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A T E N T A T I V E C H R O N O L O G Y O F T H E K I N G D O M O F M I T T A N I F R O M I T S R I S E T O T H E R E I G N O F T U Š R A T T A

Stefano de Martino*

Defining the chronology ofthe kingdom of Mittani times and ways in which the kingdom of Mittani in relative and absolute terms is particularly was formed are not known. problematic; in fact, not only are references to Nevertheless, some clues on the subject may be astronomical details lacking in Hurrian docu- gathered from the Hittite sources of the Old King- ments – unlike in Mesopotamian, Hittite and dom and, in particular, from the historiographic Egyptian texts – that could supply us with some narrations of the Hittite kings Ô attušili I and objective information, but the sources on the Muršili I. It must be said that the toponym Mittani kingdom of Mittani are scant, often indirect and has never been found in the Hittite texts of the limited to certain periods of the history ofthis Old Kingdom; the mention of Ô anigalbat in the country. Akkadian version of the “A nnals” of Ô attušili I The synchronisms that are seen between the (KBo X 1 Ro 11) might be an interpolation of a kings of Mittani, and the Hittite, Babylonian and subsequent age in this manuscript, since the com- Egyptian kings are useful in placing the history of pilation of it dates to the Imperial Age and, more- Mittani into the chronological grid of the ancient over, the textual tradition of this annalistic docu- Near East; however, problems that inevitably ment is very complex. 5 In all the texts at the time arise in the chronological reconstruction of all of Ô attušili I and Muršili I, and also in those of these areas – Egyptian, Hittite and Mesopotami- their successors, reference is made to the Hurrian an – again fall under the Mittanian chronology. political entities in the Syrian area against whom As we know, the first attestation of the the Hittites fight only via the ethno-linguistic toponym Mittani comes from an Egyptian expression Ô urla-/Ô urri “Hurrian”. source. It is the fragmentary inscription on the As M. S ALVINI pointed out, Mittani is not even tomb of an Egyptian official called Amen- mentioned in the texts of the archive ofTunip- emhet,1 who served under three Pharaohs, tešup, the Hurrian king of the country ofTiku- Ahmose I, Amenophis I and Tuthmosis I; he nani, which was situated east of the Euphrates;6 recalls having participated in a military expedi- to him Ô attušili I of Ô atti sent a letter related to tion on Syrian territory and in this context the the expedition that both were about to go on country of Mtn is mentioned, i.e. Mittani.2 It is against the town of Ô a ∆∆um.7 thought that this expedition possibly coincides In the military campaigns of Ô attušili I and with the one led by Tuthmosis I 3 in Syria; this is Muršili I against Alala∆ , Aleppo, Uršum, Ô aššum, the first synchronism that connects the history Ô a ∆∆um, the Hurrians intervene militarily of Mittani to the history ofEgypt, and in this against Ô atti, to try and check the Hittite case to the reign of Tuthmosis I, whose ascent to advance, and via operations of military aggres- the throne is dated, according to different sion inside the kingdom of Ô atti.8 The geographi- chronologies, to the end of the 16th or beginning cal area in which the presence of the Hurrians is of the 15th century B.C. 4 placed, according to the Hittite sources of the Old Unfortunately, we have no Mittanian sources Kingdom, corresponds more or less to what we related to this period that may give us further know about the kingdom of Mittani then, i.e. information on the subject; for this reason, the south-eastern Anatolia and northern Syria.

* 4 University ofTrieste See V ON B ECKERATH 1994, 124. 1 5 See P ORTER and M OSS 1994, 457. See M ELCHERT 1978, 1–22. 2 6 See, recently, W ILHELM 1994, 287; K ÜHNE 1999, 213; See M ILLER 2001, 410–429 with previous literature. 7 D E M ARTINO 2000, 68, all with previous bibliography. See S ALVINI 1994, 61–68; S ALVINI 1996, 108–114. 3 8 See R EDFORD 1993, 154 n. 117 with previous bibliogra- See D E M ARTINO 1991, 71–84; D E M ARTINO 1992, 19–37. phy; W ILHELM 1994, 287. 035_042.qxd 26.02.2004 16:03 Seite 36

