National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy by Canada and New Zealand
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National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy by Canada and New Zealand Lyndon Burford A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Relations. The University of Auckland, New Zealand. September 2016 ii Lyndon Burford National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy Abstract Nuclear disarmament dynamics are under-studied and under-theorised. Constructivists hold that identities determine interests and thus, policy preferences, but there has been virtually no investigation of national identity as a driver for nuclear disarmament policy. This thesis investigates the drivers of nuclear disarmament advocacy by Canada and New Zealand, focusing on the activation of anti-nuclear weapon national identities as a key explanatory factor. The thesis presents four comparative case studies—two each from Canada and New Zealand. Each case examines the dominant nuclear weapon-related national identity tropes of three constituencies—senior government ministers, bureaucrats and the public—and traces the processes through which various actors seek to have these identities expressed in policy. Since identities inform preferences but do not necessarily determine policy, the case studies also consider how contextual factors—alliance commitments, normative context, civil society activity and great power relations—affect the expression of anti-nuclear weapon identities. Canada’s decision not to acquire nuclear weapons, despite being able to, is a touchstone for a popular, pro-disarmament ‘peacemaker’ identity. However, security policymakers almost always prioritise the identity of Canada as a strong US ally and thus, supporter of nuclear deterrence. The Canadian cases represent attempts by two prominent norm entrepreneurs to break this pattern— the first, during a Cold War crisis in superpower relations, and the second, during the post-Cold War superpower rapprochement. In both cases, a ‘disarmament/deterrence conundrum’ was evident; that is, the activation of anti-nuclear weapon identities produced nuclear disarmament advocacy, but it was significantly constrained by conflicting, alliance-based identities and the related norms of solidarity and nuclear deterrence. In New Zealand, public and political norm entrepreneurship generated early nuclear disarmament advocacy, but again, this was bounded by alliance-based nuclear deterrence norms. During political upheaval in the 1980s, an identity crisis and civil society activism created an internalised ‘New Zealand nuclear taboo’ in the public, which was institutionalised in law. This delegitimised acquiescence to nuclear deterrence, including for alliance imperatives. Activation of internalised public anti-nuclear sentiment produced comprehensive nuclear disarmament advocacy from the government—initially for instrumental reasons, but later, due to bureaucratic socialisation towards anti-nuclear identities. The New Zealand cases support the hypothesis that norm institutionalisation facilitates identity transformation in officials through the iterative practice of norms. iii Lyndon Burford National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy Acknowledgements Funding support for this thesis was gratefully received from the University of Auckland, the Peace and Disarmament Education Trust, Universitas 21 and the International Council for Canadian Studies. Thank you to all the experts who agreed to be interviewed for this research, or who shared their insights with me along the way. For generously hosting me as a visiting researcher, and for their warm welcome and valuable assistance with fieldwork, I offer my sincere thanks to Professor Brian Job at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Vancouver, and to Professor T.V. Paul of McGill University, Montreal. Thanks also to Sally Reay at UBC for her kind assistance with the logistics of fieldwork in Vancouver. I also want to sincerely thank the many colleagues and friends who have read and commented on various draft chapters and sketches along the way. Thank you Kate Dewes, Tanya Ogilvie-White, Rob Green, Treasa Dunworth, Laura Stanley, Benoit Pelopidas, Togzhan Kassenova, Rod Alley, Nicholas Ross Smith, Mark Boyd, Jacqui True and Felicity Hill. I know there have been so many more people that have helped, so I apologise to anyone that I have missed. Warm thanks also to my supervisors, Anita Lacey, Chris Wilson and Maria Rublee, for their support, wise council and patience with my many meanderings. Finally, thanks to all my friends and family for their support and encouragement in the research process. And especially, thank you Sal, for showing me the patience of an angel and making this whole thing a lot easier. iv Lyndon Burford National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................... iv Contents ....................................................................................................................... v Glossary ...................................................................................................................... vii 1. What causes nuclear disarmament advocacy? ............................................................ 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 Nuclear deterrence in theory and practice ................................................................... 7 Defining nuclear disarmament advocacy .................................................................... 13 The puzzle of nuclear disarmament advocacy ............................................................ 17 The need for nuclear disarmament theorisation ........................................................ 23 Existing literature / theoretical contribution .............................................................. 26 Key findings .................................................................................................................. 28 Thesis outline ............................................................................................................... 32 2. Constructivism: the power of ideas, not the idea of power ....................................... 34 Constructivism and nuclear weapons ......................................................................... 34 Contextual factors ....................................................................................................... 54 Summary of causal chain ............................................................................................. 60 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 61 3. Methodology: tracing the policy process .................................................................. 63 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 63 Research design ........................................................................................................... 64 Case selection method ................................................................................................ 65 Case study countries .................................................................................................... 68 Specific cases selected ................................................................................................. 71 Data generation and analysis ...................................................................................... 73 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 76 4. Nuclear Weapons in Canadian and New Zealand History .......................................... 78 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 78 Canada in the world..................................................................................................... 79 v Lyndon Burford National Identity and Nuclear Disarmament Advocacy New Zealand in the world ........................................................................................... 91 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 105 5. Opposing nuclear testing, 1972-74 ......................................................................... 107 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 107 National identities ..................................................................................................... 109 Nuclear disarmament advocacy ................................................................................ 113 Theoretical implications ............................................................................................ 130 6. The Trudeau peace initiative, 1983-84 .................................................................... 135 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 135 National identities ....................................................................................................