. Paano ka nag-react nung siya ay dumating? Ano ang karansan mo sa kanyang pagbabalik? 14. Ano-ano ang mga adjustments mo? 15. Paano mo ito hinandel? 16. Paano ka na gumagawa ng desisyon ngayong nandiyan na ang iyong asawa simula ng siya ay nagbalik? 17. Sa tingin mo ba naging matagumpay ang pangingi-bang bayan ng asawa mo? Naging matagumpay ba ang iyong pamilya sa naising para sa magandang buhay? 18. Ano ang nararamdaman mo ngayong kayo ay magkasama na sa kanyang pagbabalik? 19. Ano na ang buhay mo ngayon? 20. Paano mo nakikita ang buhay mo sa mga darating na panahon? 21. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo na kayo ngayon ay magkasama na sa inyong pagtanda?

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Appendix R: Interview Guide for OMFW’ Family Members—Child (Tagalog version) Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Edad 2. Mga pinagkakaabalahan 3. Antas ng pagkatoto 4. Kasarian

Buhay bago ang pagbabalik at pag-uwi

1. Ano ang pang-araw araw na buhay para sa iyo? 2. Paano ka nakikipag-usap noong nandoon pa ang iyong tatay sa ibang bansa? 3. Gaano kayo kadalas mag-usap? 4. Ano ang malimit ninyong pag-usapan? 5. Naikkukwento mo ba ang iyong pang-araw araw na buhay? 6. Humihingi k aba ng payo? 7. Ikwento at ilahad ang uri ng iyong relasyon sa iyong tatay. 8. Ano ang iyong naramdaman noong nalaman mo na uuwi na ang iyong tatay ng permanente? 9. Ano ang naisip at naramdaman mo? 10. Ano ang pagkakaintindi mo noong nalaman mong uuwi na ang iyong tatay ng permanente? 11. Ano ang naramdaman mo?

Buhay sa pagbabalik at pag uwi

1. Ilahad ang iyong relasyon sa iyong tatay sa kanyang pagbabalik. 2. Ano ang iyong naramdaman sa kanyang pagbabalik at pag uwi? 3. Ano ang mga adjustments na ginawa at ginagawa mo?

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Appendix S: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW Participants (Tagalog version) Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information

1. Edad 2. Trabaho 3. Tirahan at mga naging tirahan 4. Antas ng pagkatoto 5. Mga naging trabaho 6. Bilang ng taon sa mga trabaho 7. May trabaho/pinagkakaabalahan

Ngayon

1. Magbahagi ng mga impormasyon tungkol sa iyo. 2. Ano ang pangkaraniwang araw para sa iyo? 3. Ano ang pinagkakaabalahan mo? 4. Ikaw ba ay nagtratrabaho pa? 5. Ano ang trabaho mo? Ano ang pinagkakakitaan mo? 6. Gusto mo ba ang trabaho mo? Masaya ka ba? 7. Ano ang pananaw at nararamdaman mo sa trabaho mo? 8. Sapat ba ang kinikita mo para sa inyong pang araw? 9. Naisip mo ba magtrabaho sa ibang bansa? 10. Ikaw ba ay kuntento sa buhay mo ngayon? 11. Sa iyong paningin, ikaw ba ay mabuting ama? 12. Magbahagi ng mga impormasyon sa iyong pamilya. 13. Anong klaseng relasyon meron ka sa iyong pamilya? Ikwento at ilahad. 14. Anong klaseng relasyon meron ka sa iyong asawa? Anong klaseng relasyon meron ka sa inyong mga anak?

Sa panghinaharap

1. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo ngayon? 2. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo sa darating na panahon? 3. Ano ang plano mo para sa hinaharap? Ilahad at ibahagi. 4. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo sa iyong pagtanda? Ano ang pagtanda para sa iyo? 5. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo sa darating na mga taon kasama ng iyong pamilya? 6. Sa iyong pananaw, ano ang magiging buhay mo kung ikaw ay nag-abroad? Meron kayang pinagkaiba? Ano sa tingin mo? Ilahad at ibahagi.

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Appendix T: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW’ Family Members—Wife (Tagalog version)

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information

1. Edad 2. Trabaho 3. Tirahan/Mga naging tirahan 4. Antas ng pagkatoto 5. Mga naging trabaho 6. Bilang ng taon sa trabaho

Pakikipagkwentuhan at Pagtanong-tanong

1. Ano ang tipikal na araw sa iyo? 2. Ano-ano ang mga ginagawa mo? 3. Ano-ano ang mga pinagkaka-abalahan mo? 4. Ilahad ang uri ng iyong relasyon. 5. Sino ang nagdedesisyon sa mga usaping pambahay? Pampamilya? At kung san man mga bagay-bagay? 6. Ano ang ama ng tahanan para sa iyo? 7. Kamusta ang asawa mo bilang isang asawa? Bilang isang ama? 8. Nagyong kayo ay malimit ng magkasama sa bahay, kamusta ang relasyon niyo? 9. Ano ang nararamdaman mo ngayong kayo ay magkasama? 10. Ano na ang buhay mo ngayon? 11. Paano mo nakikita ang buhay mo sa mga darating na panahon? 12. Paano mo nakikita ang sarili mo na kayo ngayon ay magkasama na sa inyong pagtanda? 13. Ano at paano mo nakikita ang kinabukasan ninyo? 14. Masaya ka ba?

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Appendix U: Interview Guide for Non-OMFW’ Family Members—Child (Tagalog version)

Date of interview: Place of interview: Time started: Time ended:

Background information 1. Edad 2. Mga pinagkakaabalahan 3. Antas ng pagkatoto 4. Kasarian

Pakikipagkwentuhan and Pagtanong-tanong

1. Ano ang pang-araw araw na buhay para sa iyo? 2. Ano ang pinagkaka-abalahan mo ngayon? 3. Kamusta ng relasyon mo sa iyong tatay? 4. Ilahad ang relasyon sa iyong pamilya at sa iyong tatay. 5. Ano-anong mga kwento ang iyong natatandaan nung ikaw ay bata pa? Bakit? 6. Naikkukwento mo ba ang iyong pang-araw araw na buhay sa iyong tatay? 7. Humihingi ka ba ng payo sa kanya? 8. Para sa iyo ano ang ama ng tahanan? 9. Masasabi mo ba na ang iyong tatay ay mabuting ama ng tahanan?

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Appendix V: Codebook Themes on return experience

1. Expressions of return experience. What keeps them busy; routine  Taking care of grandchildren. Making sure that their daily needs are addressed.  Doing domestic activities. Handyman, cooking, cleaning, driving for the family. - Blur of traditional gender roles - Power shifts in the household (husband and wife; parent and child)  Self-employed/Small scale businesses (“sari-sari” store). Small business to get by their daily expenses  Engagement in hobbies. - Cock-fighting, gun-firing, poker (“tong-its”), watching of favorite television shows and movies  Church activities. Going to church, practicing their faiths, involved and engaged in their church’s activities.  Community involvement (membership in local groups). Actually they are not involved in the community. Their way of engagement is to visit some neighbors and friends living close to them but not in essence doing and contributing to their community. Estrangement from others?  Employed. Paid job.

2. Dimensions/Components of return experience: a. Relational - Response to the reactions of others - Doing more tangible expressions of being a Filipino male provider that of being contributory to household - Redefinition of gender roles to make one useful b. Finances (economic viability/solvency) c. Health - Preoccupation with physical decline - Taking medications - Inability to engage in activities done before d. Cultural, Values (Familism: generativity)

3. Preoccupation with overseas life/work (voluntary shared). a. Vivid sharing and account of overseas life. Their stories include adjustments, coping styles, etc. b. Reminiscing overseas life. include their overseas stories: adjustments, challenges

4. Challenges a. Economic and financial concerns. - Sustainability of savings. To be creative in what they have—ingenuity.

5. Impact of return to: - Self - Life review - Thinking of ways to be productive - Thinking about the children and grandchildren’s future: generativity - Family members - Reversal of roles of children on being the managers of their households - Less salient involvement of wife in domestic activities - Community

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- None much except on being part of the

6. Response of others to return (Wife and Children) - Adjustments in the things that they were used to - Relational (with the returnee) - Allocation of resources - Status quos redefined and reconfigured

Themes on old age Views on old age - refers to how they see, think and feel about later life - active and passive acting out of these views

1. Changing roles a. Active expressions – grandparenting; redefinition of traditional gender roles

2. Reflective expressions - Recognition and passive practice/understanding. They don’t deeply think about it. But they recognize that they are aging. - inactivity and reflectivity a. Physical decline/ physiological changes - one’s observation on the physical signs of the aging process - Inability to do the things they used to do - There is denial on their own aging perception but they recognized this because of their own physical decline, changes in their physical appearance.

b. Views on aging and old age a. Possession of a nonchalant attitude in looking at life versus a contemplative way of seeing things

c. Revisiting overseas life

d. Filipino values: Familism

e. Impressions on the changes in the community - Observation of changes external to self - through the changes in their community and society, they are made aware of their own aging.

f. Thoughts about the future - assessment of their lives - aspirations for the coming years

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Appendix W: Detailed Case Presentation of OMFW Returnees Tito Pablo Pablo, 72 years old, comes from a small family of four. He is a local of Makiling and spent majority of his life in this small town. He finished high school, and from thereon he has been a driver. Right after finishing high school, Pablo started driving as his means to support himself and his parents. Their family did not own any jeepneys (the common transport vehicle), so he rented from and drove a public utility jeepney (PUJ) for others. As a PUJ driver, he has a set amount (boundary) to remit to the PUJ owners as a payment for his use of others’ PUJs. Pablo married in early twenties and had five children and 14 grandchildren. He is a widower and has already lost two sons. All his children completed high school; one was able to go to college, but was unable to complete it. Pablo worked for 12 years as a driver in Saudi Arabia; he had worked in Vietnam prior to working in Saudi. At homeland: Pre-migration. Driving has always been Pablo’s trade. After finishing high school, he worked as a driver and got a chance to work in Vietnam for three years. In 1975, at the age of 26 years old, he had his initial overseas work experience. With his growing family, overseas work was a good opportunity to support them. Upon his return from Vietnam, Pablo drove and rented a PUJ for a few years. In 1975, he was fortunate to get a driving position at an international office based in his community, as a shuttle bus driver for 8 years. While there, he was made aware of the opportunity to work overseas by his co-workers. Prompted by the desire to give a good life to his growing family, he took the chance to apply for overseas work. With continuous nudging from his co-workers and testimonies of sudden improvements in living among his neighbors who went abroad to work, Pablo decided to work overseas as this was gaining popularity and left for Saudi when he was 42 years old in 1983. At the worksite: Overseas life. For Pablo, working overseas meant conforming to the popular trend in his community. Aware of the gains from overseas work, he was curious about the Gulf experience as told by the people foremost in his community. He fondly remembered his Saigon work and thought the Saudi experience might be similar in many respects. He was convinced by his friends to venture into the Middle-East, as this was the popular thing then, and opportunities were abundant. Pablo heeded, but had challenging encounters while understanding the cultural differences that embody overseas work in Saudi Arabia. Pablo likened his routine while at Saudi as living in a rural area: one wakes up, cooks breakfast, and prepares to work. He lived in a housing dormitory provided by the company he worked for, with people from different nationalities. Before leaving the country, Pablo had a clear idea of the nature of his work. He conditioned himself to driving for long hours, and even days, to deliver items produced by their company. Pablo had a hard time adapting to the weather, such that his body found it difficult acclimating to the hot weather, which often resulted in frequent nose bleeding. However, he reckoned that the toughest adjustment he had to deal with were the cultural differences. Pablo strongly opposed the relatively low value placed on women. He added that respect among foreigners and non-Muslims was hard to earn. There were various situations in which he experienced prejudice and blatant manifestations of discrimination. But one of the few good things that Pablo was grateful for with the Middle-East encounter was the opportunity to learn how to drive large vehicles, such as trucks. He was now able to do so with great skill and acuity, and he took pride in his ability to add this to his skill set over time.

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Whenever thoughts of family and home crept in, he would redirect his thoughts to the rationale of his overseas work. He thought of his family and his role as a breadwinner to them. He was brought back to the mission he was tasked to do as the father and male provider of the family. He saw himself clearly as bearing the role of taking care of his family in the most economic sense. He saw to it that money was sent on time even if unanticipated events arose. Pablo measured his worth as a man and as a family person through the economic and financial support he provided to his family. If this thinking failed him, he would find creative means to distract himself from nostalgia and oftentimes resorted to spending time with fellow OFWs, watching movies together. He recalled that there were times when some of his fellow OFWs were unable to handle the stress that nostalgia brought. In his ways, Pablo comforted and encouraged them. Pablo was credited to be a fun-loving guy. He often spent his time at the casino during his day off. This was where he got to meet and interact with fellow OFWs. But the one thing that excited Pablo in going to this place was the Filipino food served. It was through the gastronomic experience that his nostalgia was pacified. Seen by people as a fun-loving person, Pablo carried this demeanor in looking at the aging experience and life’s unanticipated events in a candid manner. While overseas, he experienced the deaths of his two children. He addressed these things on his own, trusting that his family back home was well. He often called home through the pay phone, even if it meant having to wait in a long line. He preferred this mode of communication, admitting that he didn’t have the patience to write letters. He talked to his wife most of the time, and through her he got to hear stories about the children. He found happiness on the few occasions he spoke with his children through their neighbor’s telephone, as they did not have their own telephone line. Whenever some OFWs went home, he asked them to bring his voice tape (audio-recorded stories of himself) to his family. In this way, he was able to share stories of himself. During vacations in the Philippines, Pablo spent much time with relatives and friends. But before celebrating his homecoming, he needed to distribute the money and items his fellow OFWs sent with him. The early days of his vacation entailed travelling and meeting the families of his OFW friends. In my interview with Pablo, he recognized that his life as an overseas worker stimulated him to think about his own life and, more so, his later years. He was proud to have acquired a house and lot of his own, bought PUJs, and put his children through high school. He shared that he was willing to put his children through college had they shown interest. He lived by the principle of having a laid-back and fun approach to living. He saw that life was meant to be lived to the fullest, as it is short. He practiced this in a new and different environment, but found that it did not fit his orientation and set ways of doing things. He continued to do overseas work until it was time to come home even if he was unable to maximize the full benefits of what overseas work could offer. The primary reason for overseas work was to economically support Pablo’s family, as he sees himself as the breadwinner and the economic foundation of his family. He defined himself as the traditional head of their household, since it was expected by his community and culture. Return migration: The end of the exodus. Pablo was 30 years when he returned from Vietnam, his first overseas work experience. Upon his later return from Saudi Arabia, he was 42. In between his return from Vietnam and going overseas to Saudi, Pablo drove his own PUJ and worked for 8 years in the international company in his community. He had differing experiences in each overseas endeavor. Pablo liked his Vietnam experience better compared to his Saudi

133 experience. Pablo’s reason for return to the Philippines from Vietnam was end of contract, while the reason for his return from Saudi was prompted by personal reasons. In addition, his cumulative distaste and realization that his Saudi overseas life was not as smooth as he thought it would be all the more edified his reason for return. His primary reason for his Saudi return was his daughter’s request for him to be there at her wedding day. Pablo then thought that this was a good time to return home, since all his children were grown-ups. In 1983, he returned back to the Philippines from Saudi Arabia. Upon his second homecoming, Pablo worked as a driver at the municipal office for 9 years. While at the municipal office, he was tasked to drive for the mayor and when not driving for the municipal mayor, he drove his own PUJ. While driving for the municipal mayor, Pablo extended his network of people and made him actively involved with community affairs. Being the designated driver of the mayor, he had a subtle sphere of influence, and this afforded him a ‘special’ position in the community. He was 54 years old when he worked at the municipal office, and through this position, his interpersonal skills were honed all the more. In 2003, at the age of 62 years old, he retired from government service. Pablo currently lives with his third son’s family. Prior to moving in with his son’s family, Pablo lived with his daughter’s family in his house. His daughter’s family cared for him and attended to his needs upon his wife’s death in 1994. With his daughter working overseas, her daughter’s family decided to move out from his house. His children then decided to relocate Pablo and move him into his third son’s home so that he was not alone. Presently, Pablo leased his house, and the rent money was an added income aside from the small pension he was receiving from his government service. At times, he receives money from his two children working overseas. This kept him afloat and got him by in his everyday living. He shared that he does not need much, as he is a simple man. He smokes, drinks occasionally, and plays mahjong with friends. On a typical day, he does light domestic chores such as cleaning the house and taking out the garbage. His day starts with him going to the small store around the corner and buying bread for everybody’s breakfast. Though it is a short walking distance, this served as his exercise. As for the rest of the day, he watches his favorite TV shows and cable TV. When the weather is good and he is feeling well, he would go out and meet his friends and walk around the neighborhood to meet and talk to people. On Sundays, he goes to church with his family and grandchildren. It is only during Sundays that he is able to see and spend time with his other grandchildren who are not living with him. Pablo recognized that many things changed upon his return. He used to be the breadwinner of his family, and he misses this role. At first, when asked about the kind of change he saw, Pablo shared the tangible material gains that overseas work brought to his family. He said that life changed for their family because they were able to have their own house and sufficiently met the most basic needs any family may have. He maintained that he is content, as he did not aspire for a lavish and luxurious life. He was able to buy two jeepneys upon his return. He drove them himself, as he was afraid of allowing others to drive and use them. Pablo decided to sell the jeepneys, as they were too expensive to maintain over time. Second, he saw the relationship between him and his children changed. He admitted that he was a strict father and thought that his children feared him. But he justified this as necessary, as his children have strong personalities needing firm discipline. He felts that now that their mother is gone and his children are now adults with their own families, his being away from his family had an effect on his relationship with his children now. Though having these feelings, he lives with his third child’s family. His son takes care of him regardless the limited pooled resources

