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The Roll Call of the Iroquois Chiefs a Study of a Mnemonic Cane from the Six Nations Reserve

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The Roll Call of the Iroquois Chiefs a Study of a Mnemonic Cane from the Six Nations Reserve SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 111, NUMBER 15 THE ROLL CALL OF THE IROQUOIS CHIEFS A STUDY OF A MNEMONIC CANE FROM THE SIX NATIONS RESERVE (With 12 Plates) BY WILLIAM N. FENTON Bureau of American Ethnology Smithsonian Institution (Publication 3995) CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FEBRUARY 16, 1950 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 111, NUMBER 15 THE ROLL CALL OF THE IROQUOIS CHIEFS A STUDY OF A MNEMONIC CANE FROM THE SIX NATIONS RESERVE (With 12 Plates) BY WILLIAM N. FENTON Bureau of American Ethnology Smithsonian Institution (Publication 3995) CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FEBRUARY 16, 1950 BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 1 CONTENTS Page Introduction i The cane of Andrew Spragg i The man 1 A museum specimen i8 Material description 22 Shape and general appearance 22 Material and dimensions 23 Panels or sections of pegs 23 Pictographs 23 Reverse side 25 General symbolism 26 Recognition by the Iroquois and by anthropologists 26 Opinions of ritualists at Six Nations 28 Canes in Iroquois ceremonialism 29 Old men and supernatural 29 The implement of a chief 30 Other Condolence canes 30 Cane for Moccasin game at chief's wake 35 Vision stick of Seneca prophet 37 Roll calls of other forms 38 Roll-call wampum 38 List of chiefs by Seth Newhouse 40 Mnemonic pictographs of Chief Abram Charles 41 Pattern for laying down corn at rehearsals 41 Function : a reminder to the Eulogy singer 42 Rehearsals 42 Use confined to the Lower Cayuga band Use in the Condolence Council 47 Journeying on the road to the woods' edge 47 Inside the longhouse 49 Specific interpretation 49 Back : Introduction to the Eulogy 49 Front : The roll call of the founders 53 Title and pictograph 58 The Mohawk pictographs 59 The Oneida pictographs 60 The Onondaga pictographs 61 The Cayuga pictographs 64 The Seneca pictographs 66 Evidence of age 68 Conclusion 69 Bibliography 70 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES (All plates at end of book.) 1. I. Grave of Patterson Sprague in lower Cayuga cemetery, Six Nations Reserve. 2. A log house at Sandy's Corners, Six Nations Reserve, once occupied by Andrew Spragg. 2. The roll call of the Iroquois chiefs. 3. Chief's canes from the Six Nations Reserve. 4. Chief's canes from Canada. 5. Canes with clan effigies, and a False-face. 6. Detail of clan effigies on plate 5. 7. Cane used at a chief's wake, Six Nations Reserve. 8. Pictorial record stick of the Seneca prophet's revelation. 9. Seth Newhouse's roll of the chiefs. The Mohawk and Oneida rosters, with mnemonic. ID. Seth Newhouse's roll of the chiefs. The Onondaga roster. 11. Seth Newhouse's roll of the chiefs. The Cayuga roster. 12. Seth Newhouse's roll call of the chiefs. The Seneca roster. TEXT FIGURES Page 1. The mnemonic systems of the Condolence cane, and for laying down corn at rehearsals 24 2. Back of the Condolence cane 54 3. Front of the Condolence cane 68 THE ROLL CALL OF THE IROQUOIS CHIEFS A STUDY OF A MNEMONIC CANE FROM THE SIX NATIONS RESERVE 1 By WILLIAM N. FENTON Bureau of American Ethnology Smithsonian Institution (With 12 Plates) INTRODUCTION Canes from American Indian tribes are not uncommon in museum collections. Frequently the sticks are carved or ornamented in diverse ways but, unfortunately, in most instances the specimens are accom- panied by but meager data concerning their general significance and use apart from their obvious utilitarian purpose. Consequently Indian canes constitute somewhat of a problem to curators of eth- nological collections. It may be inferred that decorated canes sum- moned the best talents of tribal artists who carved in the round or engraved designs reflecting the characteristic style of tribe and region, but lacking collectors' field notes, the symbolic intent of the adorn- ments, if any, cannot be known. Such was the case with Iroquois chiefs' canes and with one, in particular, which is the subject of the present study. Americanists will recall that in the Southwest a staff, now an American cane, is a symbol of authority for Pueblo governors, as it was in Spain, and that staffs also serve as fetishes (White, 1932, p. 60; Parsons, 1932, pp. 251-252; Bunzel, 1932; Aberle, 1948, p. 25). The widespread use of notched or marked sticks for mere numera- tion is abundantly documented in the literature (Mallery, 1893, p. 227). Dakota, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni noted the number of days traveled by notching a stick; lowas visiting Paris in 1843 manifested amazement and wonder