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Two-Channel New Zealand Television TWO-CHANNEL NEW ZEALAND TELEVISION: AMBIGUITIES OF ORGANISATION, PROFESSION AND CULTURE A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN SOCIOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY BY J. FARNSWORTH UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY 1989 ill II!' ABSTRACT The thesis is a sociological case-study of the two-channel television system in New Zealand from its inception in 1974 to the present day. It focusses in detail on the period 1974-80 when the two public channels were in direc~ competition with each other. The study examines three sets of issues and ambiguities which this competition threw up. One was the conflict between administrators and programme-makers over the best way to manage the severe ambiguities produced by this unusual mixture of state and market. The second concerned the attempts by programme-makers to pursue the production of programmes as they wished with minimal interference from either the state or other organisational bodies. The third concerned the kinds of programmes and schedules they produced, the types ,of potential public these constructed and the response of audience groups to these activities. Drawing on recent theoretical debates in the area of organisations, professions and culture, the study argues that it is the shifting relationship between all three areas which explains the development of television through this period. IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Within broadcasting, my principal debt is undoubtedly to the former Chairman of the BCNZ, Hugh Rennie. Without his foresight, unhesitating approval and implicit support, this thesis would, literally, have been impossible to do. I am also very grateful to the Corporation Secretary, Ian McLean, for his ready assistance and encyclopaedic knowledge of corporation history, and to Dick Hereford, the Public Affairs Manager for his considerable help with the minutes. Also to Peter Fabian for facilitating my study of the files in the Harcourts Building. My especial thanks to Russ Sadler for his patient and illuminating explanation of complex broadcasting procedures and help in locating all the TV-I materials. I am also very grateful to the frankness and frequent generosity of the large number of unnamed respondents to whom I spoke. Outside broadcasting, I particularly want to acknowledge the unstinting and sympathetic assistance provided by Warren Mayne right up until his untimely death in 1987. I am grateful to a number of supervisors for their help. In the early days, to Geoff Fougere and Kevin Clements, and particularly to Roger Dunbar who, despite his location in New York, has been a constant source of stimulation and support. Special thanks are due to Terry Austrin for his invaluable encouragement and his acute insights into the framing of sociological problems. Lastly, I am indebted to Barbara Leete's impressively swift and efficient word­ processing. And, in passing, to Brigitte Kirwan's coffee-shop, where more pages of this study have been produced than I should care to mention. v CHAPTER CONTENTS Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v PART ONE: INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 5 1. Introduction 5 2. Television and Organisation Theory 7 3. Public Organisations, the State and Television 12 4. Television and Technology 14 5. Professions, Bureaucracy and Programme-Makers 16 6. Publics, Audiences and the Production of Culture 20 7. The Definition of Culture 23 8. New Zealand Literature 25 9. Conclusion 28 PART TWO: TELEVISION FROM 1974-1980 CHAPTER THREE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF TWO CHANNEL TELEVISION 29 1. Introduction 29 2. The New Broadcasting Structure: The Adam Report 30 2.1 Detail of the New Broadcasting Structure 35 2.1.1 Council Functions 36 2.1.2 Common Services 37 2.1.3 Transmission Services 38 2.1.4 Other Features 39 2.3 The Television Corporation Structure 41 2.4 The Adam Committee: Summary 42 3. Working Parties and the Final Development of the Two Channel System 42 3.1 Personnel 43 3.2 News 48 3.3 Engineering 49 3.4 Finance 50 3.4.1 Broadcasting as a financial totality 50 3.4.2 Cost recovery 51 3.4.3 Licence fee allocation 52 vi 3.5 Finance: Conclusion 52 4. General Summary 54 4.1 Working Parties 54 CHAPTER FOUR : 1974~76: LINKS BETWEEN PROFESSION, ORGANISATION AND CULTURE 57 1. Introduction 57 2. Programme-Makers and Professionalism 58 2.1 Professionalism and Ambiguity 58 2.2 Programme-Makers and Cultural Production 61 2.3 Programme-Makers and Complaints 61 3. 