134 they have. His two children who are working overseas share in the responsibility of taking care of Pablo by sending money to support his basic needs and, foremost, his medications. Third, he acknowledged that he saw changes in himself. He shared that it was not the same as when he was younger. He cannot do as much as he wanted, compared with when he was younger. He recognized this as he became unable to do the things that he used to do easily. He thought that upon his return, the way of life has not changed, as his surroundings remained mostly the same. He reiterated that it was a good decision to work overseas, as his work was compensated well. If given the chance of going abroad again, he said he would not choose to work in the Middle-East. He had his share of traumatic experiences, and he would not choose to relive this again. But he admitted that overseas work brought him benefits despite these traumatic encounters. Regardless of these things, he never regretted this. He recalled that if he did not work overseas, the kind of simple life that he has would not be possible. It was better to have worked away from home and faced challenges, rather than stayed in the country. Pablo attributed this will to survive to his family and his salient role as the breadwinner. Fourth, he did not see a change in his marital relation upon his return. His wife remained faithful as he continued to be the breadwinner even after returning from Saudi. He was 52 years old when his wife died from complications due to diabetes. Now that his wife was gone, he has only himself to look after, as his children now have their own families. His children are now the ones to look after him. He has the comfort of his children and grandchildren in the coming years. He is content by himself and believes that finding a companion in his later life will make things complicated. When asked about how he sees himself in the coming years, he laughed at the idea of him even reaching the coming days. He viewed old age and death in a candid way. He added that he did not aspire to anything in life anymore, and he was content with the life he has. He is content with what he has, and that his mission in life—providing for his family—was done. He added that a long life was the only thing that he desires. Pablo saw old age, aging and death in a humorous way. He viewed the future as bleak and uncertain. He casually shared that he awaits for the day that God would call him, and while waiting, he just needed to continue to breathe and live. He is aware that he is losing time, too, while waiting for this eventful day to come. And if while waiting, he gets sick, he jokingly suggested that he be not revived and just cover him with a white blanket signifying his final exit from life. Pablo recognized that the aging experience is very well felt; and he experienced this physically. He shared that he has sleep interruptions due to frequent visits to the restroom. Though he has these views on old age, he still aspired for a longer life. Overall, Pablo saw his return experience now as a time to wait for the culmination of old age. Though he viewed aging, old age and death in a humorous way, he subtly recognized its reality now in his life. Tito Miguel The youngest among the participants, Miguel, 64 years old, came from a big family and is the 2nd eldest among 11 children. His family came to the small town when he was younger, and he was raised and lived in Makiling for most of his life. His family is known in the local community. He was able to go to college for two years, but he was unable to complete it. He became a father at an early age and stopped schooling to support his own family. He has been married for 36 years and has 3 children. The older children are college graduates, while the youngest one still goes to school. He is a grandfather of one. He worked in Saudi for 30 years as

135 a water treatment operator and served the same company throughout his contract. Prior to working overseas, he worked in a government office for 6 years as a water treatment operator as well. At homeland: Pre-migration. Miguel’s position as a water treatment operator was a regular position that offered substantial benefits upon retirement. However, he thought that the decent salary he was receiving was insufficient to support his family at that time. He had to think about his children’s education, as both were school-aged. He wanted to give the best possible life for his family, but with the increasing cost to supporting his family, his meager salary as a government employee was not sufficient. With this, Miguel decided to explore working overseas. This was timely, as working overseas was becoming popular. Opportunities for overseas work were aplenty; more so, Miguel knew people from whom he can seek assistance in facilitating this endeavor. During that time, popular media and classified ads promoted overseas employment via both direct access to the companies and via placement agencies. The process was easier for Miguel, as he had access to information through his brother-in-law, who was an overseas Filipino worker (OFW) himself. Given this opportunity, Miguel was able to work overseas. He left his family, at 32 years old in 1981, with the goal of giving a good life to the family that he will be leaving behind. At the worksite: Overseas life. Miguel, like the rest of his co-workers, lived in the housing provided by the company he worked for. He was fortunate to be with this company, which served the American military base in Saudi. He worked for the military men as a water treatment operator. His co-workers were mostly overseas workers, too, coming from India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Miguel worked in shifts while abroad. He worked the first or third shifts but worked overtime in several occasions. Work kept him busy and diverted his attention from nostalgia. On work days, Miguel’s routine would be to go to his work shift and back to his dormitory. On days, that he was not working, he would go and meet Filipinos from the different companies and establishments at a mall and hang out together. It was rare for him to intentionally meet with other nationalities if it was not concerning work. But he played tennis and basketball with co- workers and fellow Filipinos whenever an opportunity arose. Engaging in sports and recreational activities was his other way to address the reality of nostalgia. At the work place, Miguel earned a good reputation as a good worker and was favored by his supervisors. Miguel took pride of this, in being a Filipino, as he believed that work ethic made his countrymen distinct from the rest of the overseas workers. He succinctly stated that this was the sense and pride of being a Filipino. It was no wonder that when his contract was about to end, he was granted an extension for an allowable and reasonable time, due to his track record of good quality service to the company. Annual visits to the Philippines were part of his benefits as an overseas worker. Miguel made sure that his trips back home were spent with family. He planned his trips well to make sure that the children were on summer break, so that more time was spent with them. On occasion, his family went on out-of-town trips if resources allowed. On a typical day, Miguel performed handy-man and house-maintenance activities. He also made sure to spend time with his siblings’ families and friends. Miguel recognized that the essence of being a Filipino and what makes Pinoys14 distinct from other overseas workers was the heart of pakikipagkapwa. He recognized that

14 Pinoy is an informal demonym referring to the Filipino people in the Philippines and overseas Filipinos around the world. 136 pakikipagkapwa is a way of relating to others simply reflected by being a Filipino. He shared that this trait, or even value, enabled him to navigate, survive and thrive in overseas work and relations. The capacity to relate with others in the ways that kapwa operates sustained him through his overseas undertaking. Miguel worked for 30 years overseas. He saw the changes in how communication technology bridged the geographical gap he had with his family back home. He wrote snail mail every week, recorded voice tapes, and called home through the telephone, and later, through mobile phones. At that time, the internet was not a common way to communicate with his family. He communicated with his family members whenever he could. He got upset when he did not receive any news from his family and from home. He shared that receiving mail consoled nostalgia among overseas workers. Miguel remembered that whenever somebody received mail from home, it gave you good status, as you were remembered by your family back home. Miguel had it all planned, as he was able to save and bought lands, built their own house, bought a car, and put his children through college. These were the things that he set off to accomplish when he ventured into overseas work. Needless to say, Miguel was successful in doing these things. Return migration: The end of the exodus. Miguel returned to the Philippines in 2011 at 62 years old. The overseas experience is fresh in Miguel’s mind, as his return is the most recent among all the participants. He misses his overseas life and often remembers the things he did that kept him busy. He lives with his wife, three children and his grandson. This is the same house that he acquired through overseas work. He keeps himself busy in running the household together with his wife. The family owns a small store with grocery items in their neighborhood to keep them busy and, more importantly, serve as their source of income. The reason for his return was the end of contract as mandated by the Saudization15 policy for its older workers. He did not want to go home yet, but he had no choice as this policy was strictly enforced by the Saudi government. Miguel understood the rationale behind this policy, as older workers incurred more costs in terms of their health and medical expenditures. He shared that the company took full responsibility in shouldering all expenses incurred by their workers as covered by their insurance program. This was a good and bad thing according to Miguel. Given this, he had conditioned himself that at one point his contract will end, and it will be time to go back home. He received all of his end-of-service benefits, and Miguel is content, as he did not have any issues in the process. His day starts with waking up early as he prepares breakfast and lunchboxes for his youngest daughter and his grandson. He helps his wife clean the house and with other domestic activities in the household. He likes to do handyman work at home, which keeps him occupied. In the afternoon, when the weather is good, he would visit friends and his siblings in a nearby neighborhood. He would walk there; this serves as his exercise. At other times, he would play tennis and basketball with his friends if they find a common time.

15 Saudization’ as a way of replacing expatriate with Saudi workers as a way of solving the problem of unemployment. ‘Saudization’, officially known as Saudi nationalization scheme, or Nitaqat system in Arabic, is the newest policy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia implemented by its Ministry of Labor, whereby Saudi companies and enterprises are required to fill up their workforce with Saudi nationals up to certain levels. It calls for an increase in the share of Saudi manpower to total employment and for expanding work opportunities for Saudi women and youth.

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The family was faced by a crisis when their eldest child had a stroke. Their son, Beboi, who is 38 years old, lives with them, and Miguel and his wife take responsibility in attending directly to the needs of their son. Due to this impairment, the mental faculties of their son are compromised, and direct assistance is needed. Miguel’s family is challenged with limited resources to expedite a fast recovery for their son. As parents, Miguel and his wife focus their energies in making things work given these hard times in their family. Miguel, used to being the provider of the family, deals with the issue of recognizing his inability to do so at this point in his life. This leads him to contemplate and reflect on his life. He shared that he feels hopeless, as he can’t provide for his family just the way he wants to. “I feel that I am useless. I am nothing, nothing.” Miguel surrenders to the idea of his inability to be the provider for his family. “This is how my life is now, just like this.” In his words, Miguel shares that his heart breaks whenever he can’t grant his children’s and grandson’s simple wishes and requests, which he could have if he had the means. He recalls that he was able to provide these things when he was earning and working overseas, but now that he is not, he can’t possibly provide for these things. If given the chance to extend his overseas work, he would gladly embrace this. He adds on that he only needed one to two more years to work overseas to earn and save. From these savings, he could pursue a little business that he had initially planned upon his homecoming for good. Now that he has no means to support his family economically, his involvement in domestic activities and running the household is more pronounced. He apologizes and asserts this, but makes up for it in ways he sees fit. He adds on that a collective agreement and recognition in their family is that everyone is involved in making things work for the family. Miguel spearheaded this thought that they all work as a team to make it work. His daughter, Darla who is the primary breadwinner of the family, keeps the family economically afloat. Miguel is thankful that they raised mature and responsible children to help them go through this point in their lives. Miguel shares that he misses overseas life, foremost because of the economic rewards it offers. He recognizes that overseas work contributed to his sense of being a person. Miguel defines himself as a father, husband and, significantly, a provider; one who is instrumental in helping others whenever his resources allowed him to. Coming from a big family, Miguel used to help his siblings’ families whenever he could. But, now, as much as he wants to, he is unable to extend such generosity to them. With his return, Miguel reflected that overseas work taught him many things. He recognized the Filipino value of pakikipagkapwa. He saw that Filipinos live this value, which has proven beneficial as they relate and interact with others, be it with fellow OFWs or with co-workers from different nationalities and supervisors alike. The good quality work ethic that Miguel possesses is noted by his co-workers, and he attributes this to his being a Filipino—which he takes pride in. Miguel is keen to note the cultural differences while relating and working with Muslims and non-Muslim Saudi nationals. He noted that they closely adhered to their Muslim faith, and Miguel has his own biases about how their religion is a violation of good human interrelations when compared to his Christian faith. Miguel’s recognition of this helped him to navigate overseas life well. He added that he is still well-liked by his Saudi co-workers despite their knowledge that he is a Christian. Miguel sees his overseas endeavor as a success. Despite being away from his family, his mind was set on his primary goals, and he reminded himself of these whenever he started thinking about home. He combated nostalgia by thinking that his sacrifice will bear fruit if he is

138 able to earn and save money to be sent home for his family. He was motivated to have his own house, send his children to good schools, and finance their college education. All these, he was able to do, and he finds comfort in knowing that he had done so. With Miguel’s return, he saw several changes. First was a change in his household and in his children. They have grown and are now mature and responsible adults. He saw that their generation is different from the kind of upbringing his generation had. He explained that his children are used to a life of ‘things-done-for-them’ mentality; that all things are done by the parents for them. This is in contrast with Miguel’s generation, which placed importance in taking the initiative to do things for oneself and for others. Second, Miguel observed changes in the urbanized infrastructures in his quaint town that he knew. However, he added that the way people think and live remained the same. When asked about his aging and old age, he very well recognizes that he is aging. He observes the reality of aging as manifested in health issues, sicknesses and deaths of other people around him. With this, Miguel is motivated to take control of his aging experience in taking care of himself. He practices a healthy lifestyle, does walking and sports and eats in moderation. He stopped smoking and occasionally drinks below his threshold limit. Miguel reflectively shared that he looks forward to the event of old age in his life. His primary concern is for him to have a smooth experience to it and not seriously get sick. He worries that if he gets sick, their family does not have adequate resources to deal with it. Miguel is confident that his family has a fair chance of thriving because he and his wife raised good and responsible adults over time. Darla, their second child is the primary breadwinner of their family. Occasional support from his wife’s sibling who works overseas is at hand to augment the needs of their family. Miguel needs not need worry about their youngest child’s education, as it is supported by his sister-in-law, who is an OFW. Miguel does not aspire much for himself. In his words, he is ready to go, face death and be at peace with His maker. He is assured in leaving his children, as he knows that his children can do decently without him. Yet he desires to be of greater assistance to his siblings’ families, if he has the resources to offer. Miguel thought about the role of the government for OFWs. He saw that OFWs, upon going back to the country, are not well taken cared of, given that they have been potent contributors to the Philippine economy as OFWs. He feels that the Philippine government neglected them as their worth diminished when they “retired” and returned from overseas work. He was set into thinking that since the government found them beneficial at one point in their overseas work, the government should be sensitive and responsive to their needs when they re-enter their homeland. Miguel stated that it is an unfortunate fate that his fellow OFWs are not given the things that they should have, especially in their later life. He suggested means to make the reintegration of the older OFWs into society go more smoothly. He wants to see the government offer a chance for the older OFWs to work again and address their health care and other things that would make the OFWs’ life a decent aging experience. With his awareness that amidst urbanization and advancement in technologies, life in Miguel’s community and the Philippines remain the same and he is frustrated with the government’s unresponsiveness to the OFWs’ needs as well as the community’s and the indifference in ensuring peace and order. His exposure to overseas living revealed to Miguel that the Philippine system of doing things can be improved if proper implementation and reconsideration of things is done.

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Miguel shared that he is able to work still, if given the chance. His body is able to do work despite the age limitation set by society. However, at this point in his life, paid work is beyond possibility. He contents himself in doing “unproductive work” as translated in domestic activities he does for his family. Miguel sees his overseas work as successful. His house and lot and completed college education of his children are evidences of his overseas work accomplishment. With the things he acquired through overseas work, Miguel sees this as a success in his migration endeavor. However, Miguel sees that regardless of the material gains, his life did not show significant change. He saw that overseas work significantly offered benefits, but being away from the family is the sacrifice that he had. Parenting from a distance was a challenge then and Miguel felt that it had ill-effects on the children, who were without a father figure as they grew up. Miguel has his thoughts on his son’s growing up without a male figure. He values the effort his wife did in raising their children, but he is convinced that it is not enough, especially with his son. He feels that his absence had an effect in his son’s development in terms of maturity. Miguel had this realization even before, when he was at Saudi. But at that time, the only comfort that he had was to share these challenges with his trusted fellow OFWs. In looking at his life, Miguel does not aspire to have a lavish life. All he wants now is for his loved ones to have a good life. His aspirations are not for himself, but for his family and others. Miguel tells that his overseas experience is a part of who he is; his overseas life contributed to what and who he has become. Miguel sees himself as a product of the many things he had experienced in life. In Miguel’s words, the possession of a self-starting attitude, being hard working, and his teachability enabled him to navigate overseas life and his life in general. He acknowledged that the salience on his pakikipagkapwa-tao equipped him to better traverse relations between different nationalities and spaces while doing overseas work. Tito Ruben Ruben, who is 71 years old, came to the small town when he was younger, and has lived and raised his family there. He was unable to finish high school but made sure that he learned skills that allowed him to support himself and his family. He married twice and had 4 male children in all. All four children worked overseas, and only three of them completed college. Currently, he lives with his second wife and his daughter-in-law, but lives close by his eldest son’s family. He has 5 grandchildren. He worked overseas for 22 years as a skilled mason. He came to the small town with a trade in mason work, and this was his entry for overseas work. He is well known in the community for his skills. He worked in different companies while at Saudi and had intermittent overseas contracts when he was actively working abroad. At homeland: Pre-migration. Originally coming from the Northern region of the Philippines, Ruben fled his hometown at a young age and settled in the small community since then. Coming from a farmer’s family, he and his siblings were expected to do farming. But Ruben, in his young mind, knew then that farming was not for him. His resistance to do agricultural work enabled him to seek other means of supporting himself away from his family. He recounted that at a young age, he bravely ventured into the capital of the country and found himself learning the trade of construction work. While in the city, he was employed by a construction group and was later on assigned to what would be his new home, in the small community in the southern part of Luzon. There he met his first wife and had two children. He supported his family through construction work. His first wife died early, and Ruben married his sister-in-law. They had two children. All in all, Ruben had four children, and are all boys.