36 Stefano de Martino

For this area, Hittite documents testify to a sequent to Muršili I, may have facilitated its very political situation that is fragmented; in the text rapid expansion.14 KBo III 60,9 more Hurrian kings are mentioned If we accept such a historical scenario about to whom the title “Kings of the Hurrian people the formation of Mittani, we must conjecture that (ÉRIN)”10 is given; it is significant that this title, this kingdom came into existence in the age imme- i.e. “King of the Hurrian people” – also docu- diately following that of the Hittite king Muršili I. mented in another Hittite text of the Old King- Now, this sovereign’s campaign against Babylon dom, KBo III 46 + II 54, – is borne by the kings and the end of the first Babylonian dynasty con- of Mittani11 in a subsequent age. This shows a cer- sequent to such expedition are dated depending on tain continuity between some Hurrian potentates the chronologies to 1595 (middle chronology) 1531 of this period and the subsequent kingdom of (low chronology), or 1499 (according to the Mittani. chronology suggested by H. G ASCHE15). In the for- Again from Hittite documentation at the time mer case, the interval lasting almost a century – of Ô attušili I and Muršili I, a situation of conflict between the supposed formation of Mittani and between these potentates can be inferred. In a the first attestation of the toponym Mittani to the recent article I put forward the hypothesis that time of Tuthmosis I – seems to be too long; from Ô attušili I exploited and instigated conflicts this standpoint, as G. WILHELM already pointed among some of these potentates of the region in out, it is better to work with the low chronology, 16 order to overcome the towns in western Syria, or a lower middle chronology, according to what supported by Aleppo, which the Hittite king was was recently suggested by C. M ICHEL and P. unable to defeat; in fact, the letter to Tunip-tešup R OCHER. 17 According to G ASCHE’ S “ultra-low of Tikunani shows that the Hittite king sided chronology”, Mittani, instead, should already with this small eastern Hurrian kingdom, fighting exist at the time of Muršili I. against Ô a ∆∆um. Furthermore, the text KBo I Mittani’s first attested king is Parattarna I.18 11,12 yet again from the time of Ô attušili I, also Before him, we have to perhaps place the kingdom makes reference to a dynastic struggle in the royal of Šuttarna, the sovereign documented by the house of one of the Hurrian principalities in west- impression of his seal, used in a more recent age ern Syria, enemies of the Hittites. 13 by Sauštatar. 19 Therefore, the hypothesis can be made for the As the inscription of Idrimi ofAlala∆ testifies, formation of the kingdom of Mittani to be placed Parattarna and Idrimi were contemporaries; but in this situation of ferment, conflict, and politi- not only: the treaty (AlT 3) drawn up between cal change in which the Hurrian potentates of Idrimi and Pilliya,20 king of Kizzuwatna, also Syria found themselves; the fall of the kingdom tells us that the latter was a contemporary of Šut- of Yam ∆ ad and the taking of Aleppo by Muršili tarna. Moreover, the texts of Terqa show that I, the destruction of Ebla, the annihilation of Parattarna was also a contemporary of Qiš- towns like Uršum, Ô a ∆∆um and Ô aššum by Ô at- Addu, the king of this country. 21 tušili I and Muršili I created a void, which the Pilliya of Kizzuwatna had also sealed a treaty eastern Hurrian principality of Mittani may with the Hittite king, Zidanza (KUB XXXVI have taken advantage of; while the political and 108), and therefore a synchronism can be estab- military weakness of the Hittite sovereigns, sub- lished between Ô atti and Mittani.22 Identifying

9 18 See, recently, DE M ARTINO 2002, 77–85, with previous See, recently, Wilhelm 1994, 293 with previous bibliog- bibliography. raphy. 10 19 See W ILHELM 1994, 292; K ÜHNE 1999, 208. See, recently, DE M ARTINO 2000, 76 and no. 41. 11 20 See W ILHELM 1994, 292. On the problem, if there were two sovereigns of Kiz- 12 See B ECKMAN 1995, 23–34. zuwatna with this name, see Beal 428–431, who shows 13 Vo 7: “The sons of the ‘Son of the Storm-god’ are fight- convincingly that there was only one king Pilliya. 21 ing one another over kingship”. See R OUAULT 1992, 254; R OUAULT 1988, 313. 14 22 See K LENGEL 1992, 86. The excludes the hypothesis put forward by VAN S OLDT 15 G ASCHE, A RMSTRONG, C OLE and G URZADYA N 1998. 2000, 111, according to whom Idrimi would be the con- 16 See W ILHELM 1989, 20. temporary of Muršili I. 17 M ICHEL and R OCHER 1997–2000, 111–126; see also, V EENHOF 2000, 147–149. 035_042.qxd 01.03.2004 11:01 Seite 37

