Bad reputation – bad reality? The intertwining and contested images of a place
SIRPA TANI
Tani, Sirpa (2001). Bad reputation – bad reality? The intertwining and contest- ed images of a place. Fennia 179:2, pp. 143–157. Helsinki. ISSN 0015-0010.
In the early 1990s, prostitution became a visible element in Helsinki and caused a big stir in the Finnish media. Street prostitution became concentrat- ed in a densely-built-up residential area north of the city centre. The prostitu- tion debate stigmatised the area effectively. This article explores the area by interpreting its images in cultural artefacts and in people’s minds. The history of the area will be described in order to make the present images understand- able. Three types of images will be analysed: images of the place for ordinary people, images of the dangerous neighbourhood and images of bohemian ro- manticism, which are all associated with the history of the area and repro- duced in the prostitution debate.
Sirpa Tani, Department of Teacher Education, P.O. Box 38, FIN-00014 Univer- sity of Helsinki, Finland. MS received 29th March, 2001 (revised 4th April, 2001).
Introduction ages with the experiences of local residents (Tani 2001, 2002). The second one is a research project, The aim of this article is to interpret an area by the main purpose of which was to analyse the ef- exploring its images in cultural artefacts and in fects of street prostitution on women’s everyday people’s minds. The area concerned became lives in Helsinki. The study was made in the form known as a district of street prostitutes and kerb- of a mailed questionnaire to women in two areas; crawlers during the 1990s. The prostitution debate the research area consisted of ten blocks of the in the media stigmatised the area effectively, the street prostitution area, while the control area was fact which is the point of departure for this study. the rest of Inner Helsinki. The material was col- I will ask why some areas are more vulnerable to lected in May–June 1999. A total of 1,714 women get a bad reputation than others and how the answered the questionnaire, 888 of whom lived prostitution debate used and reconstructed place in the research area and 826 in the control area images. I will also ask what dimensions are ap- (Koskela et al. 2000). Many interesting aspects of parent in the present reputation of the place. To place images emerged in both projects but, for answer these questions I will describe the history practical reasons, they took a minor role in the of the area in order to make the present images previous publications. It seemed important to understandable. I will trace the changes in the write this article by concentrating on the relations images in time and analyse their contents by us- between the place and its images. ing examples of various cultural products and First, I will give an overview of some central opinions of local residents. concepts informing my research. Secondly, I will The article is based on two studies of street explain the difficulties of defining the borders of prostitution in Helsinki. The first one is my per- the area studied and note the variation in its nam- sonal research project based on qualitative data ing. Thirdly, I will explore the street prostitution gathered between the years 1993 and 1999, when debate as a creator of some new images of the I lived in the research area and observed the area, and fourthly, I will interpret other existing changes in the neighbourhood on a daily basis. images by concentrating on three dimensions; the The main purpose was to interpret the street pros- area seen as a place with a nostalgic past, as a titution debate and to compare the mediated im- dangerous neighbourhood and a stage for bohe- 144 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) mian romanticism. Finally, I will consider some popular culture. In the humanities and social sci- contemporary place promotion activities and raise ences there has been a growing interest in the questions about the meanings of subjectivity and meanings of spatiality, which has been called a intersubjectivity in place images. The intertwin- ‘spatial turn’. In geography, at the same time, ‘cul- ing and palimpsest character of the images and ture’, along with ‘space’, has become one of the the lived experiences will be highlighted. key concepts. The meaning of ‘culture’ and the content of the new approach (the cultural turn) have aroused vivid debates (e.g. Philo 1991; Cos- Images and reputation of place grove 1993; Duncan 1993; Jackson 1993; Price & Lewis 1993; McDowell 1994; Mitchell 1995; ‘Image’ is a widely used concept with various Johnston 1997; Barnett 1998; Cook et al. 2000). meanings, depending on the discipline and the The ‘cultural turn’ has guided geographers to find context. Its all-inclusive definition is clearly not a new approaches to geographical issues and task for this article. Rather, I will survey some as- brought them closer to discourses in other cultur- pects relevant in the context of this research. The ally and/or socially oriented disciplines. It has conceptual basis of the article contains elements occasioned a broader alertness to how people – of an older behavioural geography, dealing with understood as highly differentiated and multiply mental maps and environmental perceptions, as positioned but always distinctly social beings – well as viewpoints of humanistic geography, es- build up shared repertoires of cultural meaning, pecially elements concerning people’s senses of often embracing place images which may be quite place. At the same time, recent work in cultural stereotypical in content. These images are nego- geography – the connections between places and tiated in a more collective terrain of discourse, the constitution of identities, subjectivities and performance and gesture. imaginings – will be reflected. Since the ‘cultural turn’ in geography, images The origin of the concept of image can be have been interpreted mainly in relation to social- traced to the 1950s business language in the Unit- ly produced space. The social practices of place ed States. It has since become popular, especial- and landscape construction and representations ly in marketing, but also in political science and of images have been popular subjects of study media studies (Karvonen 1999: 37; Äikäs 1999: (e.g. Burgess & Gold 1985; Agnew & Duncan 62). 