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Because of the reality that the children were growing up, and he was strongly motivated to put all his children to school, he worked hard. But Ruben later on realized that working hard was not enough, as the cost of schooling for all his children was far too great for him to handle. In was timely, at this point, that his co-workers were opting to do overseas work. At this time, the proliferation of overseas opportunities was tremendous. Ruben was seduced by the relatively higher and regular pay that the “green” money that overseas work offered. Through the nudging of his co-workers, he decided that it was worth the risk. He knew that he had to save for the application and processing fee of the necessary documents to support his overseas application. He sought loans just to complete the application process. He was able to raise the funds for the application process and was successful in it. However, he failed the medical examination, as he was diagnosed as unfit to work due to the hip fracture he had incurred while doing construction work when he was younger. A persistent father wanting to provide a good life for his family and children, he rationalized faking his medical records after several attempts to pass the medical requirements to do overseas work. His application was approved, and he was ready to do overseas work. He left the country when he was 39 years old in 1981. At the worksite: Overseas life. The story of his arrival and entry to Saudi was worth remembering. Ruben recalls that he was caught by surprise as his employer instructed him to depart immediately, when he just reported in to check his flight details. He was told that it was time to leave; otherwise he would have to wait for a longer time. Ruben’s intense desire to provide a good life for his family made him decide to leave without any baggage, and he flew that same day. He asked his friend, who was with him, to inform his wife as there was no way for him to do that personally. This was the start of Ruben’s overseas story in the Gulf. While overseas, Ruben made sure that he did his work well. He worked as a mason and admits that the nature of his work was hard. He initially worked for a Japanese company and acknowledged that the way they managed employees was differently done. He had intermittent employment opportunities and has been going in and out of Saudi depending on the contract he had. The overseas employment allowed him to hone his construction skills over time. From initially being a mason, he learned to become a painter and a tile finisher as well. These new skills opened up more opportunities for more income generating prospects. Ruben vividly shared that he was a victim of workplace politics. His contract was cut short, as he was found out for not following appropriate work protocols. He recounted that there was foul play, as professional jealousy from a fellow Filipino was the source of the issue. Ruben was unable to do anything about it, and hence he was sent home prematurely. These experiences did not stop Ruben from venturing again to do overseas work. He continually looked for overseas opportunities whenever his resources allowed him to. He would opt for lower-paying overseas employment rather than work in the Philippines. He believed that overseas work secures a fixed and regular salary in contrast to being a day-wage earner in the Philippines. His overseas work did not pay much, but the dollar value attached to his minimal pay that he sent home to his family made a significant difference. The humble earnings from his overseas work sustained his family. The lure of overseas work drew him back to working overseas, even if it meant being absent and away from his family. Ruben’s recurrent overseas work did not spare him from nostalgia. He acknowledged this and tried to refocus his energies on the mission he set to accomplish for his family’s good life. He intentionally did not think of these things, and dealt with the adjustments of living in a new place and culture. Just like the rest of his fellow overseas workers, he has to address cultural differences and handled these accordingly. He recounted stories of adapting to food, weather,

141 and how things were done while doing overseas work. He has learned over time to adapt and take on the challenges that he needed to address. Ruben knew that in doing overseas work, he needed to deal with the differences when relating to different people. Early in his life, he had to capitalize on this, and it eventually allowed him to learn skills to thrive in life’s challenges. The challenges he had when he was younger as he recalled, prepared him for his life ahead in doing overseas work and thereafter. One of the many things he learned was to be good at relating with others. This he believed was essential in all things. He practices the Filipino feature of pakikisama, and this enabled him to thrive in the common challenges shared by most overseas workers. Through Ruben’s intermittent overseas experience, he was able to sustain the education of all his children through college. Whenever his overseas contract ended and he briefly returned to the Philippines, Ruben made sure that he kept himself busy. As he is the breadwinner, he sought out construction work from neighbors, friends and referrals. If there was lack of opportunity in the small community where he lives, he would go to his hometown and sought employment there with referrals from his brother, who is an engineer. Over time, Ruben was able to own his house and lot and put all of his children through school while doing overseas work and local construction work in the Philippines. He shared that he takes pride in the things he had accomplished, foremost the education of his children. All four children worked overseas, and Ruben feels assured that they will have better chances in life compared to the kind of life he had. According to Ruben, the sacrifices he made and endured over time as an intermittent overseas worker were all worth it. Return migration: the end of the exodus. After 22 years of working overseas, at 61years old, Ruben returned home in 2003. The intermittent overseas employment, with end-of-contracts and unfair salaries, are his reasons for returning. His final exit was prompted by low pay, the Saudization policy and continued nudging from his children. Foremost, his children wanted him to retire. With the set of circumstances at that time, Ruben heeded his children’s continued coaxing and decided to return home for good. With his final exit from overseas work in 2003, he occasionally works in small and short- term projects. He reasons that his body looks for the kind of activity it was used to when he was busy working as a skilled mason. At times, people in the community seek his services as his credibility has been established over time. After each return, Ruben had worked as a skilled mason locally. He has mastered this skill over time and had gained credibility in the community. On a typical day, Ruben busies himself in attending to the needs of his grandchildren who live close by. He closely monitors his grandchildren’s affairs. In a way, he feels an urgent need to do this as a means to compensate for his absence as a father when his children were growing up. He sees that his son’s situation of living away from his family while working overseas is similar with his overseas encounter. Thus, he makes sure that his grandchildren are going to school and are doing well. For a hobby, he occasionally engages in cockfighting. He stays home, watches cable television, runs errands, and visits friends in his neighborhood. He has a tricycle that he leases to others, a small rice store, and videoke rentals for extra income. He is financially secure, as his children give him financial support. When sharing about his return, he often reverted to his overseas life and told of his experiences and challenges. These he vividly recalls very well. At the end of every story, he goes back to the rationale of the things that he sacrificed and endured, and that is for his children’s education and a good life for his family.

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Upon his return, Ruben attended to his youngest son, who was unable to finish and complete college education—not as a result of lack of resources, but due to lack of motivation. Ruben bore this burden of pushing his son to complete his education. During the early days of his return, Ruben dealt with this tension with his youngest son. His son then decided to explore overseas work to pacify the unrest in their family at that time. Now that he is working overseas, Ruben shares that his son is learning and realizing that education is key to have more options in life. His youngest son works as a low-skilled worker in the Middle East and often complains about the hard work and difficult life he has far from home. Saddened by these things, Ruben finds comfort that his son realizes things now and is finally maturing as a responsible adult. Ruben did not share much about his marital relations. According to Ruben, her wife manages household affairs and is busy in coordinating workers for a local family-owned coconut industry. She does her own affairs but remains a faithful and caring partner to Ruben. Ruben admits that arguments and misunderstandings arise on occasion, but both of them make sure that things are good between them at the end of the day. Ruben jokingly brought up the discussion about his death. His wife shuns this topic, but Ruben wishes that he will be the one who goes first. He rationalizes this as he is gradually declining physically, unable to handle problems, which leads him to conclude that he is aging. He attributes these observed and obvious physical decline and inability to do things with aging and old age. This being said, he sees his aging experience as a negative experience. “Ay naku, sana mamatay na!” (I hope I die soon!). This powerful statement validates his view that his aging is not a good thing, and he limits himself to doing things for his family. He acknowledges this defeatist attitude but is countered by the care, love and thoughtfulness that his family offers. His wife, on his birthday, prepared a surprise party for him. Knowing Ruben well, his wife knows that Ruben will not splurge money on himself for such occasions. And so with the money sent by their children, his wife organized a modest celebration of Ruben’s birthday. Ruben was indignant at first, but later on pondered and appreciated the remembrances of those people around him on his special day. Ruben sees his return as a reflective journey and process. He busies himself with thoughts about his overseas life. He would rather tell stories of overseas life rather than of the present. He fondly recalls experiences and voluntarily shares important lessons he learned along the way. It was only upon returning home for good that Ruben gradually recognizes his aging. Returning home meant more time to introspect and review his life. His return brought forth many realizations in life that Ruben was not even aware of until when he shared his stories. He offered stories on awareness of his strengths and weaknesses, his competencies, his transformation as a man—who he had become and the edification of his values. But most important is the validation of his love for his family. Contemplating on his life now, he shared that he has successfully triumphed life’s challenges. He is content in his life as he vicariously experiences the good life that his children have. The poverty he experienced when he was younger was his driving motivation to aspire for more in life. More so, his being a family man pushed him further to persevere and endure the challenges that may come his way. He is one content and successful man as manifested in his children’s lives. In sum, he shares that his family is successful in making it work. The kind of life and comfort they are having is attributed to teamwork and the collective sense of accountability to one another. Ruben believes that he is fortunate to have responsible children who reciprocated and valued his hard work, sacrifice and love.

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Tito Boyet Boyet, 65 years old, is the only participant who has a college degree—a bachelor’s degree in Secondary Education. He was unable to practice teaching, but his degree allowed him to work in a supervisory position at the university in the college town that he and his family lives. Prior to working overseas, he held a supervisory position at the Food Services Division at the university. He has been married for 37 years and has 2 children. His eldest daughter is a medical doctor, while the youngest one stopped schooling and is now presently working as an English tutor. He is a grandfather of two. He worked for the same company for 19 years in Saudi as a Housing Administrator. At homeland: Pre-migration. Having a stable job, Boyet had a secured future in staying with his work at the university as the Liaison Officer in the Food Services Division. He met his wife at work, and they had two children. It was at this time that overseas opportunity was prevalent, and he knew about this possibility. He never sought to work overseas intentionally, but he was eventually persuaded by his co-workers to explore this undertaking. And so, he prepared his papers and applied for a store keeper position at a Saudi Arabian company. It was easy for Boyet to get the job, as he was a college graduate and knew how to market and package himself in a way fit for the position he was applying for. The employer was impressed with him and offered him a job where he can be promoted over time and have greater pay. He realized that this opportunity was not a coincidence, but was meant for him and his family. He took the job and left the Philippines when he was 32 years old in 1980. With hesitant feelings of leaving his family behind, he rationalized that his departure will give a better future for his family. At the worksite: Overseas life. Boyet, who was used to a typical 8-to-5 job in the Philippines, found his new job similar to his old one. He worked as a clerk and had desk-job responsibilities. Over time, he was promoted to the person in charge of doing the inventory for the company and was finally made a housing inspector. The change in Boyet’s rank was quick, as he had the initial advantage of having an undergraduate degree, in contrast with other overseas workers. As his new acquired job responsibility was similar to the job he had in the Philippines, Boyet did not need much prompting from his supervisors; he was quick to learn, and this enabled him to do his job well. He took pride in being a good worker. The managerial nature of his job gave him satisfaction and drove him to do well in it. Boyet oversaw the operations in the housing services of his company. He was the man to go to when housing concerns needed to be addressed. He shared these responsibilities in detail as he rationalized this as the force that sustained him from while being away from his family. He often experienced homesickness, but he countered this by doing his job well. His thoughts on home were translated and directed to his work. This, he believed, was a better approach rather than spending his off-work time with others. But Boyet made sure to stay in touch with fellow Filipinos whenever he could. He involved himself in workshops and company committee work to maximize the benefits the company offered. Boyet came to Saudi Arabia to do work, and this was what he did. He did it well and made sure he was able to accomplish this to provide a better life for his family back home. Boyet communicated with his family back home by mail, voice tapes, occasional phone calls, and sending balikbayan boxes.16 Vacation times were mostly scheduled during his children’s summer

16 When translated to the English language, balikbayan box refers to a return migrant’s box. It is a big box filled by overseas Filipinos with items of all sorts to be sent back to their families in the Philippines. 144 breaks. This was to make sure he can spend time with them. His family would go on out-of-town trips to just spend time together. In cases where Boyet had his vacations while school was ongoing, he took his children to school and made sure that he is involved and visible in his children’s affairs and activities. Being with fellow overseas workers, Boyet was made aware of many things. He realized that people’s nostalgia of home brought about different ways of coping with it. If his way was to intently work extra hours, he observed that other overseas workers engaged in recreational activities and illicit affairs. He tried to reason these things as means of coping from being away from one’s home and family. The reason for this, as he further explained, was that people were created differently, and each has his/her own means of thriving in a foreign place over time. Living and working overseas brought about understandings and reaffirmations on Boyet’s value system. He earned a position among fellow OFWs as a good person to seek assistance in both personal and work concerns. He granted their requests whenever his resources could. He believed that the favor he bestowed will be reciprocated over time. Boyet’s overseas work provided a good life for his family. He had acquired a big house and several vehicles, put his children to good schools, and had occasional vacation trips. The money he sent was saved and invested wisely. Boyet added that his wife is a good steward of all the things he sent and earned through overseas work. Return migration: The end of the exodus. At age 51 years old, Boyet returned home to the Philippines. At the time of the interview, he has been back for fourteen years and is now 65 years old. Boyet worked 19 years in the same company and was given due recognition for his loyalty and dedicated service. His return was prompted by an end of contract and the push from the Saudi government in their Saudization policy. When he received the news and the official papers for his end of contract, he shared that he had ambivalent feelings about returning home for good. He had almost 20 years of service in the same company and found his worth and dignity as a person in the process. But he had to comply and had no choice but to go home and start another chapter in his life. Boyet, cognizant of this, made sure that he calculated his assets and losses in the long term and that he is creative enough to provide for his family and be productive still. He is aware that though he has savings that can sustain them for at least a time, it will not be sufficient, as he had aspirations to support their eldest daughter through medical school. He set to finish this endeavor despite his humble ways of earning money in the Philippines. He rationalizes that there is not much more for him to accomplish, as he had invested on the minimum essential things that a family should have. He has more than what a typical overseas worker could ever possibly have. He was able to send his daughters to good schools, have a big house, own several cars, manage small entrepreneurial businesses, and own residential and farm lands. His personality, work ethic and overseas labor all proved the way to a comfortable life. Upon his return, Boyet, recognizing his restless and proactive self, saw he needed to be active and work still. He did not waste any time and capitalized on his networks. He went and sought his past connections in the university and obtained a stint as a consultant from his past supervisor. He was given the task of working with his past supervisor’s projects. This enabled Boyet to do work and do something to fill his time. Boyet recognizes his fierce determination and high regard for the things he set his mind on.

The items inside the box may range from grocery items, toiletries, clothes, shoes, household items, electronic gadgets and anything that can fit in the box. This is more symbolic than anyone can comprehend. It has a deeper sense of cultural significance for the overseas family. 145

His return in 1999 meant being creative and exploring opportunities to be productive to remain a good provider for the family. Boyet profited from his years of experience in managing housing units and food and related services. He is positioned to do the work he does now. After several small projects in different private resorts, he was able to find employment in a local food business. This company started with humble beginnings and is gaining popularity in the community. Boyet oversees the operations of the restaurant. He is highly competencies to meet the job expectations and was instrumental towards the restaurant’s success over time. Boyet remains the primary provider for his family. The assets he acquired while doing overseas work were put into good use. He bought a few vans to start a shuttle van business. At the time of his return, the rent-a-van was a lucrative business. He took this opportunity and did well in it. He later on merged his rent-a-van business with that of his relatives and became a bigger rental enterprise. With the humble earnings he has with his job and his shuttle service, he is able to sustain his family. Boyet sees himself as on top of his game compared to his fellow return migrants. He is not content and does not rest on his laurels as the majority does. He makes sure that he is active, doing things and promoting familism even more. He shared that all the things he does is for his family. Boyet views his overseas work as successful. He acquired assets beyond what he aspired to have. He reiterated the success that his overseas work brought to their family. The tangible evidences are aplenty, and these are the things that remind Boyet of his sacrifice and love for his family. He could not possibly have endured nostalgia and being away from his loved ones if not for his family’s good life. The overseas success that Boyet is always grateful for meant that he was not able to directly raise his children. He never questioned the way her children were raised by his wife, as he is confident that she did well. He subtly regrets that he was not able to witness and experience this directly as most fathers do when all are living close together. However, he acknowledges that he is fortunate to redeem himself, as he is a grandfather to his second daughter’s two children. He is busy taking care and attending to the needs of his grandchildren now, and this occupies most of his time. Boyet plays an active role in raising their grandchildren. He acts as the father, as his second daughter is raising her children all by herself and lives with them. As grandparents, Boyet and his wife are reliving the role of being parents to their grandchildren. Since Boyet’s return, the household revolves around his grandchildren, as both are school-aged children. Boyet’s family pools their resources together to provide the best care for their grandchildren. At 65 years old, Boyet is enjoying himself as he ponders the life that he has. His aspirations for a good life for himself and his family are realized. He has assets to support his family, a good job, a daughter who is now a medical doctor, and he is a grandfather. Boyet sees all these things as rewards for the sacrifice and hard work he has done over time. He aspires for continued contentment in the coming years with good health and to travel more together as a family. Boyet’s family enjoys disposable income, which allows them to enjoy luxuries in life. Family bonding is spent by being together and going on out-of-town trips. He acknowledges his gratefulness to God for all the things they now have. He helps his relatives whenever he can and is sought by his family, relatives and community for counsel. He offers his assistance in ways he can. Boyet recognizes the reality of growing old. He is not afraid of getting old, but he is afraid of the things that he can no longer do for his loved ones. He sees aging as slowing down, being

146 unproductive and having limited opportunities. With these things in his head, he is thinking that once he gets old, he can’t be a good provider for his family. He claims that the reason for all the things he does is his family, and his inability to provide for his family when he is old makes him fearful of aging and old age. Upon returning, Boyet has become cognizant of his community and his position in it. His return meant a rethinking of his role as an older OMFW. Boyet thinks that OMFW contribute significantly to the country’s economic well-being. With this thinking, Boyet noted that the government should take care of those OMFW going home for good and now living in the their respective communities. Foremost, he is most concerned about the OMFW who are now old and poor. He strongly suggests that the government offer employment opportunities and services addressing their needs. Tito Ramil Ramil, 65 years old, is the 5th child among 7 children. He finished a vocational degree as an automotive mechanic. He is widowed but remarried. He has 5 children from his first wife and one from his second wife. All his children are college graduates and married. He has 5 grandchildren. Ramil worked as a heavy equipment operator while at Saudi and had intermittent contracts throughout his overseas work history. In sum, he spent a total of 24 years working overseas. Prior to working overseas, he worked as a part-time driver and a heavy equipment operator at the same time to support his family. At homeland: Pre-migration. Ramil recognized that his life meant trials and hardships. He intentionally sought overseas work, as this was his way to combat destitution. While waiting for the results of applications, he actively and rigorously worked several jobs simultaneously to support his family. He worked for an international consortium near the university as a heavy equipment operator. This company offered employment opportunities for local residents in the small community. While working for this company, Ramil had opportunities to retool his already acquired skill sets. His skill was well-sought, and his expertise was highly demanded, making him an asset in the company. Ramil’s supervisors favored him, as he has a good work ethic and did quality work. It was hard for Ramil to leave this post, as he was promised greater things by his supervisors over time. But Ramil’s desire to provide a good life in the most immediate time was greater. His priority was his family’s good life, and he left his family for overseas work. Ramil, 32 years old in 1980, went to Saudi for overseas work. At the worksite: Overseas life. The prestige of doing overseas work did not escape Ramil. With information from his co-workers coupled with the popular print ads, he was set to pursue this and make it happen. He ventured into several recruiting agencies and persevered until he was able to obtain overseas work. He had intermittent overseas experience as brought about by unanticipated life events. He had several contracts with different agencies over time in his overseas employment. Ramil communicated with his family back home through letters. He received long letters from his wife telling stories about home, family and foremost about the children. He looked forward to these mails, as these letters kept him alive and sane when nostalgia set in. Not everyone at that time could afford to own telephones, and only in the later years of his overseas work did Ramil had the resources to explore this form of getting in touch with his family and friends back home. Like most OFWs, he sent and received voice tapes whenever fellow Filipinos went home. He sent remittance and balikbayan boxes once they were full and were ready for shipping. When all things were sent to his family back home, Ramil rewarded himself with the