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the Hittite sovereign with whom Pilliya made a time lapse equal to about five generations the treaty – that is, whether it involves Zidanza I seems to separate Parattarna from the rise of or Zidanza II – has been a subject of discussion the kingdom of Mittani.29 among scholars.23 Resolute, however, is the decla- After Parattarna, the king of Mittani of ration that Kizzuwatna is still under Hittite con- whom we have documents, comes Sauštatar, as trol during the time of king Ammuna, successor previously mentioned. The impressions of this of Zidanza I, as seen in the Edict of the Hittite sovereign’s royal seal, preserved on a letter from king Telipinu;24 therefore, the treaty with Pilliya Nuzi and in another letter from Tell Brak,30 also may be attributed to Zidanza II. In spite of this, show the name of Sauštatar’s father, Parsatatar. the recent hypothesis that the Hittite partner of The texts of Terqa, still at the time of the king this treaty may be Zidanza I was reaffirmed by Qiš-Addu cited above, who was a contemporary of C. KÜHNE. 25 Such conjecture, however, can no Parattarna, also report a Mittanian king named longer be sustained if we also consider how many Sausadat. Sausadat might have been an immedi- generations elapse, in the various countries ate successor of Parattarna,31 or, more probably, linked by synchronisms, over the same time peri- as O. ROUAULT32 has pointed out, this name might od, i.e. the one that separates Parattarna, in Mit- be understood as a different writing of the name tani, from his successor Sauštatar. As we will Sauštatar. Now O. ROUAULT informs us that in the note later, between these two Mittanian kings texts of the king Qiš-Addu also the Mittanian there seems to have been the reign of one or two king Šuttarna might be quoted. other sovereigns; in Alala∆ we find that after Sauštatar is seen in two documents of Alala∆ . Idrimi, there is Adad/Tešup-nirari and then The text AlT 13 preserves a judicial litigation Niqmepa;26 in Kizzuwatna the sovereigns Pilliya, brought by a certain Irib-∆ azi against Niqmepa, Talzu and Šunaššura succeded one another. 27 In king of Alala∆ and resolved before the king of Mit- light of this, it does not seem plausible to retain tani. Instead, tablet AlT 14 relates one that is con- that in Mittani, Alala∆ and Kizzuwatna there are tested between Niqmepa of Alala∆ and Šunaššura, three or four sovereigns, whereas over the same king of Kizzuwatna due to a border problem time period, in Ô atti, there are a good twelve of between the two countries. This litigation is placed them – as the Hittite kings from Zidanza I to under the judgement of Sauštatar. Šunaššura of Tut∆ aliya I/II were many. Kizzuwatna also draws up an international treaty If, therefore, we accept the synchronism (KBo I 5) with the Hittite king, Tut∆ aliya I/II.33 between Parattarna of Mittani and Zidanza II Hence the outcome is that Sauštatar is a con- of Ô atti, we also get an idea of how much time temporary of Niqmepa of Alala∆ , Šunaššura of elapsed between the rise of Mittani and the reign Kizzuwatna and Tut∆ aliya I/II of Ô atti; the lat- of Parattarna. Indeed, if we put the first event ter synchronism is also confirmed by the annalis- immediately after the reign of the Hittite sover- tic Hittite text KUB XXIII 14, which describes eign Muršili I, it shows that between Muršili I the military undertakings led by Tut∆ aliya I/II and Zidanza II seven sovereigns are documented and his co-regent Arnuwanda I. On line 14, in a who, according to G. Beckman’s study, 28 corre- fragmentary passage, where events of the time of spond to five generations, because Ô uzziya I and Tut∆ aliya I/II are narrated, there is also mention Telipinu belong to the same generation, as do of the Hurrians and the person’s name perhaps even Ta∆ urwaili and Aluwamna. Hence, Sau[štatar] is partially preserved.