1989; Zonn 1990; Shields 1991; Anderson & Gale ‘Image’ was one of the central concepts of be- 1992; Barnes & Duncan 1992; Keith & Pile 1993; havioural geography of the 1960s and 1970s, Aitken & Zonn 1994; Gold & Ward 1994; Banks when interest was centred on behaviour patterns 1998). Place images are understood as historical- and environmental perceptions (Gould 1969; ly produced and actively culturally contested. Pocock & Hudson 1978; Gold 1980; Walmsley Language is seen to be important ‘as a medium & Lewis 1993). Perception was used as a syno- and mediator by which intersubjective meanings nym for personal images of the phenomenal en- are shared’ (Shields 1991), and the question of vironment (Porteous 1977), and the products of representation has become central. the process of perception were called mental or Sometimes it is useful to distinguish between a cognitive maps, images, cognitive representations public image and a mental image, as Äikäs (1999, or schemata. Often the concept of image was con- 2001) has stated. ‘Public image’ refers to an in- nected to visual perception, as Kevin Lynch de- tentionally produced impression, while ‘mental fined the term in his book ‘The Image of the City’ image’ means a mental representation of some- (Lynch 1960; see also Lynch 1984). thing, not by direct perception, but by memory ‘Image’ was defined as a representation of re- and imagination (OED Online 2001; cf. Äikäs ality, a metaphorical description of verbal pic- 1999: 59). Sometimes, however, the split between tures, for example (Burgess 1978), a perception the concepts seems to be too violent. The rela- in the absence of an external stimulus (Tuan 1975; tion between public and mental images is more Gold 1980), or as constructed from first-hand ex- like a continuum in a process of making and in- perience (Burgess & Gold 1985). terpreting meanings to the world. In every men- Since the behavioural approaches, images have tal image, there is always something shared and been an important subject of study in humanistic produced, as there is always the level of subjec- geography as well as in studies of the media and tive interpretation in public images. FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 145
In addition to ‘image’, ‘reputation’ is also used tualised both spatially and socially in relation to in the studies of places and their representations. its surrounding areas. The reputation of a place can be defined as a combination of the shared images, stereotyped meanings and mythical generalisations of ele- Blurred identity of place: ments that people attach to a certain place in their defining the borders minds. Reputation is not necessarily comparable to the reality of place. When the characteristics Usually, identification of an area is quite simple: of a place change radically, place images and the it can be named, and defining its borders makes reputation of that place sometimes stay as they the distinction between it and the surrounding ar- have always been. It can be said that the place eas obvious. Although the definitions may just be has been stigmatised, and these stigmas usually mental constructions built by the researcher, they outlive a particular image. Shields (1991: 256) are usually generally recognised and easily taken argues that the changes “necessitate not just an for granted. In this particular case, the situation adjustment of the myth, ‘cleaning out’ the old is more complicated and needs to be explained images and installing new ones, but a restructur- more carefully. ing of the entire mythology and the development In the 1990s, prostitution became concentrat- of new metaphors by which ideology is present- ed in a densely-built-up residential area north of ed”. This is an interesting point of view in con- the city centre. In order to explore the phenome- sidering changes in place images and the reputa- non from the viewpoint of the residents, I con- tion of a place. The reputation of place can be ducted in-depth interviews among them and seen as a product of public opinion, while the among some social workers in the area. When I images may represent subjective experiences of asked them what they called the area, I got an- place. Reputation is more stable and often a prod- swers like these: uct of repeated ways to represent the place. The formation of a reputation takes more time, while I usually say Kallio… Apparently, it is Alppila, or the images can be more personal and can be somehow… But nobody knows where Alppila is. more easily changed. I would say this is more Sörkkä than Kallio. Rob Shields (1991) defines place images by us- ing the concept of stereotype. Place images “are If I have to choose, I live in the district of Harju. the various discrete meanings associated with real Yes, it is a matter of taste. places or regions regardless of their character in reality. Images, being partial and often either ex- The name of the area often becomes estab- aggerated or understated, may be accurate or in- lished as a symbol for a particular space. Images accurate. They result from stereotyping, which and the reputation of place are closely linked with over-simplifies groups of places within a region, the identity of place, and place images and spa- or from prejudices towards places or their inhab- tial identities can be seen in the context of the itants” (Shields 1991: 60). Shields defines place institutionalization of regions in the way Paasi images as meanings attached to a real place, but (1986, 1991a) defines the term. He sees four images can also be created without any relation stages in the process of the spatial institutionali- to a real environment. We have many place im- sation, which may be entirely or partly simulta- ages which may refer to wholly imagined places neous: the constitution of territorial