Immigration and National Identity in 1970S New Zealand

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Immigration and National Identity in 1970S New Zealand THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY PROTECTION OF AUTHOR ’S COPYRIGHT This copy has been supplied by the Library of the University of Otago on the understanding that the following conditions will be observed: 1. To comply with s56 of the Copyright Act 1994 [NZ], this thesis copy must only be used for the purposes of research or private study. 2. The author's permission must be obtained before any material in the thesis is reproduced, unless such reproduction falls within the fair dealing guidelines of the Copyright Act 1994. Due acknowledgement must be made to the author in any citation. 3. No further copies may be made without the permission of the Librarian of the University of Otago. August 2010 Immigration and National Identity in 1970s New Zealand James Mitchell A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Otago, Dunedin New Zealand July 2003 Abstract This thesis is an attempt to understand the evolution of national identity in New Zealand through an examination of New Zealanders' evolving attitudes to immigrants and immigration. It begins with the premise that through selecting whom to admit to New Zealand as immigrants and become New Zealanders, we are collectively expressing what we believe a New Zealander to be. A rapidly evolving body of international literature sparked by Benedict Anderson's 1991 work Imagined Communities, places the self and the process of identification at the heart of understandings about national and other forms of collective identity. I draw on these models of national identity to critically evaluate the 'ethno-cultural' model of the New Zealand nation adopted by writers such as Keith Sinclair and James Belich. I contend that, in trying to write national histories which stress the unique cultural elements of the nation, these writers have produced artificially homogenous and static models of New Zealand's cultural identity. My thesis proposes that a model of national identity as a state of shared consciousness attained by a defined and mutually understood group of people is inadequate. Instead, I argue that notions both of what constitutes the nation and who belongs within its boundaries are a source of constant debate and evolve over time. I examine national identity in relation to immigration on two levels: at the level of immigration policy, which determines who is formally admitted to the nation-state, and at the level of public debate over immigration which is a more popular expression of a nation's boundaries. The 1970s in New Zealand provides excellent material for examining both of these aspects of the relationship. The decade witnessed both significant changes in immigration policy and bitter public debate about immigration. Before the 1970s, New Zealand's immigration policy was based around a popular identification with Britain and the assumption that New Zealand was part of a British family of nations. Consequently, immigration policy strongly favoured white people from Great Britain. Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in 1973, however, forced New Zealanders to reevaluate the idea that New Zealand identity was part of a broader British identity category and this had implications for immigration policy and attitudes to British immigrants. At the same time, the arrival of an increasing number of Pacific Island immigrants, a group which fell without the boundaries of a culturally defined nation, contributed to debate about cultural diversity and national culture. The presence of Pacific Islanders presented a challenge to the idea of the nation should or could be defined in terms of a single unitary culture. In this way, the 1970s debate over immigration can be understood as part of a broader debate about the place of multiculturalism in New Zealand. This thesis interprets the 1970s as a pivotal time in the evolution of New Zealand identity. At the same time, by examining contestation over immigration as a manifestation of a broader uncertainty and debate about national identity, it makes a case for a broader understanding of New Zealand identity as a debate and as an evolving process. Acknowledgements I originally set out to write this work as a Master's thesis in 1997, believing that I would 'knock something together' in six months and then depart on a working holiday in France. While amused at my own naivety, I believe that the growth of my work in scope, in complexity and in length has reflected my own growth as an academic historian. Like all growth it has been at times both painful and extremely rewarding and I owe an enormous debt to my supervisors Barbara Brookes and Brian Moloughney in guiding me through the process. I have learnt more from both of you than I ever imagined. I also acknowledge the early input of Roberto Rabel and Judy Bennett in their capacity as supervisors. I would also especially like to thank my wife Roopali Johri and my parents Janet and Stuart Mitchell. Both your support and criticism have been invaluable. In facilitating access to archives I would like to thank Anthony Moss and Reinold Disse at the Immigration Division, Graeme Eskrigge, formerly of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and Sherwood Young of the New Zealand Police, and to recognise the work of the late David Macdonald and his staff at the Hocken Library. You run the friendliest and most efficient historical research archive in the country. Others to whom I am indebted include those who I interviewed especially Frank Corner, Don Bond and Gavin Jackson. Thanks also to Ali Clarke and James Croot who cheerfully read my drafts, to my friends and colleagues among the postgrads at the University of Otago History Department and at Canterbury, your camaraderie helped to keep me sane. To Erik Olsen and Dot Page for your periodic advice and help, and to the many others who have contributed both professionally and personally to my project including Margaret and John Chetwin and Alan and Jeanette Scott, and Hung Lam, I offer my sincere thanks. Finally I would like to thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the University of Otago for their financial support. Ka nui te mihi ki a koutou katoa. James. Table of Contents ABBREVIATIONS ....................................................................................................................................... I PREFACE ................................................................................................................................................... III PERSONAL IDENTITY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY ........................................................................................ III IMMIGRATION ............................................................................................................................................. V NATIONAL IDENTITY AND IMMIGRATION ................................................................................................... V CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................1 CHAPTER 2: ECONOMIC AND FOREIGN POLICY FACTORS AFFECTING IMMIGRATION POLICY ........................................................................................................................ 31 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ECONOMICS AND IMMIGRATION POLICY .................................................... 31 FOREIGN POLICY AND IMMIGRATION ........................................................................................................ 38 HUMANITARIAN IMMIGRATION? ................................................................................................................ 44 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................. 48 CHAPTER 3: IMMIGRATION POLICY AND CULTURAL CHANGE IN NEW ZEALAND ........ 50 ASSIMILATION, CULTURAL PLURALISM AND IMMIGRATION POLICY ......................................................... 61 RESETTLEMENT POLICY ............................................................................................................................ 65 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................. 73 CHAPTER 4: EVOLUTION OF LEGISLATION AND POLICY ........................................................ 74 IMMIGRATION POLICY UNDER NATIONAL PRE-1972 .................................................................................. 74 IMMIGRATION UNDER LABOUR 1972-75 .................................................................................................... 86 IMMIGRATION POLICY 1975-78: THE THIRD NATIONAL GOVERNMENT‟S FIRST TERM ............................. 96 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................................................... 102 CHAPTER 5: HOW DO YOU KNOW THAT A PLANE-LOAD OF POMS HAS JUST ARRIVED? PUBLIC ATTITUDES TO BRITISH IMMIGRATION ................................................. 104 SOCIOMETRICS AND THE NATION ............................................................................................................ 105 THE EEC, PATRIALITY LAWS, RETALIATION........................................................................................... 107 Main Idea ........................................................................................................................................... 110 BRITISH IMMIGRANTS AND ASSIMILABILITY ..........................................................................................
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