147 extra money he had earned. He would engage in a new hobby and in this way pacified frequent homesickness. Ramil enjoyed the company of his fellow OFWs and had some close friends. He recalled that it was unwise to get too personal with some, as this would be seen as an intrusion into their private affairs. He made sure that he did not cross their personal spaces, as this was inappropriate. He kept few trusted people that knew him well. He knew how to do well with people and to live by the Filipino core value of pakikipagkapwa. He admitted that through the course of his intermittent overseas work, he had an illicit affair while he was in the Philippines. A child was the result, and the relationship was initially kept from his first family. Ramil is a good father and supported both families. He supported and sent money to his second family. It was only with his trusted OFW friend that he shared this secret. This was one of the reasons that Ramil had to work harder, so to support both his families. He looked forward to coming home when it was time for vacation. He spent time with his children and helped in doing domestic activities and handyman work. He compensated for the time lost when he was working overseas. He carefully planned his visits to spend time with his second family. Often, he spent his first few weeks with them and later on spent the rest of his vacation time with his first family. Throughout his intermittent overseas work, Ramil saw the differences in how different companies operate. He saw both good paying companies and the not-so-good ones. Ramil had the opportunity to work for both kinds of companies. He was forced to accept job offers from the not-so-good paying companies to make sure he could support his families. He rationalized that it is better than nothing. He experienced hardships and challenges as an OFW. He had to depend on his fellow OFWs for assistance and compassion. He had to live for months with no income, as his contract had some glitches. Ramil saved the money given by his fellow OFWs and sent this to his family. He had no choice then but to wait for his salary and sought loans from their company’s commissary for his toiletries and groceries. He felt powerless at that time. Thoughts of home and the things his family needed haunted him, but he was thankful for the assistance of his fellow OFWs then. He realized that damayan was operationalized and as an off-shoot of pakikipagkapwa as a core Filipino value. Ramil acknowledged that pakikipagkapwa is key in thriving overseas life. The most evident rewards of overseas work for Ramil are seen in his children and the persons that they have become. All of his children finished college and are successful professionals in their respective fields. He was able to renovate and add on to his old house over time, and it is now transformed into a big house. He was able to acquire a van that was used for both family affairs and their small business. All in all, Ramil found that all his sacrifices were worthy to be translated as a successful overseas venture regardless. Return migration: The end of the exodus. Ramil had intermittent overseas work throughout the course of his overseas work. He worked a total of 24 years abroad as a heavy equipment operator in various companies and in several places in Saudi Arabia. As such, he had several returns back to the country and for different reasons. The reasons for return range from resignation, end-of-contract, or family reasons. His return in 2000 impacted him the most, with his wife’s sickness and eventual death. But he soon worked overseas again to provide for his family. He had been in the Philippines for 14 years (as of 2013) after his final exit in 2002. With the intermittent returns, Ramil made sure that he earned and provided for his family. He drove PUJs and later on found work as a heavy machine operator. Given his several years of

148 experience driving, he is able to find work regardless. However, Ramil is very much aware that overseas work offers greater financial opportunities compared to working in the Philippines. In-between returns, he would find work to sustain his family. He had the chance to work at a very good company in his community. He was favored for the skills and work ethic he has. He had the opportunity to attend a seminar that allowed him to retool and upgrade his competencies. The security of earning a humble and secured pay in the Philippines at the company he works for, coupled with additional small projects and his sense of ingenuity, could have allowed Ramil to settle in the Philippines and support his family. But Ramil was often haunted and lured by overseas work. And when opportunities came his way to work abroad, he would grab this opportunity and leave again. He feels that the financial promise of overseas work is greater and allows their family to be more economically flexible. With the series of returns that Ramil had, he was able to invest on things important for his family. Foremost, he made sure that all his children went to school and finished college education. Second, he made sure that they have their own house and lot. Third, Ramil was able to buy a vehicle intended for family use and as a source of supplementary income for the family. All these things were products of his overseas work, and Ramil takes pride in these things. Upon the death of his wife, he soon left for Saudi once more to work. He had no choice, as there was no way to pay the loans that their family incurred due to the cost of his wife’s hospitalization. Ramil took any kind of overseas work that came his way, even if the pay was not that good. He grabbed this opportunity despite the relatively low pay he would be earning. Upon Ramil’s final exit on 2002, he had the opportunity to work in small firms with big projects in the Philippines. This kept him busy and allowed him to support his family still. The work experience and skills he developed over time when he was abroad proved useful, and he was preferred by his supervisors. His work ethics and honed relationship skills allowed him to be well-liked by the people he worked with. Ramil attributes these things to his overseas experience. At 61 years old, Ramil was summoned by his office due to the age policy that their company had. Though Ramil is still able to do work, he had no choice but to comply with the company’s policy and finally exited the work force in 2004. With the humble earnings Ramil received while working, he is able to support his second family. At the time of his return on 2002, he thought of finding peace with his second family and made things right. He looked for them and fortunately, he was able to do so. He made it right by introducing his first family to his second family. He explained his story to his 5 children from his first family. It was not well received by his children from his first family initially, but it was gradually accepted over time. Now, Ramil has the peace of having both families under his care and that of being together as one family. Ramil recognizes that his family had been through several challenges and experienced a series of tragedies. His wife’s death was followed by his son’s death. His son’s untimely loss was most difficult, as they all were still grieving for their mother’s death when it happened. It was too much for the family to handle all at the same time. But it was at those times when their family was even more tested but endured everything together. The Filipino value of familism was best manifested in these trying times for all. Ramil has a total of 8 grandchildren. He presently lives with his second family, but on weekends he makes it a point to go and visit his first family. He would stay with his children and do things together. He makes it a point to make up for the time lost when he was absent from them. Now that his children are all grown-ups and are family persons too, Ramil sees his children as his friends, serving strong social support at this point in his life. His children live near

149 their old house and put up their own houses. Ramil’s sons all live close to one another in a compound where their old house is located. Ramil finds it interesting that two of his children are working abroad, and the other one is planning to do overseas work as well. His eldest child, who recently died, was an overseas worker too in the same company that Ramil worked before. He finds it strangely funny that their lives as a family is invisibly linked and tied to overseas life. At 65 years, Ramil is still sharp, strong and able-bodied to do physical work. He wants to do work still, but his children do not want him to do so. Ramil is fortunate that his children give him financial assistance and all the things he needs. All he needs to do is to ask from his children, and if their resources would permit it, they would give it to him without hesitation. He busies himself in directly taking care of his granddaughter from his second family. He and his second wife are personally overseeing the daily routine of their school-aged granddaughter. On weekdays, Ramil and his wife’s day start with preparing their granddaughter for school and sending her off. Her granddaughter’s school is far from their home, and so they would wait at a nearby park until school ended for the day. While waiting, Ramil would walk around the park for his exercise. In other occasions, he would use his idle time working on puzzles or doing errands, coming back before school ended. He has been doing this since his granddaughter started schooling. He is enjoying the life of being a grandfather now. In other occasions, Ramil is sought by friends and relatives. They would go to the woods and do bird watching. But most of the times, his time is spent with family and doing things for them and being together. Tito Tirso Tirso, 77 years old, is the oldest among the participants. He came from a big family and is the 3rd among 12 children. He finished high school. He has been married for 38 years and has 3 children. All children completed high school, but only one completed college. He has 4 grandchildren. Their family is known in the community as one of the first ones to have an auto mechanic store. Tirso is a driver and mechanic in the community, and this allowed him to also work as a driver and mechanic in Saudi. Prior to working in Saudi, he worked in Vietnam for USAID for three years. He worked in Saudi for 15 years. At homeland: Pre-migration. The popularity and seduction of working overseas in the small community led Tirso to contemplate working overseas. Together with his brother, they ventured into overseas work with the thinking that this will give a good life for their families. Tirso, at this time, was a driver and a mechanic and supported his family with the income he earned. His wife, a seamstress, helped Tirso by augmenting their daily needs. Tirso and his wife had a rice farm, and this supplied their rice consumption. Tirso worked in Vietnam for three years. This opportunity was heavily advertised at that time in their community. After three years in Vietnam, he went back home and earned his living through driving and his family’s auto mechanic business. While doing this, he actively applied to several agencies for overseas work in Saudi. With the prior overseas work he had, he quickly landed a job and went overseas again to work. Tirso, 44 years old in 1980, left his family for Saudi Arabia. At the worksite: Overseas life. Leaving his family when his wife just gave birth on their youngest child, Tirso was even more motivated to provide a better life for his family. He remembered this well as he was not there to personally take care of his wife. It was good that his relatives were to there to help his recovering wife. Going to Saudi was not new to Tirso, as he went overseas to Saigon when he was still single. But Tirso thought that this time was different

150 as he has a family to support now. This time, Tirso applied intently to agencies and was asked to pay placement fees. He paid P3,00017 ($395) for overseas placement. He was thankful that there was a system to find overseas work rather than navigating it all by himself. He and his brother pursued overseas work together, which made the process even more appealing for Tirso. Every day, Tirso had to ride the shuttle bus to work. Their work site was at the camp where the company’s transportation department was located. Together with his fellow overseas workers, they were transported from their barracks to their respective worksites. They would prepare early in the day to have breakfast and be ready to work for the day. They had an 8-hour day job for six days, and Friday was their off-day. Through the course of his overseas work, Tirso worked as a mechanic for several establishments. A devout Christian, Tirso remained faithful to his faith. Tirso knew that regardless of prohibition from the Saudi government, Christians were able to gather and meet. It was here where Tirso met fellow Filipinos sharing this faith. They gathered on Fridays, and their meetings were done secretly, masked as birthday celebrations. He recognized that this was a risk that all of them took, but he firmly believed in the faith that they all shared. Tirso stayed focused on his work and was most grateful that his brother was also there with him. Adjusting to a new culture and work environment was easier, and he had no serious challenges that he was unable to manage. The knowledge that there were fellow OFWs near his workplace lessened the nostalgia that most overseas workers shared. He was fortunate to have a community of OFWs and church to make overseas work bearable. In cases when homesickness got the best of Tirso, he would often go back to his rationale for doing overseas work. He made sure that his reason for doing overseas work, to provide a better life for his family back home, was always remembered. He firmly believes that family is the heart of everyone’s purpose. “Of course, your family is your priority and there is nothing else that matters most. A person lives because of one’s family.” Clearly, for Tirso, his family was his core reason in pursuing life. He stayed close to his family through letters and voice tapes. Telephone lines were few at that time, so Tirso and his wife highly depended on letter-writing the traditional way. He consoled his nostalgia when he received and got to read the letters sent by his family. He especially looked forward to stories about his children. During his vacation times back to the Philippines, he spent time with his family and relatives. He also took this opportunity to recruit and seek out interested neighbors and friends for overseas work. He looked forward to eating Filipino delicacies he missed that were prepared by his family. A greater part of Tirso’s overseas encounter was the sense of community with his fellow OFWs and the church people. He reiterated the importance of having this community of people that acted as a buffer in doing overseas work. Aside from personal reasons for returning home, it was easier for Tirso to decide in returning home since most of his friends had already finished their contracts. He was thinking that not having his support system would mean a greater likelihood for experiencing homesickness. One thing that Tirso learned was to possess a good work ethic, and he took pride in doing so as a Filipino. Possession of this work ethic among Filipinos allowed Tirso to recruit more Filipinos to do overseas work. His supervisors favored Tirso and the OFWs, as they have proved to be an asset in their company as good workers. Tirso took pride in being bestowed this unique position in their company.

17 The average exchange rate on Philippine Peso per US Dollar in 1980 is 7.5114. 151

Reflecting on his overseas experiences, he fondly remembered his Vietnam work as a happier encounter of overseas work in contrast with his work in Saudi. He mentioned that in Vietnam, they were mostly going out and partying after work. But now, he can’t afford such lifestyle, as he has a family to support and take care of. Eighty percent of Tirso’s salary was automatically sent home to his family, while the remaining 20% was left for his own consumption. This mechanism set up by his company worked well to address the preference of each employee. The fruits of Tirso’s overseas labor were his family’s own house, PUJs and possession of their own farmland. Though only one child pursued and completed college education, Tirso believed that he had accomplished what he had set to do in his overseas endeavor. Return migration: The end of the exodus. Tirso returned to the Philippines when he was 54 years old. His family asked him to come home, as they missed him so much. Tirso was still physically able to work, but opted to not go back and work abroad to stay with his family. The children were all adults, with one almost done in college. At that time, they calculated that they can live with what they have. They have acquired modest assets that would enable them to get by in the coming days. He has been back in the Philippines for 17 years upon his final return. He starts a typical day by checking his jeepney to set it off for a day’s work. A person leases his jeepney for a set time and returns it in the afternoon. He then drives his jeepney with his wife in the evening, and this is his source of income. During the day, he stays home and helps in the house whenever he is needed by his wife and other family members. He lives close by his relatives and he finds himself spending time with them too. Tirso has his routine set since his return. Four times a week every evening, he drives his jeepney as a source of his family’s income. Tuesdays are devoted to going to their farmland with his wife to check if there are things that need to be addressed. Tirso’s family has acquired their own rice farmlands as well as his wife’s inherited farmland. On Wednesday evenings, he and his wife go to the Bible study at church. Sundays are spent for church activities. Tirso is active in the church and had committed his life in following the teachings of his faith. As a form of service he would shuttle people to church with his jeepney whenever they have activities. He has a full schedule to keep him busy and occupied. Tirso reminisces overseas life often. He contrasted his life in Vietnam and Saudi and liked the Vietnam encounter better. He fondly recalls the “happy” times and going out and being at bars with his co-workers and female Filipino nurses. He saw the stark gender difference between Vietnam and Saudi when people relate with one another. The freedom that Tirso and his co- workers enjoyed in Vietnam was non-existent in Saudi. He had developed a cultural sensitivity, and this he noted well in his interaction with other people over time. His life revolves around his family. His priority is his family, as he declares that a man’s reason for living is for his family. His sense of familism is utmost, and this is the same driving force that prompted him to do overseas work. He views single people as having not much reason to go on pursuing things, as they have no family of their own. Tirso’s decision to finally come home was bolstered when his close friends opted for an early homecoming. He recognized that part of his means of thriving overseas work and combating nostalgia was his close relations with Filipino co-workers. They acted as support networks to cope with overseas life. He knew that returning would mean less financial security, but he rested on his faith that all will be well. His mind was set on working and being together

152 with his family and making it work for them. He added that he is at peace with the modest living that they have. Planning on his homecoming, Tirso envisioned himself to go back to driving and attend to his farmland. He had a vision for what lies ahead. He knew that the life of return is different from the kind of life that overseas work provided. It would be challenging, but he was assured that things will work out as his children contribute and support them. Collectively, Tirso’s household works as a team to live day-by-day. With the addition of his grandchildren, Tirso re- enacts his role as the head of the family. Though he does not bear the primary role in providing for his grandchildren’s education, he humbly contributes whenever he can. Tirso recognizes the changes in his community well. As a local, he saw the changes and acknowledges that he cannot keep up with it. The small community where he grew up is now a ‘modern’ community. He misses the ‘simplicity’ of the community he grew up in, but is consoled by the convenience of the amenities and technology of today.

Looking back, Tirso sees his overseas work as successful. He was able to send his children to school and provide for his family. A life grounded in good values, faith in God, and decent living were the essentials for Tirso and his family. He thought about these things given that he wasn’t able to work overseas, but can still provide for his family through driving. He reminisced the times when he was driving and working side by side with his family. He was set on providing for his family regardless of being away or being with his family. Though the disposable income that overseas work afforded them is rare, Tirso firmly believes that his family will make do with what they have together. Tirso is confident that his driving skill will allow him to provide for his family. When asked if he wants to go back and work overseas, he shared that it is not possible, as he is already old. He mentioned that his aging self as manifested in the natural process of slowing down in his physical strength and the natural decline in bodily processes. But Tirso admits that he is healthy and does not get sick easily. Tirso is happily content with what he has now and who he has become. A healthy body free from serious sickness and disease and his ability to function still makes him feel blessed as an older adult. He is old, has grandchildren, and is home. Tirso, living in his own home, driving his own jeepney and managing his farmland with his family, practicing his faith, and being in the community, is satisfied in his later years.