shape, sym- – they may be the products of our own imagina- bolic shape, and institutions and, finally, estab- tion, or perhaps reinterpretations of imagined lishment in the regional system and regional con- places in films, literature, and other art forms. In sciousness of the society concerned. In the con- this article, image and reputation of place are in- text of this research the constitution of symbolic terpreted side by side, since I think it is artificial shape is particularly relevant. Paasi (1991a: 245) to make any strict separation between these two defines it as follows: “The increasing number and terms. use of territorial symbols is crucial for creating the Next, I will introduce the area researched by symbolic significance of a region. One essential defining its borders. This may sound simple, but symbol is the name of the region, which connects in this case, it reveals more than the geographi- its image with the regional consciousness.” cal location of the area. The area will be contex- In this case, the area has a name which is used 146 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) in official contexts, but in public speech – for ex- this is the housing notices in the newspapers, ample in the media – it is named differently. There which use various names. Compared to the neigh- is no consensus on its name even among the res- bouring areas, the confusion is very obvious. The idents, as can be seen in the quotations above. neighbouring areas have a strong place identity, Although the interviewees talked about their own but the research area seems to differ markedly. It neighbourhood, not many of them seemed to be seems to be an area that is located on the fringe sure which was the appropriate name for it. Some of other regions. of them were convinced that they lived in Kallio, Another way to approach the question of the some others called the same area Harju, Sörnäi- name is to explore the area by using Lynch’s nen (Sörkkä) or Alppila. I find it interesting to ask (1960) way of defining districts and edges. Offi- why this particular area has no clearly established cially, although Helsinginkatu is the border be- name, and whether this has something to do with tween Kallio and Harju, it does not really sepa- the images associated with it. rate these two areas either visually or functional- Places, regions and areas can also exist after ly, but rather forms a connecting link between their possible deinstitutionalization as document- them. It is one of the most important shopping ed in written texts and as recalled by local peo- streets in the area and is also an excellent trans- ple, as some other studies have stated (e.g. Paasi port link. 1991a, 1991b; Riikonen 1995, 1997). The resi- Kallio is widely known as the area located on dents of one region can ‘actually live in the worlds the north side of Pitkäsilta, but Harju as a name of different kinds’, and ‘may have very different is not established in colloquial speech. Kallio has images in their minds about spatial reality and its a well-established reputation as an old working- regional identity’ (Riikonen 1995: 100). Paasi and class area, and both positive and negative imag- Riikonen (ibid.) have used ‘generation’ to explain es have been associated with it during its history. these differences. In my study on the street pros- Although the two areas have a similar history, the titution area, the situation seemed to be quite dif- identity of Harju seems less certain. For example, ferent. At the beginning of the 20th century, the thirty-five geography students wrote to me about Pitkäsilta Bridge separated the prestigious areas the images that Kallio and Alppiharju evoke in of the city centre from the northern working-class their minds. Most of them did not even mention areas, and acted as a powerful symbol separating Alppiharju in their texts, and those few who did these two social worlds. In the early days of the said that they did not have any particular image area, there was a strong sense of place among the of the place. Alppiharju was said to be an unfa- residents, which could be seen in the naming of miliar name for a region, and was found difficult the smaller areas north of the bridge. There were to define. Most of them had quite strong images also violent street fights between the gangs of the of Kallio, however, and it was often “stretched” neighbouring areas. Even when the local residents to the neighbouring areas. This explains why I will made a clear distinction between these areas, the call it Kallio even though it is the administrative outsiders saw them as one working-class district, district of Alppiharju or Harju. which was usually called Sörnäinen after the neighbouring industrial area and harbour. Al- though the naming practices have changed dur- Sudden changes: prostitution in the ing the history of the area, it is impossible to de- neighbourhood fine any generation-bound names any longer. In my interviews, there was no connection between When street prostitution appeared on the streets the residents’ age and their ways of naming the of Harju, it caused a big stir both in the media neighbourhood. and among some locals, who were upset by kerb- The name of the area can be defined by com- crawling. As described elsewhere (Koskela et al. paring its ‘official’ name with the actual naming 2000; Tani 2002), prostitution had an effect on the practices. The area is located in the administra- ways female residents use public space in their tive district of Alppiharju, which can be divided neighbourhood, but also affected public images into two sub-districts, Alppila and Harju. The area of the area. I have analysed the changes in the is colloquially called Kallio after its neighbouring debate in detail elsewhere (Tani 2002). Here, I district (Fig. 1). The way the names are attached will concentrate on the images which the media to a certain area varies, however. An example of produced of the area. FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 147
Fig. 1. The location of the area studied in Helsinki, Finland: Harju and its surroundings.