1974-76: The Relationships in Operations 63 3.1 The Programme-Makers Group 64 3.2 Professional Self-Perception 68 3.3 Producers and the New Channels 69 3.4 The Development of Organisational Cultures 70 3.5 Public Culture and the Cultivation of Publics 77 4. Summary 79 CHAPTER FIVE: THE PERIOD TO 1976: EMERGING ISSUES 81 1. Introduction 81 1.1 Internal Organisational Pressure 81 1.1.1 Financial Issues 81 1.1.2 Transmission Extension 83 1.1.3 Programme Issues 85 1.1.3.1 Programme Scheduling 85 1.1.3.2.Programme Content 86 1.1.4.Inter-channel rivalry 90 2 Summary 92 CHAPTER SIX : THE 1976 BROADCASTING ACT 94 1. Introduction 94 2. Chronology 96 2.1 Outline 96 2.1.1 Framework for the Broadcasting Bill. November 1975-May 1976 96 2.1.2 Key Administrative Changes Prepared. July 961976-February 1977 97 2.1.3 Broadcasting Bill Debate. June 1976-December 1976 97 3. Detailed Chronology 98 3.1 Phase One 98 3.2 Phase Two 10 1 3.3 Phase Three 105 4. Implications 111 4.1 Social Changes 112 5. Summary 115 5.1 Profession, Organisation and Culture 115 5.2 Implications Beyond 1976 119 Vll CHAPTER SEVEN: MAXIMUM OPERATING INDEPENDENCE; 1977~80 120 1. Introduction 120 1.1 Effects of the 1976 Broadcasting Act 120 1.2 Structural Consequences of the 1976 Broadcasting Act 121 2. 1977-80 123 2.1 Financial Pressures 123 2.2 Financial Management 125 2.3 Challenges to Professional Legitimacy and Autonomy 126 2.4 Internal Occupational Conflicts 130 3. Summary 132 CHAPTER EIGHT: THE FULL TIME EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN AND THE 1979 RESTRUCTURING 134 1. Introduction 134 2. Background 135 3. The Centralisation of Control 138 4. 1979 Restructuring 144 4.1 Summary of the Restructuring 150 5. Patronage Relations and Their Consequences 151 5. Conclusion 163 PART THREE: BROADER ISSUES AND TELEVISION TO 1989 CHAPTER NINE: HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND TELEVISION IN THE 1980'S 166 1. Introduction 166 2. Recent Organisational Changes 167 3. Origins of New Zealand Broadcasting Formation 168 4. The Development of Technology and Cultural Form in New Zealand 176 5. Television: Technology and Cultural Form 180 6. 1980-1988 187 6.1 Summary 194 7. General Summary 194 CHAPTER TEN: TELEVISION IN 1989 196 1. Introduction 196 2. The End of the State Monopoly of Broadcasting 197 3. New Zealand Television and Postmodernism 200 VIn METHODOLOGICAL APPENDIX 208 BIBLIOGRAPHY 220 APPENDIX ONE: DOCUMENTS CONSULTED 239 APPENDIX TWO: ORGANISATION CHARTS 243 PART ONE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCfION My original impulse to tackle the subject of television in New Zealand from 1974 onwards came from my own experience as a working broadcaster, particularly during the period from 1977-80. What, I wanted to know, had happened to me and my colleagues then; why was it such a turbulent and confusing period and why, after 1980, did a sense of vitality and urgency seem to have gone out of television production? To ask such questions, of course, is to invoke a kind of topos, whether it arises out of a sense of organisational experience (viz Larson, 1979) or out of the familiar sociological invocation of private troubles and public issues. Perhaps inevitably, the questions I set out to answer are not the ones which, finally, are addressed in the thesis, although there is a relationship between them. Instead, they focus on three interlinked areas. First, how television is constituted as a specific kind of organisational activity; secondly, the role of producers or programrne­ makers both within this organisation and with the production of particular programme materials. Thirdly, and finally, the linkage of both these entities to the wider context of institutions and society. The inter-relation of these three areas provides a very similar conceptualisation to a tentative one developed by Elliot and Chaney in 1969. Drawing on organisation theory and the sociology of art, they produced a parallel framework for the relationship between Organisation, Medium (occupational cultures) and Culture ('the society') in 'the social contexts of media production' (1969:365). As they observe, 'there are no water-tight boundaries between these areas' (1969:365) and what I have set out to examine is the tensions and ambiguities which arise both within and between them. Within the organisation there have been two kinds of tension. One is a very central and continuing conflict between programme-makers attempting to maintain 2 their collegial, discretionary and often informal practices, and bureaucratizing administrators and managers intent on codifying and regulating organisational I activities primarily in the interests of efficiency (see Crozier, 1964). Clearly, as will become evident, these are arguments over the most effective way to achieve a rather vague set of objectives: in a word, 'good' television. The other conflict is between two competing, partially-commercial television channels through the 1970's, and the differing organisational identities and cultures this produces. Within the professional or programme-making area, the tensions emerge as the struggle of programme-makers to constitute themselves as a professional body with a significant area of autonomy separate from the state - but also to accommodate the different orientations of its members which threaten to en~anger what Larson (1979) would describe as their joint professional project.
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