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Appendix X: Detailed Case Presentation of non-OMFW Returnees Tito Eddie Eddie, 73 years old, is a migrant into the small college town where he has lived since he got married. He finished high school. He is a widower and has three children. All his children are college graduates. Two of his children work in Singapore and are married. He has two grandchildren. Before finally moving to the small community in which he presently resides, he worked in a private company as a telephone line man. His family owns a small convenience store and is popular in the community. Apart from having a small store, he owns a PUJ and sometimes drives it for local transportation service in the community or leases it to others. Overseas opportunity. He explored overseas work, but was denied the position. He did not attempt to apply again, as he felt that his completion of only the high school level limited his opportunities. Eddie was 46 years old then and explored working in Saudi in 1984. It was popular at that time, and most were convinced that working in Saudi was the best thing to do to support one’s family and have a better life. With incessant nudging by a friend, Eddie pursued overseas work. Together with his friend, they later found out that they were victims of fraud. He did not attempt to try again, but his friend tried again. It was at this time that Eddie decided that overseas work was not for him. Productive years. He came to the community upon marrying his wife. His wife manages her aunt’s mini convenience store, and later his wife became the owner. Together with his wife, they managed the store. Over time, they were able to buy a PUJ and supplemented the earnings from their mini store. Eddie personally managed the PUJ business and at times personally drove too. With the store and Eddie’s PUJ, they were able to provide for their family. Eddie’s wife took the lead in managing their mini store. He was the designated assistant for the operations of their store. As his wife managed the store, Eddie kept himself busy by driving the PUJ. Eddie and his wife took turns serving customers at the store. Their store had undergone changes and experienced losses, but stood the test of time. It has become an icon in the college town, and both Eddie and his wife have become an institution in the community’s local history and development. Their store was one of the pioneers in this kind of business. Students preferred their store over others because of the friendly demeanor of Eddie and his wife in treating their customers. Eddie and his wife were able to raise their children with the humble earnings from their mini store and PUJ business. The mini store had become a family strategy to make a living. As the children were growing up, the children were made aware of the importance of the store in their lives. When the children were old enough, the children assisted in the store. This allowed Eddie and his wife to have breaks and flexibility in their busy schedules. Eddie and his wife shared an understanding on the relevance of education. They both strived and worked hard to send their children to good schools. They believed that education was instrumental for their children to have good lives. Both Eddie and his wife were unable to go to college. Hence, both Eddie and his wife worked hard to provide a better life for their children by putting them into good schools. Now. The family’s mini store keeps Eddie occupied and busy. Since this has been the family’s primary income source over time, he staffs the store, while his daughter acts as the manager. Since his wife died, the store’s supervision and management was delegated to the eldest child. It had been Eddie’s late wife who managed all these, and Eddie acted as an assistant to his wife. Eddie occasionally visits his hometown up in the northern region of the Philippines

154 once in a while to stay in touch with his siblings and relatives. He currently lives with his sister and his eldest child. His sister who is unmarried stays with them and is a big help in managing the store especially upon his wife’s death. Eddie starts his day late, as he often mans the mini store in the afternoon shift. He and his sister alternately run the store, because it is open 24 hours. He is used to this setting, as he had been doing it ever since. If he decides to visit his siblings in his hometown, they close the store, because there is no other person to do that for them. This has been his routine after his wife died. It has been 10 years since Eddie’s wife died. Eddie shares that he misses her still and does not plan to remarry again. He thinks that tensions would arise if he remarries, as relations with his children will be affected. He rests on a future that his children and siblings will take care of him. He trusts in the close relationship he has with his siblings, as he comes from a big family. But Eddie is aware that his siblings have their own families and that they are all aging as well. He does not see a future for himself. He has this mindset that even if one thinks about and plans their later lives, death comes anyway. In his words, “I am not thinking about it. Because in these days, there are many people who die anyway.” Eddie had come to this realization as many people he knows in the community have died unexpectedly. With his personal experience on his wife’s death and the several stories on death in his neighborhood, Eddie believes that life is indeed uncertain. His resolve is to live a healthy life. The simplicity of eating right and healthy is his way of facing tomorrow. Eddie shares that he has no aspirations for himself, but dreams of good things for his children and family. He continues to be a father regardless of his children being adults now. He specifically worries about his daughter, as she does not have a family yet. He is assured about his two sons as they have their own families now. As much as his resources would allow it, Eddie extends help whenever he can to his children and relatives still. He is content with the way things are in his life. He wants to stay healthy, man their store, and manage his PUJ. He has friends in the community who oftentimes visit him in his small store, and this makes his day. Eddie sees each day as something to be thankful for. When asked if he is happy and content with his life, he said that he has no right to be unhappy and not be satisfied in his life. He reasons that he is in a better position when compared to others, as he is still able to eat, do the things he wants, and the simple joy of having a place to stay. He justifies that he has no right to be discontent. He sees himself as not getting old, but has this perspective that years are only added to his life. This attitude allows Eddie to see old age in a different light. He acknowledges he is experiencing aging and bears the physical signs of aging. Eddie does not worry about the things associated with aging and old age as he recognizes that in its own time, aging comes whether one is ready or not. Tito Jose Jose, 71 years old, is a retired utility worker in the university and a migrant from a nearby province. His hard work and perseverance paid off, as he was able to finish high school. He worked his way in finishing high school and professed that they had a challenging life while growing up. His family lived in the small community, and he raised his family there. He has been married for 46 years and has two children. His wife is a homemaker and at times operates small businesses to meet the needs of the family. Jose worked in different jobs before landing a janitorial job at the university. He worked as a utility worker for 40 years. This enabled him to support his family. His work at the university gave him the privilege of sending his children to

155 school as scholars with subsidized tuition. His two children are college graduates, married, and working as professionals. He has 5 grandchildren. On weekends, he works as a part-time handyman and carpenter whenever there is a demand from his co-workers. He is intentionally ingenious in seeking out different and multiple ways to earn a living. He has several skills to offer, from simple yard work and gardening to cooking, carpentry, and just being creative in providing services to people. Overseas opportunity. With the increasing cost of living and schooling of children, who were then (1981) in high school, the Jose’s regular job at the university was inadequate to support his family. Jose thought that he needed to be more creative. At this time, the trend of working overseas came to his attention. It was at this point that he intently saved money to pay the recruitment agency for his Saudi application. With the hype for overseas opportunity to work, the prevalence of illegal recruitment agencies was also real. Jose was not exempted from this reality. He was a victim of fraud and this made Jose realized that it was not meant for him. He was 39 years old then. With this experience, he was even more determined to support his family with the opportunities available in his immediate environment. Productive years. Jose served the university as a utility worker for 40 years. He is grateful for this work, which has allowed him to be a good provider to his family. He was well-liked by his co-workers and supervisors for the quality work ethic that he bore. He practiced pakikisama well, as he believes that this is necessary in being a good person and to do his work well. He informed himself of every opportunity that was available in the university to make both ends meet. He was both creative and innovative in packaging his skill set to his supervisors to have additional sources of income aside from the salary he received from the university. Jose recognized that he has to work hard to put his children to good schools. He did not want his children to experience the difficult life he had. He is a strong believer on the value of education and the good life that it can offer. Thus, he made sure that his children got quality education, even if it meant working harder for his children. As a parent, he made sure to instill the following values: to believe in God, do no harm to others, pray together as a family, and help others. These were the simple, yet important values to live by for a person to be good, according to Jose. Now. Jose makes sure that he is always doing something. Even before his retirement, he made sure that his weekends were busy in earning extra income. He does occasional work, but none that are physically tedious and laborious. He busies himself with community work and church activities. He is an active member of his community and acts as one of the deacons in his church. His weekdays are filled with doing work for others and the community. He finds fulfillment in these things. Jose starts his day with an early walk with his wife. He cleans the backyard and has small carpentry projects that keep him occupied. He has a backyard garden with vegetables and small fruit trees. He takes care of this garden and admits that this is good for him and serves as his form of exercise. He lives with his wife and his eldest son’s family. Even now that he is retired from work, Jose extends himself to others. He goes above and beyond his volunteer responsibilities. He makes sure that he models his faith in God and extends this to others. His main purpose in moving forward is to teach others about his faith in God. He reasons that if you serve God first and above everything, all things in a person’s life will be in place. According to Jose, his life is an evidence of God’s faithfulness in his life. Jose continually aspires for good things in life, not for himself, but for his family. He dreams of a good life for his grandchildren. He remains steadfast that with the things that he does to

156 others, the goodness he does will be reciprocated back to his children and grandchildren. He looks forward to the coming years, as it is a good opportunity to spend it more with his wife. Jose makes sure that they go out as a couple and maintain the closeness they share. Though fit and healthy, Jose is quick to recognize that he is not that agile and sharp in contrast to when he was younger. He admits that he is aging, as he experiences slowness in moving, declining eyesight, and hearing, as well as frequent body aches. He also adds that there are occasions that he forgets things, and his sleeping pattern has changed significantly. All these he recognizes as manifestations of a normalaging experience. Jose’s awareness allowed him to take a proactive stance in his aging experience. Both Jose and his wife educate themselves to practice a healthy lifestyle. As a couple, it is their life’s aim to live a healthy old age. Tito Andres Andres, 77 years old, worked in a government office for 27 years as a driver. He is a local of the community and had supported himself at an early age. He came from a big family, and this motivated him to find ways to earn a living. He only finished elementary education, but was fortunate to land a job as a professional driver in a government office. He has been married for 32 years and has one daughter. His wife is a public school teacher. He is a grandfather of two and has a great granddaughter. Overseas opportunity. The story of overseas success and improved family life was recognized by Andres and his wife. They heard stories of success and the not-so-successful ones. They were more inclined to believe the unsuccessful ventures of overseas work. Among his relatives, he observed the ill effects of overseas work in family relationships. Based on these stories, Andres decided to stay with the regular government position he had and with his family. The temptation of “instant” and quick monetary reward made overseas work attractive, but it was not enough to fully convince him to go overseas for work. The decision of staying and working in the country was supported by the long term rewards of being together and the contentment of just having a stable and regular job. The overseas opportunity came to Andres at the time when the overseas work trend of going to the gulf areas was popular. He was around 44 years old at that time. Productive years. Andres, coming from a big family, knew what it was like to work hard. As a young adult, he had multiple and varied jobs to make both ends meet. He saw his lack of education as a limiting factor in having a better life, but this did not stop him from earning a living. He was a professional driver for a government office all through his productive years. This sustained his family and enabled them to have a stable source of income. He shared that it is not much, but they were able to get by on a daily basis. In the workplace, he practiced good work ethic, and his co-workers were pleased with the service he offered. People were drawn to him, as he carried a calm and optimistic demeanor. His younger co-workers looked up to him and saw him as a good person to seek counsel from. On the other hand, his supervisors preferred him over the other drivers because of his professionalism and driving experience. For 27 years of dedicated government service, Andres earned the respect among his co- workers. He was an experienced driver, and his office trusted him with important driving assignments throughout his service. His co-workers bestowed him the title Tata Andres18 and highly regarded him. This ascribed status made Andres realize that he had been in the service for

18 “Tata” is a label referring to respect as refracted by age and experience. The closest English words are uncle, or father. 157 a long time. This made Andres think that he is aging. However, he was comforted, as Tata Andres symbolized a good father figure to all. This all the more nurtured his self-worth and his gratitude for the work he had. It was hard for Andres to retire, as he loved his work, which helped him realized the kind of person he has become. As a worker, Andres was able to learn new skills for his advancement. Aside from driving, he was able to troubleshoot when automotive troubles arose. He also honed his social and interpersonal skills in relating to others. All in all, Andres recognized that his work as a professional driver was his sense of defining himself as a Filipino man. Upon retirement, he invested his retirement pay in a van that served as a taxi service. This allowed him to continue earning and, at the same time, to not totally leave driving. He served as a personal driver for ten years after his retirement. However, with the expensive maintenance cost, Andres was forced to sell his van and now relies on his pension in supporting his family. Now. Andres’s day starts by preparing his family members for school. He has two grandchildren going to school. He prepares breakfast and all things necessary for the day to begin. Andres takes care of his grandchildren and great granddaughter. Though they only had a daughter, Andres and his wife were blessed with two grandchildren and a great granddaughter. This keeps them busy and occupied most of the time. They have a full house, as all their grandchildren live with them. This living arrangement is best, as Andres’s home is accessible to several services, especially now that their grandchildren are going to school. His daughter lives far from them due to sporadic work opportunities. Andres acknowledges the role of his family and relatives in his life now. He regards his being a grandfather as a blessing and a gift. He takes joy in taking care of their needs. Together with his wife, they take pride in doing these things. He values the togetherness he has with his wife. Andres is an active community person in their neighborhood. He takes pride in doing community work and more so in his active involvement in religious activities in their church. Together with his wife, they serve as leaders in their community and church. Much of what keeps Andres active upon his retirement from government service is doing these things for the community and church. When not busy with family and community services, he spends time with his friends. They have a set day to meet and hang out with one another. This is a good opportunity for Andres to have a break from the things that keep him busy. Looking ahead in the coming years, Andres still aspires to have his home renovated. He wants to make more room for his grandchildren’s families. He wants for his family to have a secured place when he is gone. All he hopes for now is not for himself, but for his family. He has his work, friends, community, and foremost his family to make him content with what he has now. Tito Danny Danny, 67 years old, is a retired driver from an international consortium office in the university. He is a migrant to the community. His move was prompted by this employment opportunity; prior to this he had a permanent driving position in a government office in Manila. His move was prompted to cut the cost of travelling. He has been married for 44 years. His wife was also a government employee in the same office he works before, but opted for an early retirement. He has 3 children, and all finished college. All are professionals and are married. He has 4 grandchildren.

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Overseas opportunity. Danny’s regular work did not prevent him from exploring the overseas work hype at that time. The popularity of working overseas attracted male Filipinos, who wanted to directly and personally see for themselves what it was all about. Danny, upon nudging from co-workers, applied. He was fortunate to have a brother who was already working overseas to show him how it was done. He and his co-worker received job offers, but he was most hesitant to go. His co-worker pursued overseas work despite the working terms not being the initial terms they believed to be. Danny decided not to go because of the unjust contract arrangements. He realized that it was not worth being away from the family, given the perceived improved quality of life in the short term. He was 35 years old when he applied for overseas work in Sudan. Productive years. His most productive years were at the international company where he worked for 23 years. He saw changes in the management of the institution. He was fortunate to work for this company, as it offered good monetary and social benefits. His work accorded him a prestigious position in his community and neighborhood. With his work as a driver, he was able to acquire his own house and lot, send all his children to good schools, and save some money for his retirement years. Danny shared that he was fortunate to have this work, as it allowed him to provide his family a good life. He is content with the life he had. He believes that he and his wife raised their children well. They instilled the value of education and possession of certain values that would enable their children to be kind and be good people, with a heart for others. Danny made it certain that his family will not experience the life he had. In his mind, he was set to work hard and be a good provider to his family. He commends his wife as good in managing household affairs and keeping the children in close supervision while he was busy working for his family. Danny strongly shared his wife’s sentiments on being together and making it work for all. As parents, Danny and his wife agreed to be a team with the goal in giving the best future they can offer their children. He recalled that due to the nature of his work, he missed occasions of spending time with his children. But he made certain to make up for the lost times and made an effort to maximize any time he had to have quality time with this family. Now. Upon retiring in 2001, he invested his retirement pay on a small rent-a-van shuttle business. He personally managed this for ten years until 2011. With the physical changes he is gradually experiencing, he decided to stop and only drives for his family now. His day begins with attending to his grandchildren’s needs, with his wife reminding him the things necessary to do for the day. Their two grandchildren live with them, as their son works in Manila as a call center agent and only goes home every weekend. Due to the nature of their son’s job, they personally and directly attend to their grandchildren’s daily needs. He shuttles them to school every day. Danny is pleased that his eldest child’s family lives close by and allows him to see his grandchild whenever. However, much as Danny loves his grandchildren, he is done in being the primary person responsible in disciplining them. He shares that his role as a grandfather is to remind them about things, but delegates the disciplining role to his wife and his grandchildren’s parents. When asked about his aspirations for himself, he desires for his family to come closer to God. He strongly believes that God had been patient to him and waited for him to realize the wrongs that he had done. His strong belief in God is manifested, as he is one of the deacons of the Catholic Church in his community. This is one of the things that keeps his balance and sense of purpose. Other than this, he shares that he is happy and he can’t ask anything from life. He has a good wife, has good children, has grandchildren, and all these make up his contentment in life.

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Danny recognizes his aging self. He first noticed this when he was unable to do the things he used to do. Danny shares that he feels changes in his eyesight, has gray hair, and gained maturity in looking at things. He proudly shares that he is now at a position to offer advice to younger ones, as he had gone through life. He is delighted with the knowledge and assurance that he is able to do so and to do good for others and foremost to his family.