In the newspaper articles on street prostitution, there were stories about firms that were thinking of moving away because of the disturbance suf- fered by their employees, and also for fear of the bad reputation of the area. The tabloid Ilta-Sano- mat (8th December 1995) reported how some newspapers had published articles on prostitution and provided pictures of female office-workers on their way home. These connections caused con- the report of the City Planning Committee on fusion among the female employees. Another ar- prostitution (Kallio ja Ympäristö 7th December ticle described the difficulties that a housing com- 1997), which argued that prostitution made the pany formed by the apartment owners had be- reputation of place even worse in the areas of cause of the falling price of offices in the area. poorer people as they called the area north of The owners were worried that prostitution and Pitkäsilta. In its leading article (Kallio ja Ympäristö kerb-crawling could cause the neighbourhood to 27th October 1996) the local newspaper accused decline by strengthening the negative image of the the media of defaming Kallio and its environment. area (Helsingin Sanomat 21st December 1995). It was argued that because of the effective ‘adver- The local newspapers were especially con- tising’ of the area as a centre of street prostitu- cerned about the effect that prostitution might tion, the local residents had to suffer from heavy have on the reputation of the area. They quoted traffic caused by curious outsiders and the subse- 148 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) quent traffic prohibitions. The paper suggested noon and another one just before midnight. The that the media debate should be stopped or made legends of the pictures make a clear distinction more impartial in relation to such residential between the daytime and nighttime reality: “In the areas. daytime it is peaceful in the Wall Street of Val- The nation-wide media did not pay much at- lila”, but “At night prostitutes swarm around the tention to the issues concerning the reputation of Merita bank buildings” (Ilta-Sanomat 9th January place when it reported on the street prostitution 1997). In the first picture, there are some cars in Kallio. The problems of prostitution were rep- parked along the street, which two men are cross- resented by and large as local. When the prosti- ing – one in the foreground, the other in the back- tution spread into the streets of the city centre, ground. There is snow on the ground. In the sec- however, the concern about place image became ond picture, the angle is almost the same: the acute. The tabloid Ilta-Sanomat (9th September same two buildings are portrayed, but now, there 1997) interviewed some female politicians who are five people – probably women – standing on felt that the prostitution in main city streets could the street corner in the light of street lamps, two be harmful to the image of the city. Nobody ex- of them holding umbrellas. The difference of these pressed concern over the bad reputation of the pictures is not so much in their content, but their Kallio area. This is an interesting example of the context. Legends tell us what we should see in fact that there seems to be some kind of ‘official’ the pictures, and the text tells us what we should Helsinki, the image of which it is important to pro- think about these two worlds, one of the wealthy tect. The areas with a bad reputation are imprint- bank employees, the other of the not-so-wealthy ed in people’s minds so strongly that defaming local residents and ‘swarming’ prostitutes. them seems to bother nobody outside the area. In order to analyse the images people have at- During the winter 1996–1997, the media tached to this area, I will describe its history brief- seemed to start to ‘forget’ the issue of street pros- ly. I will then concentrate on three types of im- titution. There were only some occasional articles age: images of the place for ordinary people, im- about the situation in Kallio, one of which ap- ages of the dangerous neighbourhood and imag- proached the subject from a wholly new point of es of bohemian romanticism, which are all asso- view. Ilta-Sanomat headlined the article “3,400 ciated with the history of the area, as I will show. bank employees are hidden in the dilapidated The prostitution debate will be analysed by inter- ‘Flesh Valley’: Teollisuuskatu is nowadays the Wall preting examples of the reconstructed images Street of the Vallila area” (Ilta-Sanomat 9th Janu- within the debate. ary 1997). The point of the article was to describe the two different worlds in the same urban mi- lieu. It was argued that the Finnish version of Wall History of a working-class quarter Street was situated in the same area as the street prostitution had concentrated in Helsinki. The tab- Harju and its neighbouring area, Kallio, both have loid described the neighbourhood thus: histories that go back to the end of the 19th cen- tury. Helsinki was growing very fast because of Skyscrapers with glass walls line Wall Street in Man- rapid industrialisation. New housing areas were hattan. There are service stations and heavy traffic in Teollisuuskatu in the Vallila district. In both plac- needed for people who came to Helsinki looking es there are people