at outlandish European custom, counting the number of French women they saw leading dogs on the streets 1 This report is published with the partial aid of a grant from the Cranbrook Institute of Science. The field work was supported by grants from the Ameri- can Council of Learned Societies, Cranbrook Institute of Science, and the Viking Fund of New York City. SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. Ill, NO. 15 2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. Ill and making a list with pencil and paper that specified the number of dogs seen, size, whether leashed, carried, or perambulated (Catlin, 1848, vol. 2, p. 221). Early travelers going from the British colonies to various southern and western tribes remarked the custom of keeping the date of an appointment by using notched sticks, a bundle of sticks, or a knotted string—one unit being discarded each day until the date of the meeting (Brinton, 1885, pp. 59-62; Swanton, 1928, p. 704; 1946, pp. 610-613). Even now the Iroquois send out notched invitation sticks summoning delegates to religious councils. One notch is destroyed each day, until the holder arrives on the ap- pointed day of the council and returns the stripped stick and the short string of attached wampum. From Virginia north to New England, the distribution of the notched-stick memorandum ex- tended westward through the Iroquoian tribes toward the Plains (Flannery, 1939, p. 81). The literature on American aboriginal chronological records has expanded considerably since the discovery of the Walam Olum or "red score" of the Delawares by Rafinesque in 1820 and its publica- tion by D. G. Brinton in 1885. In the Walam Olum the Delawares reduced a genesis myth, a migration legend, and a genealogy of chiefs to a series of symbols for remembering the text of a chant. Five sections of the chant were segregated, the characters were burned or carved and then painted red on as many wooden boards, and pre- sumably these were of a covenient size for bundling. Later the record was reduced to writing, but the manuscript as well as the original slabs have disappeared. Similar records from the Plains were painted on skins or drawn in notebooks and came into promi- nence when Mallery discovered and published the Dakota Winter Counts. James Mooney monographed the Kiowa calendars (1898). In the Southwest, Russell (1908, pp. 35, 104-105) reported no fewer than five notched-stick calendars among the Pima, and the nearby Maricopa of the Gila River had identical calendar sticks, bearing notches for each year, but "all the sticks of both peoples were derived from a single prototype made after 1833." (Spier, 1933, pp. 138 ff.) Throughout the eastern forests in the eighteenth century war memorials emblazoned on the peeled trunks of great trees stood on eminences or at important river crossings to recall to whomever might read them the achievements of great war captains. "These ." ". drawings in red by the warriors . were sometimes . , legible for fifty years after a hero" had died, preserving the memory of his deeds for many years (Zeisberger, 1910, p. 145). A character- : NO. ROLL CALL 15 OF IROQUOIS CHIEFS—FENTON 3 istic notice proclaimed a war party, their number, town, tribe, how many of each tribe, tribal affiliation of the leader, their mission, and how many days they were out ; returning, the party marked the num- ber of scalps taken, the number of captives, and their own losses. The characters were highly conventionalized so as to be readily intelligible to neighboring tribes. Heckewelder (1876, p. 130) remarks that all nations can do this, but they do not all have the same marks; "yet I have seen the Delawares read with ease the drawings of the Chip- peways, Mingoes, Shawanoes, and Wyandots on similar objects." The warriors of the Iroquois Longhouse advertised military su- premacy over neighboring tribes in a similar way. Seneca war heraldry was first described and illustrated in 1666 in a Paris Docu- ment that was attributed to Father Francois, the RecoUet by the author of a later document, dated 1736, which O'Callaghan has ascribed to Joncaire (O'Callaghan, 1849, vol. i, p. 23). "The Nine Iroquois Tribes. 1666 (Paris Doc, I.)" (pp. 1-8, 9, lo-ii) is the best early account of Seneca clan organization ; it says When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw ; sometimes a sabre or club ; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree from which Ihey remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always the foremost. * * * On their return, if they have prisoners or scalps, they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, rampant (debout) with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they may have, and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans which rattle), in the right hand.
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