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Appendix Y: Detailed Case Presentation of OMFW Returnees’ Family Members Tito Pablo The wife (deceased). The story provided by Pablo and Alvin was not that extensive, as they would rather not share stories of her. She died of diabetes complications in 2003. The child: Alvin. Alvin is 40 years old, married, and has 4 children. He took Pablo in and takes care of him since all his living siblings are working overseas. He works at the municipal office just like Pablo when his father was still working. Alvin shared stories of growing up having an absent father. He knew the rationale of Pablo’s overseas work that it was for them. In his young mind, he was set to thinking that his father’s absence was good, as he was paid well overseas to support them. He remembered the occasions when his father was at home from overseas work, as there would be festivities and drinking sessions in their home. His father’s friends and relatives came to their house to celebrate his homecoming. This was the routine whenever Pablo came home. As he and his siblings were growing up, they saw Pablo’s changes in employment. They saw him when he worked at the international company and when he went for overseas work. Alvin thought that even if he stayed in the country and worked at the international company, their family will be just fine. Today, he believes that if that was the case, the long-term impact of working at the international company far exceeded the short-term benefits that overseas work offered. He was thinking of the pension that Pablo could have benefits from upon retirement from the international company. Today, Alvin expresses ambivalent feelings about his father’s overseas work and working abroad in general. He does not see the good it did in his family and if given the choice, he would rather have had his father stay in the country and worked at his prior job. He saw his father’s overseas work as a failure. More so, if asked if he wants to venture into overseas work, he strongly answered that he does not want to. Even if it pays well, he would rather stay with his family and work in the Philippines. He sees overseas work as a test of one’s character and for those who are brave. He admired Pablo as he was able to do overseas work regardless of his educational attainment and the minimal driving skill he had. Upon Pablo’s retirement, Alvin saw that his father spent his retirement money unwisely. His father used up the money in playing mahjong and tong-its (local card game synonymous to poker). Alvin was furious with his parents’ decision to mortgage their house to the bank and blames Pablo to this day. Alvin thought that this was the only thing that came out good with Pablo’s overseas work, and he just threw it all away that easily. But Alvin rationalized that there was no point now to open this thing of the past as there is nothing they can do about it. Currently, he takes care of his father. His two siblings working overseas contribute by sending money to address the needs of Pablo. He is very much concerned with Pablo’s health, as Pablo still smokes and does not engage in physical activities. Alvin further added that his father’s hearing and speech faculties are declining. Pablo remains independent in doing things, and Alvin thinks that at 72 years old, with the cumulative effects of an unhealthy lifestyle, Pablo is still sharp and able-bodied. There are occasions that when Pablo joins Alvin in drinking sessions with his friends and neighbors, but he saw the change in the drinking threshold of his father over time. Alvin noticed the changes in Pablo over time. He describes and attributes the illogical behavior of Pablo to his aging. Alvin observes that Pablo, as a grandfather, is a grumpy one. He occasionally rebukes his father for being such. He thinks of this grumpiness as a manifestation of Pablo’s aging. His father’s changes in walking, slurry speech, and attitude in looking at things

161 highlight old age according to how Alvin perceives aging. Yet, despite the seemingly senseless things Pablo does, Alvin maintains that Pablo is a good father to them. He was able to support their big family regardless. He is grateful for this, though he and his siblings fear the way Pablo raised them. But Alvin saw the necessity of his father’s firm approach in raising them. Tito Miguel The wife: Emma. Emma, 63 years old, has lived in the same small community her whole life. She went to college, but was unable to complete it and married Miguel at 25 years old. She has been a housewife since then. The decision to work overseas was initiated by Miguel, but she supported this. Her brother was instrumental in showing Miguel the way to facilitate overseas work, as he is an OFW too. Miguel and Emma had a definite goal and understanding that overseas work is oriented toward having their own home and the completion of college education in good schools for their children. These things they have successfully achieved together. Emma recounted that the children, Beboi and Darla, were young when Miguel left to work overseas. She was fortunate, as her relatives were close by and supportive in helping raise her children. She taught and reminded the children about the reasons for their father’s absence and his overseas work. Emma made sure that Miguel talked with the children and shared stories whenever they had a chance. Managing the household and raising the children were hard for Emma. Though her relatives and her mother, who was alive then, were very helpful, being alone without Miguel by her side was difficult. She found it extra challenging when Beboi was growing up. She found it hardest whenever urgent and immediate decisions were necessary. She relied on her own judgments and advice from her family members on how to deal with such situations. Emma remembered that Miguel, though distant, was a hands-on father. Miguel went into the details of the needs and concerns of his family. At times, Emma felt moments of inadequacy as a mother, since Miguel implored and questioned her ways. But Emma knew very well that Miguel meant well. The children knew when Miguel was serious and understood Miguel’s way in performing the role of a father. Emma shared that the children listen to Miguel more. Emma shared about their youngest child, Clarisse, whom they adopted. They adopted Clarisse when Miguel was still overseas and when Clarisse was still a baby. Clarisse is 14 years old, and they are in the process of informing her. Emma is grateful that their second child, Darla, takes on the breadwinner role of the family now. Emma recognizes that having another female perspective in dealing with these issues is a refreshing one. Emma noted that she and Miguel have explained to their two children about their adopted sister. They welcomed her as their own sibling, as Clarisse was adopted by their family when she was still a newly-born baby. The entry of Clarisse in their family spelled a significant difference in their lives. Emma recounted that it was lonely at that time, and Clarisse’s presence brought joy to their family as a whole. Clarisse is welcomed in Emma’s family, and her OFW sister supports Clarisse’s education and other needs that she may have. This is because Emma’s sister does not have a family of her own, and she has the resources to extend help whenever she can. Thinking through Miguel’s return brought mixed emotions for Emma. On the one hand, she is happy that they are all together, but on the other hand, she worries about their future. She now has to worry about Beboi’s health, as he had a stroke and needs extra care and attention in the coming days. She identifies several concerns that make their life now more challenging than ever. Emma sums up that they are economically challenged, as Darla is the only breadwinner of their family. She feels for Miguel, as she senses that he tries his best to step up on his male

162 expectations on being a ‘good’ father, but Emma knows very well too that he can only do so much given the circumstances and opportunities he has. Upon Miguel’s announcement of returning for good, Emma talked with the children. All three of them were thinking about their coming days now with Miguel coming home for good. She explained to her children that the modest comfort and economic fluidity brought about by overseas work will stop and they all have to strategize their future to sustain themselves. Emma shared that Miguel is a loving and doting father. He gives everything that he can offer to his children. His children saw him as strict yet loving father. Emma noted that Miguel has a firm hand in dealing with serious matters, but the heart of a parent never left Miguel. Miguel dearly loves his family above himself, and Emma saw this very well over the years. This was shown in his manner of taking care of their school-aged family members. Miguel is a hands-on parent in taking care and attending to the needs of their youngest child and grandchild. Emma noted that this is Miguel’s way of reliving his role as hands-on father while he was doing overseas work. Now that Miguel is here, the freedom Emma enjoyed in being independent of her time and activities was put into hold. She admitted that she missed this sense of being alone. She loves the idea of Miguel and them being together, but at times she wanted her space. But she reasoned that at this point in their lives, it is better for them to be with each other. Emma shared stories of Miguel’s infidelity. She had suspicions even before Miguel returned, but she remained silent. It was an unfortunate time for her, but she had Darla’s support. Emma did not confront Miguel at first and remained silent, but Darla was the bold one to ask her father about it. Miguel did not admit this, but Emma’s suspicions were true. Emma proved to be strong at this time, as this was a test of their marital relationship. She loved Miguel and reasoned these things in her head. She was comforted by the assurance that Darla will be by her side no matter what. Thoughts about the future directed Emma to think about her and Miguel’s aging experience. They humorously view aging, yet worry mostly about their eldest child’s health and foremost their school-aged family members. Emma reasoned that they remain parents regardless. Her thoughts on their aging led her to think about who will take care of them when the time comes that they are unable to care for themselves. Miguel and Emma’s primary worry is how to keep their family afloat given that the only breadwinner is Darla. More so, the family crisis that they are experiencing now complicates their financial security. But it is good that her sister, who is an overseas worker, supports Clarisse. Emma is grateful for this. She is content on what has become of Miguel’s overseas journey. She contemplates that it was a successful one, as they were able to accomplish the goals that they set. A house and lot of their own, and completion of college education of their children in good schools were achieved. This means so much for Emma and Miguel. On living with Miguel again, Emma noticed that Miguel changed. He gets annoyed and irritated easily. And when these occasions arise, Emma would keep silent and let Miguel cool down. She feels that they are adjusting to each other’s presence as a couple, being parents and grandparents all at the same time. But she commends that Miguel is a well-rounded helpmate. She sees Miguel as indispensable in whatever he needs to do and deliver. She rationalized that part of who Miguel is and has become is an outcome of his being a part of a poor and big family. In Emma’s thinking, overseas work opened up a possibility to redeem and liberate Miguel from poverty. Miguel’s upbringing and orientation influenced his values and views in life. According to Emma, Miguel makes sure that his earnings are accounted for. Emma and Miguel have an understanding on how to allocate their resources.

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The child: Darla. Darla, 34 years old, is Miguel’s second child. She has been the primary breadwinner of the family since Miguel’s return. She performs this role, among others, in their family. Her parents listen to her, and Darla describes that there is a seeming reversal of roles now, as she is parenting her parents. Her two other siblings and nephew looks up to her and values her as the economic foundation by which her family stands. Darla, in her young mind, remembered that they had an absent father while growing up but understood then that it was for their family’s benefits. Darla and her brother did not mind this, as they were assured of treats from their father. She recalled all the toys, shoes and chocolates that their father would send them. According to Darla, an absent father meant a good life. On Miguel’s annual homecomings throughout the duration of his overseas work, Darla remembered well that it was a time of having fun. These were the remembrances of Miguel’s overseas work in Darla’s life. Darla was mature to think about the fact that she is a product of an OFW (Overseas Filipino Worker) household. She knows that she shared this feature with some of her classmates. Their experience as having an absent father who was working overseas was not something new and to be surprised about. Darla is quick to link the effects of being raised singly by a parent and having no male figure in the house while they were growing. She remembered well when her brother would have problems that a male perspective was warranted. Darla was forced to step up and mature quickly to act as a support system to her mother then. She was quick to become an adult and took this position well to deal with what her family needed to address. Upon her father’s return, Darla had this awkward feeling with her father. She reasoned that perhaps it was the long years of having an absent father and his eventual coming back that made it uncomfortable. She is happy that all of them are now together, but she feels a certain kind of awkwardness when relating to him. The confused state on relating with her father was addressed as she was made busy by her role as the primary breadwinner in their family. She recognized the role reversals and renegotiations over time. As understood by Darla, Miguel’s return was prompted by the end of contract and health issues. She recognized that her father was getting old. Darla associated his father’s stubbornness and grumpiness as signs of an aging person. She has a hard time explaining things to both her father and mother. But Darla made sense of all these things by attributing them to her parents’ aging. Darla remembered that while growing up, her parents did not lack in teaching them values essential to living decently and being at peace with others. These values were instrumental in becoming the person she is now. Despite the absence of the father, both Miguel and Emma made sure that their being an OFW household did not impact how well they raising their children. Darla believes that there is beauty and madness in the life of an overseas family. According to Darla, overseas life has benefits to be celebrated, yet there are losses that have greater and longer effects. She recognized that these were all parts of overseas living. She is like her father in many respects, as she is willing to be away from her family to provide a better life for them. She can imagine herself reliving the legacy Miguel has as an OFW.

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Tito Ruben The wife: Refused to be interviewed The child: All sons were working overseas Tito Boyet The wife: Elda. Elda, as she is fondly called by everyone, is 60 years old. She comes from a large family of ten children and is the sixth child. She was able to go to a vocational school, but was unable to finish. However, she was able to land a job in the university as an administrative aide. This is where she met Boyet. They have been married for 37 years and were blessed with two daughters. They have two grandchildren from their second child, who live with them. Presently, she works as a clerk in a different office. She is contemplating an early retirement to have more time with her family and do more things that she likes to do. With 37 years of being married, she is happy with the life that they have. Elda supported Boyet’s decision to work overseas. Elda shares the determined spirit Boyet has in providing a good life for their family. When Boyet was overseas, she had Boyet’s brother to accompany her while raising their children. It was a good thing, as she had help in managing domestic affairs. When faced with a decision to make about their family and the children, she decided on the immediate family concerns. But when big decisions were necessary, she consulted Boyet about these things. Elda learned to do this well and had developed competencies and attitudes that sustained their family over the years. Boyet, on the other hand, was assured that Elda did a very good job in managing family and household matters. Elda noted that the success that overseas work brought their family was manifested and experienced more than they expected. Their combined efforts in managing the overseas earnings and with her good stewardship enabled their family to experience the good life. They were able to send their children to good schools, have a big house, and generously extend help to family and friends. With the news of Boyet’s homecoming, she did not feel fear about their family’s sustainability. On the other hand, she was happy that this was a good time to be together as a family. She was assured that her work and the savings they have will keep them afloat over time. She shared that it has never been an issue of lacking and not meeting their basic needs. Elda was assured that the assets they have and the small rent-a-van service they have will sustain their family in the coming years. Elda shared that upon Boyet’s return, there was more time to spend it as a family. They would often take long drives and do fun stuff together. Now that their children are older and with the addition of grandchildren, they often travel and go out of town. She shared that Boyet found joy in spending time with family. He showers them with gifts as much as his resources allow it. She thinks that Boyet is compensating for his absence when their children were growing up, and hence it is now translated into taking care of their grandchildren. Elda knows Boyet well and remembered that Boyet, with his return, was restless and felt the need to do things. Boyet did handyman activities, bought a dog and finally looked for a job. Within three months, Boyet was working again and another beginning was about to start. Boyet’s work allowed for more flexibility and security on the coming years. Elda worries about her second daughter, as she is a single mother. This is why she and Boyet and make sure that they are there to assist her however they can. This is highly evidenced with

165 the close supervision they provide to their grandchildren. Their days revolve around their grandchildren, and they aspire for good things in life for them. On the other hand, she is happy that she has a daughter who is now a medical doctor and offers financial support to them. More so, their daughter who is a medical doctor takes care of the family’s health. With Boyet’s return, Elda remains in charge of household management. She decides on immediate and daily concerns, hence their household dynamics is relatively the same. His return made them even closer to one another as they have the time to do so especially that their children are adults. Elda shared that Boyet makes sure that they have quality time spent together as a couple. Elda added that Boyet remains the sweet man she loved before and is sweeter as the days go by. Remembering the times when Boyet was still overseas, Elda made herself busy with household affairs. She did projects to keep from missing Boyet often. She is good in managing and allocating resources, such that she was able to manage the construction of their dream house. She takes pride in accomplishing this with minimal assistance from Boyet, who was overseas at that time. Thinking about the coming years, Elda aspires not for herself alone, but for the collective good for her family. She hopes for her second daughter to finish college, a good life for her grandchildren, more years spent together with Boyet, and to travel with family. She believes that they have been blessed by God with the provisions he has given their family. She recounted that even prior to Boyet’s overseas work, their family didn’t face financial difficulties. The rationale for Boyet’s overseas work is to have a better life and experience the goodness of life even more. They have the security of their jobs with the initial investments that they made. With the fruits of labor that their family as a whole is enjoying, Elda only wishes that she has good health in the coming years. She plans for an early retirement to spend this with family and travel to more places in the future. The child: Blanca. Blanca, 28 years old, is the second daughter of Boyet. She is a single parent and has two children. Her children live with Boyet, while she works as an English tutor. She is happy with the work she has for now, but is open to bigger possibilities as she plans to continue her education in the coming years. With the education that she aspires to have, Blanca believes this will give her more options and a better life. She has always been close to her older sister and cousins. Blanca’s support system is her cousins with similar ages, as her parents come from big families. Blanca was born when Boyet was already working overseas and thus, has vague thoughts about Boyet as a father. But while she was growing up, her uncle acted as a father while Boyet was working overseas. Blanca remembers the fun things they did as a family when she was younger and Boyet had his vacation. However, Blanca found it awkward to approach his father, as she was not used to him being in their home while they were growing up. Boyet sensed this and reaches out to her. Blanca looks forward to bonding with her father whenever Boyet came home for his annual vacations. It was only when she was an adult and became a mother that Blanca grew close to her father. She knows that her family was frustrated with all her shortcomings and that she had been a source of stress for all. But she had made amends for all these things, and her family recognizes this. She now values his family’s support for her regardless. Her children made it possible to heal the hurts in their family. She believes that her relationship with Boyet has grown deeper and stronger over time. She can now easily confide things and ask counsel from him.

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With Boyet’s return, Blanca realized that her father is an ideal one. This she knows from others, as other people perceive Boyet as a good person. Boyet is looked up to by his neighbors and relatives as a generous and upright person. He epitomizes a very good provider for his family with no vices and a person from whom one can seek counsel. Knowing this, Blanca realized that she is fortunate to have Boyet for a father. All these things made her respect and love her father more. Upon Boyet’s return, Blanca recognizes her father’s aging. She notices the physical changes associated with aging and being old. She observes that Boyet tends to do things at a much slower pace, but is still able to do things that he did when he was younger. She is grateful that her parents, foremost Boyet, take close and direct care of her children. She hopes she can provide the best things in life for her children. She is exploring the option of working overseas, as she sees it as a good opportunity. Presently, she aspires to offer the fine things in life for her parents. All in all, she is cognizant that Boyet is a good father, provider and grandfather all at the same time. Boyet’s hard work and sacrifice for his family are evidenced by his steadfastness in the value of familism over time despite his absence while they were growing up. Tito Ramil The wife: Tita Belen. Belen, 65 years old, is a local of a city nearby where Ramil and his first family lives. Ramil and Belen have known each other for 28 years, but recently got married in 2000, after Ramil’s first wife died. They have a daughter, who is now 28 years old, and a granddaughter who is 6 years old. Belen noted that Ramil is a good father and did not forget to send financial support to them when he was working overseas. Even then, Belen is a stay-home mom and had to be creative in stretching the remittance that Ramil sent. She makes sure that her daughter’s needs are met foremost. Belen was fortunate to have the support of her siblings at the time that she was all by herself in raising her daughter. She recognized her role as “the other woman” in Ramil’s life. She conditioned herself to that position and as much as she could help it, she didn’t expect much from Ramil. Her experience of being the “the other woman” made her stronger as a person and made her closer to her daughter and her siblings. As a single mother and “the other woman,” Belen had daunting thoughts about their future. She had estranged relations with some of her siblings as a result of her affair with Ramil. She busied and consoled herself in caring for her daughter. This enabled her to move forward and be stronger for both of them. The most difficult time was when Belen needed to explain to her daughter about their place in Ramil’s life. Belen was fortunate to have a smart daughter who understood the situation and position they had as the second family. She had been blessed with an intelligent and driven daughter who aspires for greater things in life, and her daughter has been Belen’s reason on moving forward regardless. Now that Ramil has made amends with his two families, her daughter has been accepted by Ramil’s children from his first family. Belen shared that they have good sibling relations. Belen is happier now that Ramil’s homecoming means living together as a couple and as one family. She is grateful that after several years of being the second family, her family is complete and together. This simple joy of experiencing wholeness and togetherness as a family is her perceived reward for holding on and trusting that things will be better over time.