doing the same job in their ex- for jobs in the factories. There were some farms change trading halls wearing white shirts and silk to the north of city centre, one of which was ties. - - - In the neighbourhood there are cars parked called Kallio and the other Harju. There were also in vacant sites, undistinguished industrial premises, some restaurants in the area outside the city cen- and residential buildings blackened by exhaust tre before the residential areas were built, some fumes. The only beautiful building is the former mor- catering to peasants visiting Helsinki and some to tuary. If you see someone, it is highly likely that he or she will be wearing a wind-cheater or quilted upper-class people who travelled there from the jacket. (Ilta-Sanomat 9th January 1997) city centre. Houses for the workers were built in the area of the farms. They were two-storey build- The article continues with a description of the ings, the first storey of stone and the second of concentration of exchange trading by several wood. The area was incorporated into the town banks in the area and shows two pictures from plan in 1901. These working-class areas were the street prostitution area, one taken in the after- densely populated: over four persons per room on FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 149 average. Population density was the highest there, improved in Finland, and people were able to and living conditions were extremely poor. Be- choose better living conditions in the newly-built cause of the poor accommodation and the pov- areas of the city fringes. Kallio and Harju, because erty of the inhabitants, all kinds of social prob- of their location near the city centre and their ex- lems became a part of everyday life in Harju and cellent traffic routes, became popular among Kallio from the beginning of their history. young childless couples and singles. Many of At the beginning of the 20th century the distri- them were students. bution of liquor was concentrated in a relatively Even today the area is very densely populated. small area in the city centre, and in Harju and The mean size of the dwellings is the smallest in Kallio selling or serving alcohol was not allowed Helsinki (38 m2) and so is the mean size of house- (Helsingin kaupungin historia 1956: 282). These holds (1.3 persons). In Harju there are about restrictions acted against themselves, boosting the 7,500 inhabitants living in an area of 0.27 km2. illegal liquor trade. During prohibition (from The proportions of young adults and old people 1919), bootlegging was the norm in these areas, are great and, because of the smallness of the and even after repeal of the law in 1932, it was flats, the proportion of children is the smallest in widely known that the illicit liquor trade still ex- Helsinki. The area is more homogenous in rela- isted there. Vaasankatu in particular became fa- tion to the native language (93% Finnish) and to mous for bootlegging. the nationality of its inhabitants (only 3.4% for- Beside bootlegging, prostitution also character- eigners) than the average for Helsinki (Helsinki ized these densely populated working-class are- alueittain 2000). as. Many brothels were situated near the city cen- The old images of Kallio and its environment tre, especially in the Punavuori area. They were are still imprinted in many people’s minds, and obliged to go out of business in 1884 when it was the working-class history is often mentioned when decreed that only two prostitutes could live to- people are asked about the image of the area. The gether. Brothels were officially closed, and many meaning of the image has changed its content, of the prostitutes went back to Sweden or moved however, over the years. Next, I will describe pop- to Viborg. Many, however, stayed in Helsinki and ular images of Kallio by concentrating on three continued their business by themselves. Even dimensions; the first emphasises the long work- though the brothels have been forbidden by law ing-class tradition, the second one stresses the since then, there have been times when they have negative aspects of this image, while the third appeared again and been allowed to continue adds some romantic gloss to the old images. The their activities. During the 1930s, the brothels analysis is based on my in-depth interviews, let- were operating quite openly in the centre of Hel- ters from former and present residents, the writ- sinki. (Häkkinen 1995). ings of some geography students and the inter- While the brothels were for upper-class men, views with local shopkeepers, which were pub- street prostitution was for working-class men and lished on the Internet. In addition to these mate- soldiers. Streets near the restaurants were the most rials, I will also use some cultural products in my popular places for prostitutes to find their clients. analysis. The number of street prostitutes was at its great- est at the beginning of the twentieth century and during the First World War when there were hun- Place and its nostalgic past dreds of female prostitutes working in the streets of Helsinki (Häkkinen 1995). Working-class dis- The texts concerning Kallio and its surroundings tricts like Kallio became places for street prosti- often mention the working-class history of the tutes. area and highlight