23 See the bibliography cited by BEAL 1986, 428 n. 24. before Idrimi see M ARQUEZ R OWE 1997, 181–183; on 24 On all this see B EAL 1986, 428–430, with previous bib- the chronology ofAlala∆ from the archaeological point liography. of view see G ATES 1981, 11–49. 25 30 K ÜHNE 2000, 214 and no. 67. Both these letters are subsequent to Sauštatar. For 26 See K LENGEL 1992, 243. these two documents see, respectively, S TEIN 1989, 27 See B EAL 1986, 443. 36–60; I LLINGWORTH 1988, 99–105. 28 31 B ECKMAN 2000, 24–26. See also W ILHELM 1994, 293. 29 32 We cannot take Alala∆ into consideration, with the aim R OUAULT 1992, 254. 33 of defining this time period, because the phase preced- See B EAL 1986, 442; W ILHELM 1988, 362–370. Differ- ing Idrimi still remains obscure; on Alala∆ in the period ent, see H OUWINK T EN C ATE 1998b, 53. 035_042.qxd 26.02.2004 14:54 Seite 38

38 Stefano de Martino

The treaty drawn up by Šunaššura with Ô atti regions, pursuant to the military campaigns of sanctions the entry of this country into the Hit- Tuthmosis III. In this political scenario, perhaps tite sphere of influence and is placed well in the the so-called “treaty of Kuruštama”38 might have time of the Hittite military expansion, also led been sealed between the Hittites and the Egyp- into Syria by the king Tut∆ aliya I/II and con- tians. This treaty served to tie these two coun- cluded with the conquest of Aleppo. If, therefore, tries, which tried to expand their area of domin- the reign of Sauštatar of Mittani can be placed ion in Syria to the detriment of Mittani and hence with a certain precision into the political and had a common interest. chronological context of the Syro-Anatolian area, J. KLINGER39 has already pointed out that the the comparison becomes more problematic with period of Hittite political influence in Syria might Egyptian documentation; in fact some scholars be placed chronologically between the 32nd and think that Sauštatar is a contemporary of Tuth- 44th year of the reign of Tuthmosis III, i.e. after mosis III, and others a contemporary of the eighth Syrian campaign, the one that broke Amenophis II.34 the Mittanian front, but before the seventeenth As we know, Tuthmosis III led a series of mil- expedition of the Pharaoh in Syria when he itary campaigns in Syria and fought many times fought Tunip; in fact, the Egyptian attack on this with the Hurrians. 35 In the 22nd/23rd year of his town might lead us to believe that Tunip had reign, Tuthmosis faced a coalition of Syrian again gone over to the side of Mittani.40 princes in Megiddo, who were commanded by the As J. KLINGER41 observes, however, the king of Qadeš and were, presumably, supported hypothesis of seeing Sauštatar as a contempo- by Mittani. The Pharaoh went back to Syria to rary not only of Tuthmosis III, but also of fight in his 29th, 30th and 31st year; in his 33rd Tut∆ aliya I/II of Ô atti, might appear problemat- year Tuthmosis fought against a Mittanian army ic in the context of the chronological reconstruc- not far from Aleppo, and Egyptian sources hand tion of the Hittite kingdom. Indeed, pursuant to down to us that Mittani suffered a severe defeat, a very accurate and critical study on the chronol- while the Pharaoh plundered the area along ogy of the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma I, carried the Euphrates from Karkemiš to Emar. Egyptian out by G. W ILHELM and J. B OESE, 42 most Hitti- documents, however, do not mention the name tologists have accepted 1343 as the date when of the Mittanian king, an adversary of Tuthmo- this sovereign’s reign begins, thus favoring the sis III. low chronology. 43 In trying to contextualize the above-men- It must be pointed out, on this subject, that tioned events in the political situation of the the reconstruction of the history of the Hittite Syro-Anatolian area, it must be pointed out that Middle Kingdom, a subject of discussion among the expansionistic policies in Syria of the Hittite scholars for a long time, now appears clearer; in king Tut∆ aliya I/II, i.e. the conquest of Aleppo, fact, before Šuppiluliuma, the sovereigns and the drawing up of a treaty with Tunip, 36 and Tut∆ aliya I/II, Arnuwanda I and Tut∆ aliya III44 yet another with Aštata,37 might be connected to are placed in direct succession, which brings the weakness of Mittani’s authority in these about the elimination of the king Ô attušili II,