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At times, Belen can’t help but wonder about Ramil’s fidelity. She knows that Ramil is committed in their relationship, but she has thoughts of Ramil having affairs that would eventually depress her. However, she is consoled with the reality that they are together as a family now and rationalizes that it is a part of the machismo culture that Ramil is a victim of. She has aspirations to work abroad and contemplates in making it happen. She feels that it is time to focus on herself, after caring for others in the past years. It is possible for her to go and work abroad, given that she knows people who can help her, but she is compelled to remain with her family. With the experience of getting old, she sees her family as more of her priority than ever. The series of events in Ramil’s life resulted in forgiveness and better family dynamics. Belen and her daughter are seen and treated as part of Ramil’s first family. With the death of Ramil’s son, Belen helped Ramil’s first family to sustain themselves while in the process of dealing with Ramil’s son’s sickness. She stood as a great source of support for Ramil’s first family, since they were still grieving the loss of their mother. The unfortunate events in Ramil’s family proved to test and heal family relationships. The urgent and relevant role that Belen plays in Ramil’s life is to keep the family together. Belen takes pride in being a helpmate of Ramil in their later lives. Though Belen acknowledges that she is aging, as manifested in the gradual physical manifestations of old age, she takes pride that Ramil’s family recognizes her role as a person with kind intentions. She delights in the reality that their family is now together, and Ramil has redeemed himself from the times lost when their daughter was growing up. Belen sees Ramil’s efforts in healing family relations. More so, Belen sees that Ramil is reliving being a father to their granddaughter and notes that Ramil is a good father and grandfather regardless. The child: Gelo. Gelo, 35 years old, is the 4th among Ramil’s 5 children from his first family. He finished college and has two children. He is currently in-between jobs and just came home after working overseas for some time. He decided to come home as he and his wife saw it fit for them to raise their children together. He had earned and saved enough money for his wife to invest in a small printing business. This is their current source of income. He helps his wife run their small business and at the same time has worked in a small company as a store manager. His family lives within the compound together with his siblings’ families. As the youngest child, he was the baby of the family and had grown close to her deceased mother. As he was growing up, he was used to having no father and had her mother to act both as a father and mother. He was a baby when Ramil left for overseas work, and Gelo did not recognize his father when he came for his annual vacation. It was an awkward time then for Gelo. As he was growing up, Gelo was curious about the kind of overseas life his father had. He liked the idea of riding an airplane and going to a different place like his father. Unknowingly, he liked the idea of working overseas, since he had good memories of his father working abroad. He shared the fun and happy times when Ramil had his vacations. The good life brought about by overseas labor was the image that impressed Gelo’s young mind. Gelo had his share of overseas work, which made him more aware about overseas life. He realized and appreciated Ramil’s hard work and sacrifice for them. As a family person now, he values his father even more and the things he did for them while Ramil was an overseas worker. Upon Ramil’s return, Gelo had to adjust to having a father at home. Though already an adult at that time, he had to seek permission from Ramil and abide by his way of doing things. Being closer to his mother, he taught himself how to relate with Ramil now that he is at home for good.

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Gelo did not mind the changes that happened upon Ramil’s return in terms of the dynamics in their family relations and set of doing things. But he was most concerned about how to make his return and being with his family now work for all of them. But foremost, Gelo saw the change in Ramil. Gelo shared that when they were all younger, everything seems happier, but now that they are older, Ramil has changed. He noticed his father’s quietness and contemplative demeanor often. Gelo coaxes Ramil out of this behavior and tries to make him happy. He and his siblings make sure that their father is well taken care of, and they address Ramil’s needs as much as they can. Gelo recognized the several changes in their lives and the tragedies that they all had to overcome. They learned the lesson that being together as a family is foremost, the strong bond that allowed them to transcend all these. On weekends, Ramil visits Gelo and his siblings who all live close by, spending their time on just being together. They would eat together and share stories. Gelo realized that upon Ramil’s return, their father planned it all along for them to live close to each other. With the spare time that Ramil has now and his ability to do work, he made sure that they all live close to each other. They pooled their resources together to build their houses within close proximity to be close to one another. Now all of their families are living close to each other, and it is easier to care for each other when the need arises. All in all, Gelo shared that Ramil is a good father. He was able to redeem himself from the wrongs and shortcomings when the children were younger. The tragedies they all had experienced strengthened and supported the bonds of their family. More significantly, Gelo shared that he gained a different perspective of his father when he had his share of overseas work. His eyes were opened, and he became aware of their father’s sacrifice. Thus, Gelo has a better sense of the things that had transpired, and this allowed him to respect his father even more. In their family, familism, respect and repentance were lessons they learned as they looked towards their future. Tito Tirso The wife: Mely. Mely, 71 years old and a local of a nearby town, spent most of her adult life in the small community. She met Tirso in the small community and made it their home. She is the eldest among 4 siblings and shared the responsibility with their parents in making sure that her siblings went to school. She was a seamstress when she was younger, and this augmented Tirso’s earnings while he was overseas. Mely, as she is fondly called by friends and the people in the community, lived in the compound with Tirso’s relatives. She had stories to tell of adjusting to her in-laws. But all is well now, as she had grown to understand these small tensions over time. She had friends to rely on and help her get through the time Tirso was abroad. Mely recounted that Tirso’s remittance was not always adequate to support their needs especially with the children growing up and going to school all at the same time. She had her sewing and small businesses on the side to augment their needs. She had to be creative in making both ends meet for their family to survive. It is not new to Mely to sought loans from people in the community. Her church serves as a support in times of financial challenges. She admitted that performing both functions of being a father and mother at the same time for their three children was indeed challenging. It was challenging for Mely to be alone in raising their children. She oftentimes felt lonely as she missed the times when Tirso was there with them. Mely was reminded of Tirso’s hands-on fathering to their children. She foresaw that upon their decision for Tirso to work overseas, nostalgia would be greater for her. She had grown to be dependent on Tirso in terms of

169 emotional support, and since he will be working abroad, years of being away from Tirso would be challenging. She often explained and reminded their children of the reason why their father was absent and worked overseas. When deciding family matters and concerns while Tirso was working overseas, Mely found counsel from her trusted in-laws. It was also good that her siblings and her relatives lived in a nearby town, and she could easily seek assistance from them whenever the need came. In making big decisions about their family, Mely wrote letters and patiently waited for Tirso’s letters in return. Upon Tirso’s return, the family is happier being together. Though it has it challenges, Mely realized and found comfort that at this point in their lives, being together is the most important thing. She admitted that the little luxuries they enjoyed when Tirso was working overseas are now rare, but the sense of comfort and peace of mind from being together far exceeds the tangible returns of overseas work. Mely is thankful that as a means to get by daily, Tirso drives their jeepney and manages their farm. The reasonable amount of produce from their farm gives them something to rely on. Tirso does not do farm work as much as he used to, but it still keeps him busy. Mely does not sew as much now, due to gradual physical declines. Their family now relies on their farm lands, Tirso’s driving and their children’s support as means to subsist. Mely shared that their present days are filled by reliving the role of being parents to their four grandchildren. They help raise their children and give as much support to their eldest child as they could in taking care of them. The humble income they are earning is partly devoted to their grandchildren and their daily household expenditures. They need not worry much on other expenses, as their two other children support them now. Their now-adult children manage the economic dynamics of their household. Mely shared that Tirso’s urgent return is due to their eldest child’s marriage. They saw the need for Tirso to come home and for them to be together. She also recognized that her inherited farm lands from her parents needed somebody to take care of them and thus, it was timely upon Tirso’s return to do so. As a couple, Tirso and Mely calculated the losses and gains of Tirso’s untimely homecoming. Though Mely had thoughts on Tirso’s being able to continue work overseas and its continued benefits, she preferred the sense of security of just being together as a family. Mely recalled that being together at that time was more urgent and imperative. Upon Tirso’s return, Mely felt closer to Tirso each day. They are revisiting their lives as a couple. They jointly agreed that they are both aging. They remained affectionate and expressive in showing their feelings. She admits that she values the times when Tirso and her are together now. Mely finds security and is at peace that they are now together with their family especially now that they are at their later lives. Mely aspires for her children to have their own homes in the coming years. But for now that Tirso and herself are still alive, she wants their family to be living together in one house. Currently, their children share the responsibility of managing their household, especially now that they are already old. Although they have a relatively large amount of land in her birth town, she prefers to stay in their current house, as it is most convenient to live there. As Mely contemplates their aging experience, she shares that she worries about their final resting place. It has been a conversation with Tirso. As much as they can, they both do not want to be a burden to their children when that time comes. But there are occasions that they recognized that they need help from their children. In sum, Mely added that she finds solace and

170 assurance that they raised their children well; she is assured that their children will lovingly and willingly extend whatever assistance they can offer in their later life. The child: Fe. Fe, 37 years old, is the eldest child of Tirso and Mely. She is married and has four children. She is a single parent, but raises her children with the support of her parents. She and her children live with her parents and siblings. Her ex-husband, who works overseas, financially provides for the schooling of their children. Presently, she is personally attending to the needs of her children. At a young age, Fe was aware that her father’s absence meant sacrifices on their part. When growing up, Fe described her family as being close. She and her siblings were made aware about Tirso’s working overseas and the reason why. In her young mind, she knew the reality of coming from an economically challenged family. She remembers well that the remittance sent by Tirso was inadequate to support them then. She and her siblings helped their mother in selling snacks in their school to get by daily. She liked helping her mother, but confided that there were occasions that she felt embarrassed in doing so. But she was reminded of her family’s situation and ignored such thoughts when they came. She remembers that when Tirso came home for his annual visits, they would cook his favorite foods. They would all spend time with their father as much as they could. While their father was overseas, they wrote letters and at times sent voice tapes to him. They would sing to their father and shared stories about school and their preoccupations then. Upon Tirso’s return, Fe thought of the changes that they will be facing. She knew then that things will be different, and that they will be addressing financial challenges the most. She felt the need to take the lead in supporting her parents and her family. She remembered that it was a collective effort to make the most of what they have upon Tirso’s return. From her modest financial contribution, her father’s driving and farming, all these sustained their family’s economic needs. Tirso’s return made the family even closer. Now that Tirso is with his family, Fe and her siblings make it a point to reciprocate the sacrifice Tirso did when he worked overseas. They make sure Tirso can indulge in simple joys like watching his favorite movies, and they attend to his needs especially now that he is much older. Fe acknowledges that even now that she has her own family and is an adult, her parents worry for her. She is grateful that they continued to be there for her over time. The joint efforts of Fe and her siblings sustain the family presently. Her two siblings are working and are the primary economic providers for their family as a whole. The meager income earned by her parents supplement their needs and is used for their own expenditures. In sum, Fe noted that with their father coming home for good, things changed. She and her siblings make it a point to be the primary ones responsible for their parents. She takes the lead in reminding her siblings about this. After all the things that Tirso did, this is the best thing that they all can do to make Tirso’s later years decent and comfortable.

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Appendix Z: Detailed Case Presentation of non-OMFW Family Members Tito Eddie The wife (deceased) The child: Kris. Kris, 39 years old, is single and the eldest child among the three children of Eddie. She finished college and is the store manager of their mini store. At the same time, she is an entrepreneur, as she has several small businesses as sources of their family income. She lives with Eddie and her aunt. Her younger brothers both have families and work overseas. Upon her mother’s death, she assumed the managerial responsibilities in their mini store. While growing up, she remembered Eddie supporting her interest in sports regardless of her mother’s strong opposition to it. She was often reminded by her mother to focus more on school work rather than other things that may distract her from finishing school. Kris was aware of her parents’ desire for them to finish school. At those times, she felt closer to Eddie as her father shared her sentiments. As a parent, Kris saw Eddie as not being an expressive person, and for him to take her side when it came to her passion in sports meant so much to her. Kris observed that when her mother was still alive, the relationship between Eddie and her mother was traditional. It was her mother who took care of Eddie’s every need. Her mother took care of them and personally attended to each of their needs. Now that her mother is gone, Eddie misses this attention. Kris was overwhelmed with the responsibilities she was expected to do, as everyone in their family expected her to do the things their mother did. At times, she felt that it was unfair that her family expected her to fill in her mother’s shoes. She especially felt this way whenever Eddie delegated his parental role to her. She expected that Eddie should remain the ama ng tahanan (father of the house) but her father failed in this. She understood that her family was still grieving with their mother’s death, but she expected much more from Eddie as a parent. But later on, Kris reasoned that there are some things in life that one needed to accept and deal with. Kris thinks about Eddie’s later years. She and her siblings think about their father’s coming days. They all share the sentiment that their father deserves to experience a good life and have a rest from the worries of his younger days. They plan to bring him to Singapore where her two brothers live. But Eddie is opposed to this plan, as he reasons that his life is in the Philippines. Eddie believes that he has nothing to do there, and all he wanted was to have a house of his own and man their mini store. Presently, Kris is planning to make Eddie’s dream of having their own home become real. Tito Jose The wife: Tita Dolor. Dolor, 70 years old, comes from another province and came to the small community with Jose early in their marriage. They have been married for 46 years and have two children. They raised their family in the community and consider this community their home. She finished high school and is a housewife. She personally took care of her children and attended to their daily needs. She has occasional small buy-and-sell businesses that help augment their expenditures. She is a hands-on wife and mother and makes herself busy in fulfilling these responsibilities. When the children were younger, Dolor woke up early to prepare for everyone’s daily necessities. She made sure that everybody was ready for the day. She then was left home and attended to household affairs. She busied herself in cleaning, cooking, gardening, doing laundry and grocery shopping. On occasion, she picked her children up from school or brought food to

172 them during lunch time. This was Dolor’s routine when her children were younger. But when the children were older and able to do things more independently, Dolor was freed from this close supervisory approach in caring for her children. But now that she is a grandmother, she busies herself in attending to her grandchildren’s needs. Her son’s family lives with them, and this allows her to be with her grandchildren. Taking care of her grandchildren keeps her busy these days. With Jose’s retirement, she is happier. She shared that she enjoys their times on being and doing things together. They have their early morning walks as a form of their exercise. But she especially liked the times when they can talk and discuss about things. She is reminded that that when Jose was still working, they did not have enough time to talk about things and be together. She remembered that Jose spent most of his time working, even on weekends, to make sure that they have resources to raise their family. Both Dolor and Jose aimed to have their children complete their college education, as they believed that education will give their children better lives. And with this set goal, Jose worked hard to achieve this. Dolor is aware of her aging and old age, but does not think about it. She knows very well that all will age and become old. With this understanding, she does not think about herself in that sense. She takes note of her own personal experience with the changes associated with aging and approaches it positively. Dolor takes extra caution in her food and makes sure that she walks whenever she can. Both she and Jose do these things and bear a proactive stance on their aging. Among other things, Dolor and Jose raised their children instilling the values of fearing and serving God, paying respect to elders, completing education and working hard. As parents, they are content that they have achieved all these. However, she saw the generational differences in caring for both her children and grandchildren. She noticed that her grandchildren do not respond well as they instill these values in them. She tries her best to nurture these values in her grandchildren whenever she can, since she saw the good it did for her children. More so, she takes delight in caring for her grandchildren still. She is a generous grandmother and looks forward to every opportunity in seeing and being together with them. At the time when Jose had the opportunity to explore overseas work, Dolor stayed firm in her stand for not wanting Jose to pursue this. She silently wished that this overseas endeavor would not push through, as she wanted to raise their children together. Dolor shared that Jose was victimized by fraud and was unable to work overseas. This was a relief for Dolor, as she silently thought that this unfortunate event turned into a blessing instead. Given this experience, both Dolor and Jose reasoned that they needed to work harder and together to raise their family. With occasional support from her siblings and relatives and seasonal produce from the farmlands she inherited from her parents, they were able to subsist with what they have. Looking at their life as a family, she is content and satisfied as they were able to raise their children well. Dolor shares that the sense of achievement comes from having their children complete college education. Foremost, she recognizes all the hard work Jose did for it to happen. She is proud that Jose stood true to being the ama ng tahanan, not only as a good provider, but also in reminding their children of all the values necessary to be a good person: fearing God and being a good citizen. She added that she trusts that the coming days for her and Jose will be a life together and in good health. Both take a proactive attitude in moving forward to their later lives. She is comforted and assured that Jose’s thoughtfulness and love never dwindles, but will keep their relationship stronger and sweeter. The child: Nat. Nat, 45 years old, is a father of two. His family lives with his parents. He currently works as a Forester in the university and has served government office for almost ten

173 years now. He takes pride in having education and being sent to good schools despite an economically challenging life. He gives credit to his parents and foremost Jose, as he is a good provider for the family. Recollecting on his growing up years, Nat saw how Jose worked his way in providing for their family. He would be with his father on weekends and together did manual work to have other sources of income. This strategy was a means to keep their family afloat. In his young mind, Nat was made aware of the value of hard work and earning a living. He shared accounts on valuing every resource brought into the family. He and his brother knew very well that they had to work together as a family to make it work for all of them. With them seeing Jose’s committed hard work, sacrifice, and love, Nat made sure that he studied well and Jose’s hard work pays off. Nat shares that Jose epitomizes an excellent ama ng tahanan. In Nat’s stories, there were several accounts that Jose went above and beyond the call of being a good provider, as much as his hard work allowed him to. His expected role as the man of the house was not solely limited to his breadwinner function, as he also fulfilled the role of being a good man, fearing God, and being a responsible citizen. His dedicated service to the Catholic Church and community work were expressions of Jose’s steadfast modelling to his children on what it meant to be a good man. Now that Nat is an adult and a family man, he rationalizes that it is hard to be a father and foremost the man of the family. He is curious to note how his father did well given the limitations and challenges that they had. He came to this realization as he is now a father of two and saw generational differences on the kind of values his children have acquired over time. It is with this thought that Nat all the more appreciated all the things that Jose and her mother did for them. He observes that despite the fact that his father is in his later life, Jose is healthier when compared to him. At an early age, Nat had health issues to deal with. He adds that Jose is always a father and offers him assistance, counsel and advice whenever he needs it. Nat is thankful that he has his parents with him as he lives out the role of being a father. Though raised in an economically challenged environment, Nat notes that the values taught to him through modelling, with constant reminders, proved significant in shaping the kind of person he is now. Tito Andres The wife: Tita Bella. Bella, 67 years old, is a local of the small community. She has been married to Andres for 42 years at the time of the interview and has one daughter. She is a retired elementary school teacher and taught for 43 years. She retired in 2011 and since then she has been busy with community work and services. Now that she is retired, she spends more time with Andres and their grandchildren. She is a hands-on grandmother and makes sure that the schoolwork of her school-aged grandchildren are addressed. As much as she can, she reminds and helps them with school work. Since their grandchildren live with them, it is a good opportunity for her to teach her grandchildren as well. Bella holds several posts both in her church and community. She serves as a reader in their church and an officer in their community’s Senior Citizen’s Association. Bella and Andres serve the church and community together. At times when Bella is unable to attend an activity, Andres substitutes for her, and Bella does likewise if Andres is unable. With both Bella and Andres retired from their jobs, being and doing things together make their relationship even stronger. At the time when Andres was still working, Bella managed household affairs. Since most of the time, Andres was off to trips, she was the one responsible for the immediate needs of the family and the household concerns necessary to be addressed. Bella attended to the domestic