34 For the first hypothesis see, lastly, KLINGER 1995, Ilimma of Alala∆ ; this means that it was drawn up 234–247; for the second hypothesis see, for example, when Niqmepa was no longer on the throne. 37 K ÜHNE 1973, 20 no. 85; K ÜHNE 1982, 222–224. R ED- KUB LVII 18, see K LINGER 1995, 245. 38 FORD 1992, 161–164 and, in particular, nos. 156 and KUB XL 8, see K LENGEL 1999, 106, 110 with previous 171, puts forward the hypothesis that Sauštatar may bibliography. be a contemporary of Tuthmosis III, but even for the 39 Art. cit. 246. 40 first part of the reign of Amenophis II; see also K ÜHNE See D E M ARTINO 2000, 84–85. 41 1999, 217. Moreover, MAYER 1995, 340–341; 2001, 15, K LINGER 1995, 246–247. 42 thinks that Tut∆ aliya I/II is a contemporary of Hat- W ILHELM and B OESE 1987, 74–117. shepsut. 43 For the end of the reign of Šuppiluliuma I and conse- 35 See K LENGEL 1992, 91–95; R EDFORD 1993,160–166 quently of the ascent of Muršili II to the throne, see with previous bibliography. now H UBER 2001, 640–644. 36 44 KBo XIX 59 +, See K LINGER 1995, 238–241; as this So this also excludes Ô antili II. scholar points out, p. 214, the treaty mentions Ilim- 035_042.qxd 13.02.2004 09:48 Seite 39

A Tentative Chronology ofthe Kingdom of Mittani from its Rise to the Reign of Tušratta 39

whose existence was hypothesized by O. C ARRU - place over a fairly long period of time, rather than BA. 45 Furthermore, the proposal46 to distinguish in the quick campaign in the 7 th year of the reign between one king, Tut∆ aliya I, conqueror of Alep- of Amenophis II. po, and another king, Tut∆ aliya II, who led a After Sauštatar, it is not known if Artatama series of military campaigns in Anatolia described I 51 ascended the throne, or if, prior to him, Parat- in his “A nnals”, has by now been abandoned by tarna II reigned – the sovereign whose existence is the majority ofscholars.47 inferred by a Nuzi text.52 With the reign of Therefore, ifTut∆ aliya I/II is placed like Sauš- Artatama I, we have clear chronological refer- tatar of Mittani around the middle of the 15th cen- ences with Egypt, due to three inter-dynastic tury, based on the synchronism with the 33rd–42nd marriages that tied the royal house of Mittani to years of Tuthmosis III,48 the period, comprising that of the Pharaoh at the time of the sovereigns the reign of Tut∆ aliya I/II and the ascent to the Artatama I and Tuthmosis IV, Šuttarna II and throne of Suppilulima I, if this is placed in Amenophis III, Tušratta and Amenophis IV53 1344/43, would be about a century. But one centu- respectively. ry seems too long a period for the reign of only The last king of Mittani – before the Hittite three Hittite sovereigns. From this standpoint, it conquest of Mittani by the king Šuppiluliuma I – might appear opportune to raise by about fif- is Tušratta, to whom we owe the letters preserved teen/twenty years the date of ascent to the throne in the archive ofTell el-Amarna, sent to of Šuppiluliuma I, as recently suggested by some Amenophis III and Amenophis IV. These docu- scholars.49 Consequently, a reign lasting longer ments confirm a series of synchronisms with all than twenty years might be assigned to Šuppiluli- the other countries in the ancient Near East. uma I; it is true that the Hittite text KUB XIX 9 With Tušratta and with the end of Mittani as attributes to him twenty years of reign, but it may an independent state, this quick survey on Mit- be supposed that here only an indicative figure is tanian chronology can be concluded. The death of given, perhaps to signify a long period.50 this king might be hinted at in the letter of Tell On the other side, the chronological reconstruc- el-Amarna no. 43,54 sent by Šuppiluliuma I of tion proposed by G. W ILHELM and J. BOESE is very Ô atti to the Pharaoh. Chronologically this event convincing and we cannot exclude that Tut∆ aliya is connected to the request made by an Egyptian I/II, Arnuwanda I and Tut∆ aliya III have ruled for queen who asked Šuppiluliuma for his son in mar- a long time, about 30 years each one. riage. In fact, such a request reached the Hittite Otherwise, a lowering of about 20 years for the king during the siege ofKarkemiš, after which dates of the reign of Sauštatar of Mittani and of Mittani was overcome by the Hittites. So, even Tut∆ aliya I/II might be conjectured if both were though the death of Tušratta can be easily supposedly contemporaries of Amenophis II; it is placed into the frame of events known from some true that this sovereign also carried out an expe- Hittite sources, the exact date of it is somewhat dition in Syria, however the crisis of Mittani’s difficult to determine, since the Pharaoh, whose dominion in western Syria and the Hittite con- widow wrote to Šuppiluliuma, has been identified quest of Aleppo are better placed in the context by scholars either as Amenophis IV, of the wars in Asia by Tuthmosis III, which took Semenchkare, or Tutanchamon.55