174 functions, while Andres performed the breadwinner role. This arrangement worked well for them to have a good and decent life. Bella was creative in allocating the resources with the meager salaries she and Andres received. This allowed them to make both ends meet and sustain their family. They made sure to maximize whatever opportunities came their way. The lure of overseas work did not escape Andres. Bella had her opinions about overseas work especially that Andres was exploring this option. She had good justifications for her strong opposition to Andres’s potential overseas work. She reasoned that it was only good on a short- term basis and was not sustainable over time. Her worries revolved at the event when overseas contract ended. She feared that the risks associated with overseas work did not outweigh the benefits it offered. Andres’s permanent position in the government office, he had at the time was good enough for their family to live decently. She argued that they can thrive and survive, given that they work as a family and continue to aspire for a simple and decent life. Both Andres and Bella agreed on this and made it work for them. Bella recognizes the importance of having family and relatives. Bella and Andres both benefits from the rewards coming from big families. Their family and relatives enabled them to thrive and live a good and simple life. They are well-loved by their relatives and seek their counsel on important life decisions. Both Bella and Andres see this as something noble, as they are able to help others. The lessons that Bella learned over time, as a wife and as a parent, operate on the core value kapwa as manifested in familism. This is evidenced by Bella’s practice of placing others first as she performs her role as a wife and a parent. As a wife, she sees to it that the trust accorded by Andres to her is set in place. This is their agreement to trust one another. As a parent, she imparts that education is important. She reminds and nurtures this value in her grandchildren today, as she is actively involved in teaching them. Contemplating on her later years, she admits that she is old. She associates old age with being sick. With the gradual physical declines she is experiencing over time, she recognizes that she is aging. She also worries about their final resting place. Both Andres and herself had this conversation and do not want others to be burdened about it when that time comes. The child: Gigi. Gigi, 36 years old, was married and has two children. At this young age, she is already a grandmother. She is living with her partner, while her children and granddaughter live with her parents. She was unable to finish high school and has occasional work opportunities together with her partner. Her children live with her parents, as she is unable to support them. She remembers that when she was growing up, Andres spoiled her. She often got the things she wanted if Andres’s resources allowed it. On the other hand, she was scared of her mother, as she was the disciplinarian. But whenever Gigi had things to do for school, Bella was always there for her. Gigi knew that her mother’s expression of love for her was a reflection of her mother’s teaching profession. She knew well that Bella’s intent was for her success and a good life. However, at those times, she admitted that she was a rebel as she would often say and do things to hurt her mother intentionally. It was at these times that Gigi had proven that she had Andres to defend and take her side. It is only now, as an adult, that she realized that Bella and Andres are good parents. Both Andres and Bella cared for and loved her dearly but manifested it in different ways. Gigi shared that she is not her parents’ own child and that she was adopted. She found out about her true identity after a huge fight with her parents. She had heard rumors that she was not Andres and Bella’s biological child. She confronted her parents, and she found out the rumors

175 were true. However, Andres and Bella did not disclose the true identity of her biological parents, justifying that it was not important now as she has them as parents. Gigi admits that her rebellious attitude was pacified, and she realized how fortunate she was to have Andres and Bella as parents. Though not living with her parents, Gigi often observes Andres’s gradual physical decline. She is quick to notice that Andres is no longer the same in terms of his sharpness and quickness in doing things. She observes that Andres gets sick most of the time. She shared that she is worried about her parents. She has nothing to offer for now, as she is also having difficulties in making both ends meet. But she is much grateful that her parents are such great grandparents that they take the primary responsibility in raising and caring for her children. All in all, Gigi shared that she sought repentance from the wrongs she did and the hurts she caused for her parents. As Gigi looks back to all that transpired in their family, she is grateful that she is blessed with a loving, caring and responsible father in Andres. Tito Danny The wife: Tita Rose. Rose, 68 years old, came to the small community with Danny. They moved to the town upon Danny’s employment. She opted for an early retirement as she got sick; she had worked for the government for 19 years. This allowed her to personally take care of their children. With the early retirement, she kept herself busy as an insurance agent. This allowed them to strategize their resources together to raise their children. However, she stopped when she became a grandmother to their second child. Rose is the second child among 5 siblings. They lost their parents at an early age, and Rose took care of her siblings. Even now that all are adults and have their own families, Rose makes sure that she keeps in touch with them and extends help whenever she can. At a young age, Rose had developed and nurtured a maternal instinct to care for her family. She had this reason to justify her strong distaste for overseas work when Danny had the opportunity to do so. She shared that being close and together as a family was foremost. She believed that with hard work and love, they can raise their children well. Having this mindset, Rose made sure that Danny’s pay was allocated wisely. The good job that Danny had, sustained their family. With all three children going to private schools, she made sure that every cent that Danny brought home was allocated well. Occasional support from her family were welcomed and served as disposable income. As a hands-on mother, she made sure that her children’s needs were addressed. She attended to the daily needs of each family member. She had household helpers when her children were growing up. She had relatives living with them to assist her with household activities and to keep her company as well. As a parent, she made sure that essential values were instilled to her children. She made sure that the values of being content and aspiring for a simple life were utmost. She stressed that material gains were bonuses in life, but they should not be the end goal. She grounded and nurtured this understanding in her children and made sure that they value the resources that they had. Rose shared her concept of ama ng tahanan, and Danny spoke of this commendable Filipino expectation. She described that being one was to be firm and strong for the family. This was what Danny was, but he was humble enough to not discount help and counsel when the need came. She is pleased that Danny welcomes her thoughts on how things should be decided in their family. Rose shared that Danny exuded command and authority as the foundation of their family, but he had the heart to listen to others too. She added that she took delight in Danny opening

176 himself up to others now upon his retirement. She observed that Danny has changed over time since he has been involved in church activities. She is pleased in this current preoccupation of Danny, as this edified Danny’s being the head of the family in nurturing their family’s sense of purpose. As a wife, Rose expressed her caring for Danny in a non-traditional way. She encouraged Danny to be independent and to attend to his needs as much as he could. She believes that this was a good preparation for their forthcoming aging, as she may not be able to do things for him as they age. She was able to extend caregiving as much as she could to Danny, but she made sure that Danny did not solely depend on her. She recognized that both of them will age, and being independent was a proactive stance in embracing old age. Rose is cognizant of old age, but she does not think about it. She knows very well that old age will come in time even if one tries to not think about it. She knows that admission of old age only becomes real when the physical signs associated with aging are seen and felt. This she knows too, that she is aging now. However, with the physical manifestations of aging, she is pacified with the maturity, wisdom and sense of fulfillment that come with it. Rose still aspires for things to happen in her life. She wishes a good life for her children and grandchildren. She hopes to have a good old age and free of sicknesses and to contribute to others’ well-being. And lastly, Rose sees herself growing old together with Danny in their later years. She pictures themselves sharing and remembering stories of their younger years and continually hoping for a good life for their family and loved ones. The child: Amy. Amy, 39 years old, is the youngest child of Danny and Rose. She has been married for three years and lives in the same neighborhood her parents live. She finished college with a bachelor degree in Economics and is a store manager in one of the country’s biggest fast food chains. She has been working as a store manager for almost ten years now and is thankful that she has a job. She remembers that while growing up, Danny reminded her and her two brothers on how to behave appropriately. She vividly recalls that they were not supposed to play outside if school assignments were not finished and complete. On occasions that Amy and her brothers were able to play outside, they made sure that they followed the conditions on which places they were allowed to go. Strict compliance was necessary, since they will all get into trouble for disobedience. There was a time when Amy felt that she was the least loved child because she was always noticed. She felt that she has been given the most restrictions compared to his brothers. But only when they were adults that she realized that the reminders her parents gave her were for her own good, because she was the youngest and, most importantly, she is a girl. Upon remembering these things, Amy just smiles and was glad that her parents did these things. In her young mind, good behavior and placing God first were the values instilled by Danny to them. Inappropriate decorum and being disrespectful to elders were frowned upon. Living a godly life by going to church and praying to God were Danny’s constant reminders for Amy and her brothers. She remembers well that Danny corrected and rebuked their inappropriate behavior lovingly. Their father explained things to them while making them understand the rationale for the rules. When they were growing up, her brothers and Amy were afraid of Danny. They did not share personal concerns with their parents, as they saw their parents bearing the strict parental role. But over time, Amy noticed that Danny changed. She can now easily share her concerns

177 with him, and he treated her as an adult. Amy is delighted in this kind of relationship, knowing that Danny is not that expressive and is a man of few words. Amy is aware that her parents are aging. She does not want to think about the time when they will be gone but has accepted the reality of it when the time comes. She took the initiative in taking a proactive stance in making sure that they have a final resting place. Also, she hopes to be instrumental in enabling her parents to experience the good life. In her humble ways, she is thinking and planning ways to do this in the coming years.

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Glossary Agresibo Aggressive Ama ng tahanan Father of the home Bahala na Determination Balikbayan box Returnee’s box Biro Joke Familism Refers to a family value which gives high regard on family needs over one’s personal needs. Ginabayang talakayan Likened to a focus group discussion technique Haligi ng tahanan Cornerstone of the home Hindi ibang tao One-of-us Hiya Shame; Guilt Ibang tao Outsider Ilaw ng tahanan Light of the home Kagandahang-loob Shared humanity; Shared nobility Kapwa Shared otherness; core Filipino value Kumander Commander; as the wife, or the boss and in charge, Lakas ng loob Guts Lambing Sweetness Machomachunurin sa asawa A play on the word macho to mean I am obedient to my wife Malakas Strong Malaki ang katawan Big-bodied Malusog Healthy Maskulado Muscular Matatag ang loob Strong-willed Matipuno Brawny May determinasyon Determined Padre de pamilya Father of the family Pagkamakatao On being human Pagkataong Filipino Filipino personhood Pagtanong-tanong Act of asking questions Pakikibagay In-conformity with/in-accord with Pakikibaka Resistance is viewed in several ways: “a campaign against evil,” Pakikiisa Being-one-with Pakikilahok Joining/participating with; act of joining Pakikipagkapwa The act of becoming a hindi ibang-tao. Pakikipagkapwa-tao Shared identity Pakikipagkwentuhan Act of telling stories; a cross between interview and a focus group discussion Pakikipagpalagayan/ Pakikipagpalagayang-loob Being in-rapport/understanding/acceptance with; act of mutual trust Pakikisalamuha Interaction with; act of mixing Pakikisama Companionship/esteem; Being-along with; being united with the group Pakikisangkot Getting involved; act of joining others

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Pakikitungo Transaction/civility with Pakiramdam Shared inner perception Palagay na loob Feeling of ease; coming from the word pakikipagpalagayang-loob Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP) Filipino Psyche Tampo Affective disappointment Tanong Tagalog word for questions Tita Tagalog word meaning Aunt Tito Tagalog word meaning Uncle Umpukan Refers unintentional gathering or huddling of people that often results in unsolicited conversations and story-sharing sessions Under the saya Under the skirt to mean hen-pecked husband Utang na loob Gratitude/solidarity Yukuza asawa A play on the word Yakuza, the Japanese mafia, to mean I bow to

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Acronyms/Abbreviations FIM Filipino Indigenous Methodologies GCIM Global Commission for International Migration ILO International Labour Organization IM Indigenous Methodologies IR Indigenous research Non-OMFW Non- Overseas Male Filipino Workers NSO National Statistics Office OFWs Overseas Filipino Workers OMFW Overseas Male Filipino Workers POEA Philippine Overseas Employment Administration SP Sikolohiyang Pilipino (Filipino Psyche)

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Tables

Table 1. Filipino Behavior Patterns and Value Structure: Core, Surface and Societal

CORE VALUES

Core Value Kapwa Shared identity

Pakiramdam Pivotal Interpersonal Value Shared identity Pakikipagkapwa-tao Kagandahang-loob Linking Socio-personal Value Shared humanity Pagkamakatao SURFACE VALUES Bahala na Determination Confrontative Surface Value Lakas ng loob Guts Pakikibaka Resistance Hiya Propriety/dignity Colonial/ Utang na loob Gratitude/solidarity Accommodative Surface Value Pakikisama Companionship/esteem Biro Joke Associated Behavioral Pattern Lambing Sweetness Tampo Affective disappointment SOCIETAL VALUES Karangalan Dignity Associated Societal Values Katarungan Justice Kalayaan Freedom

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Table 2. Profile of OMFW Participants

No. of No. of No. of Age/ No. of years Civil Grand Birth Overseas Educational Countries Family members Child- Religion birth year years since status -child- order work attainment worked in Participant ren (as of spent return ren 2013) overseas Wife Child 64 1981 Call Water 2 + 1 College Saudi Roman 1. Miguel yo/August to 30 3 Married Housewife center 1 treatment (adopted) level Arabia Catholic 29,1949 2011 agent operator Notes Offered a unique perspective in overseas return as he has a relatively small number of years upon return 65 yo/ 1980 5 + 1 Heavy Remarri Self- Saudi Roman 2. Ramil Sept. to 24 9 Housewife (second 8 5/7 equipment Vocational ed employed Arabia Catholic 1948 2004 wife) operator Notes Several contracts over time; less 3 years of being abroad; has a second family 72 yo/ 1971 Vietnam, Widowe Not Gov’t. 6 (3 are High school Roman 3. Pablo June to 12 30 14 2/2 Driver Saudi d applicable employee deceased) graduate Catholic 29,1941 1983 Arabia Notes Has prior overseas experience apart from Saudi Arabia 65 yo/ 1980 Call Housing Gov’t. College Saudi Roman 4. Boyet August to 19 14 Married center 2 2 administra employee graduate Arabia Catholic 21,1948 1999 agent -tor Notes Is still gainfully employed 77 yo/ 1980 Vietnam, House- High school 5. Tirso March to 15 18 Married Housewife 3 4 3/12 Mechanic Saudi Baptist wife graduate 25,1936 1995 Arabia Notes Has prior overseas experience apart from Saudi Arabia All four 71 yo/ 1981 22 Refused to children High school Saudi Roman 6. Ruben Sept. to (es 10 Married be are 4 5 Mason level Arabia Catholic 24,1942 2003 t.) interviewed working overseas Notes Intermittent overseas work

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Table 3. Non-OMFW Participants No. of years Family members Age/birth year Civil No. of No. of Birth Educational Participant Employment working (as Religion (as of 2013) status Wife Child children grandchildren order attainment of 2013) 77 yo/ Retired gov’t. 2 + 1 great Elementary Roman 1. Andres 27 years Married Housewife None 1 Feb. 14, 1936 employee grandchild graduate Catholic Notes Attends to taking care of his grandchildren and their great grandchildren; busy with church and community activities 40 years 73 yo/ Not High school Roman 2. Eddie Self-employed (1973 to Widowed Entrepreneur 3 3 June 17, 1940 applicable graduate Catholic present) Notes Is the storekeeper Retired driver from 67 yo/ 23 years Company College Roman 3. Danny an international Married Housewife 3 4 Feb. 14, 1946 (exit: 2001) Manager graduate Catholic company Notes Attends to taking care of his grandchildren; busy with church activities 71 yo/ Retired gov’t. 40 years and Gov’t. High school Roman 4. Jose Married Housewife 2 5 Jan. 25, 1942 employee 3 months employee graduate Catholic Notes Attends to taking care of his grandchildren; busy with church activities

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Table 4. Profile of Family Members—OMFW Wife

Age/birth year (as Participant Employment No. of years married Notes of 2013)

63 yo/ 1. Emma Housewife 38 years/1975 Looks after grandchildren; storekeeper July 27, 1950 28 years/1985 65 yo/ Retired bookkeeper/ (living in together) Attends to the needs of the daughter’s family, e.g. the 2. Belen October 3, 1948 Housewife 10 years/2003 granddaughter’s needs (married) 3. Nita Deceased Housewife Died of stroke 60 yo/ Is still gainfully employed but will opt for an early 4. Elda Gov’t. employee 37 years/1976 July 8, 1953 retirement 71 yo/ Retired seamstress/ 38 years/ Spends most of her time in attending to the needs of 5. Belen June 10, 1942 Housewife May 18, 1975 their grandchildren; is an active church member Refused to be 6. Nieves Copra hauler/ Housewife 33 years/1980 interviewed

Table 5. Profile of Family Members—Non-OMFW Wife

Age/birth year No. of years Participant Employment Notes (as of 2013) married 67 yo/ Busy with church and community activities; attends Retired public school 1. Bella December 5, 42 years/1971 to the needs of her grandchildren and great teacher/Housewife 1946 grandchild Self-employed/store- 30 years/1973- 2. Lydia Deceased Died from ovarian cancer (2003) keeper/store manager 2003 68 yo/ Retired gov’t. 3. Rose November 5, 43 years/1960 Attends to the needs of her grandchildren employee/Housewife 1945 46 years/ 70 yo/ Attends to the needs of her grandchildren; supports 4. Dolor Housewife October 17, May 9, 194 her husband’s church activities 1967

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Table 6. Profile of Family Members—OMFW Child Age/birth year Family members Participant Employment Civil status Notes (as of 2013) Spouse Child 35 yo/ Not Wanting and aspiring to go out of 1. Darla Call center agent Single Not applicable February 8, 1979 applicable the country Has overseas work experience; is 34 yo/ Printing 2. Gelo Married Printing business 2 waiting for a call for overseas November 5, 1979 business employment 41 yo/ Doesn’t want to go out of the 3. Alvin Gov’t. employee Married Call center agent 4 January 15, 1972 country to work 28 yo/ 4. Blanca Call center agent Single Single parent 2 Has aspirations to work abroad October 3, 1985 37 yo/ Has an overseas husband that 5. Mina Housewife Single Single parent 4 February 21, 1976 supports her children Not All four children are out of the 6. Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable Not applicable applicable country

Table 7. Profile of Family Members—Non-OMFW Child Age/birth year Family members Participant Employment Civil status Notes (as of 2013) Spouse Child Part time Dependent with parental support; 1. Gigi Sept. 30, 1977 None Separated 1 laborer presently lives with somebody Entrepreneur/store Not Not 2. Kris April 25, 1974 Single Decides for the family manager applicable applicable Is the youngest and frequently visits 3. Amy July 13, 1974 Store Manager Married Engineer 0 her parents 4. Nat August 15, 1968 Forester Married Teacher 2 His family lives with his parents

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Figures

Figure 1. Conceptual model on levels of social interaction

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