45 52 See, recently, D INÇOL, D INÇOL, H AWKINS and W ILHELM HSS XIII 165; See, recently, S TEIN 1989, 36–60; W IL- 1993, 99–105. HELM 1994, 293. 46 53 See C ARRUBA 1971, 75–94. See W ILHELM 1989, 30–32 47 54 See, recently, T ARACHA 1997, 74 n. 1. Differently, see N A ’ AMAN 1995, 116–118; diversely, see A RTZI 1993, 7–8 C ARRUBA 1998, 87–108. no. 2; H OUWINK T EN C ATE 1998, 160. 48 55 See recently VON B ECKERATH 1994, 124 with previous See, recently, W ILHLELM and B OESE 1987, 74–114; bibliography. B RYCE 1989) 22, 29–30; V ON B ECKERATH 1994, 100; 49 See, for example, N A ’ AMAN 1996, 257; H OUWINK T EN H ELCK 1994, 15–22; V AN D EN H OUT 1994, 60–88; H OR- C ATE 1998, 160; see also P ARKER 2002, 62. NUNG 1998, 103; L IVERANI 1999, 409; F REU 2002, 50 See, recently, F REU 2002, 88. 102–104; P ARKER 2002, 47–52. 51 See W ILHELM 1989, 28. 035_042.qxd 13.02.2004 09:48 Seite 40

40 Stefano de Martino

Mittani Egypt Ôatti Alala∆ Kizzuwatna Terqa Principate of Mittani Ô attušili I

Muršili I Rise of the kingdom of Mittani First attestation of Mittani Tuthmosis I Kirta (?) Šuttarna I (?) ? Qiš-Addu Parattarna I ? Tuthmosis III ? Zidanza II Idrimi Pilliya Qiš-Addu Sausadat (??) Parsatatar Sauštatar ? Tuthmosis III ? Tut∆ aliya I/II Niqmepa Šunaššura ? Qiš-Addu ParattarnaII (??) Artatama I Tuthmosis IV Šuttarna II Amenophis III Artašumara (Ut∆ i) Tušratta Amenophis IV Šuppiluliuma I

Table 1

B i b l i o g r a p h y

A LP, S. and S ÜEL, A. (eds.) 2000 Hittite Chronology, Akkadica 119–120, 19–32.

1998 Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitol- B RYCE, T. ogy, Ankara. 1989 Some Observations on the Chronology ofŠup- A RTZI, P. piluliuma’s Reign, AnSt 39, 19–30.

1993 An (Almost) Forgotten Amarna Letter, in: A.F. C ARRUBA , O. R AINEY (ed.) 1993, 7–10. 1971 Hattusili II, SMEA 14, 75–94. Å STRÖM, P. 1998 Hethitische Dynasten zwischen altem und neuem 1987 High, Middle or Low? Gothenburg. Reich, in: S. ALP and A. S ÜEL (eds.) 1998, 87–108.

B EAL, R. C ARRUBA , O., G IORGIERI, M. and M ORA C. (eds.) 1986 The History ofKizzuwatna and the Date of the 1995 Atti del II Congresso internazionale di Hittitologia, Šunaššura Treaty, Or 55, 424–445. Pavia.

V ON B ECKERATH, J. D IETRICH, M. and L ORETZ, O. (eds.) 1994 Chronologie des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches, 1998 dubsar anta-men, Festschrift für W.H.Ph. Römer, Hildesheim. Münster.

B ECKMAN, G. D INÇOL, A., D INÇOL, B., H AWKINS, D. and W ILHLEM, G. 1995 The Siege ofUršu Text (CTH 7) and Old Hittite 1993 The ‘Cruciform Seal’ from Bo= azköy- Ô attuša, IM Historiography, JCS 47, 23–34. 43, 87–106. 035_042.qxd 13.02.2004 09:48 Seite 41

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