the importance of the past. Poor living conditions in the Kallio area and the Kallio evoked strong images in the minds of the social problems described above were powerful students whom I asked to describe their images factors in creating the negative image of the area. of certain areas. Many defined them by describ- However, the reality changed during the rapid in- ing the physical environment. The location was dustrialisation after the Second World War. The usually seen as excellent, but the buildings were massive migration from rural areas to Helsinki not seen so positively; many mentioned the grey- began in the 1950s, and the reputation of the area ness of the area, and wrote about non-aesthetic began to change. The average standard of living images. The history of the area was perceived as 150 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) strong, the present day often associated with so- cohol. She defined the ambiguous character of the cial problems, and the spirit of the place in the area as follows: future was thought to remain despite the changes The streetscape may scare people with its stagger- that may occur. Many of them described Kallio ing boozers, but here you can also find humanity, by mentioning its reputation as a working-class community spirit and care for neighbours. You must area. have a certain kind of character to be happy here. Workers’ areas are often associated with the thoughts of ordinary, decent, unpretending, real There were some things in the daily reality of people, to make a clear distinction from ‘others’. the area that were sometimes interpreted as trac- As compared to the students’ images, many shop- es of the old community spirit: keepers, whose interviews were published on the Some permanent residents sometimes had barbecues website of the area (Pitkänsillan väärällä puolella and drank beer together in the courtyard of our 2000), emphasised the long traditions in their block. I thought there was a kind of old-time spirit neighbourhood. Many of them mentioned how there, like in the good old days, when the residents their customers were part of the nice and decent maybe had closer contacts with each other. folk that has lived in the area. They talked about This kind of ‘community spirit’ refers to the ide- the area from the viewpoint of small-scale entre- as of shared values in a neighbourhood. As I have preneurs and often compared the profits they described elsewhere (Tani 2002), the residents made with the earlier, better days. Many saw the who protested against street prostitution and kerb- underground as a major reason for their business crawling often justified their actions by arguing problems; nowadays it was easier for people to that ‘the neighbourhood was their space, and they go straight to the city centre or to the shopping had every right to fight for it. They created an idea malls and ‘forget’ their local shops. of shared values in the area by highlighting the Although the daily reality in the workers’ areas view that when they were acting against prostitu- of the past is often described by emphasising its tion, they were acting for the whole community’. negative sides, it is sometimes portrayed different- By stressing the differences between themselves ly, as the following extract from a former resident’s and the prostitutes, they placed the prostitutes in letter indicates: a marginal position in the area both socially and spatially. In the public debate, the residents’ view- Most of the people who lived in the neighbourhood were decent folk, ordinary workers. There were al- points were portrayed as questions of moral val- ways some youngsters who were hanging around the ues. The constructed ‘otherness’ of prostitutes and tough guys, imitating them and admiring them, but kerb-crawlers turned into social exclusion on the they were not really tough themselves. Some of them streets (cf. Shields 1991; Goodall 1995; Sibley were real cowards. Many of them never got into 1995; Duncan 1996; Hubbard 1998, 1999b). fights nor perpetrated any offences. Although life in the workers’ area must have The reputation of Kallio as a place for ordinary been hard, its image has changed in the course people has also been repeated in the media. For of time. Nostalgic elements of the past are often example, in an article published by the Kotiliesi highlighted both in cultural products and in peo- magazine (12th July 1996) life in Kallio was de- ple’s memories. Working-class people of the past scribed thus: are represented as honest and decent folk, and their ways of spending their leisure time are also People who live in Kallio are used to living and be- portrayed from an understanding viewpoint. This ing with other people. Life is visible on the streets positive colouring of the past occurs frequently; there. People are straightforwardly what they really memory always simplifies, forgets and highlights are. What happens within four walls elsewhere hap- pens on the streets in Kallio. certain elements, and by doing so, ‘greater coher- ence may be created than was actually present’ A female resident who had been living in the (Pocock 1982; Lowenthal 1975, 1985). research area described her neighbourhood by saying that its reputation seemed to be worse than the reality. She emphasised the residents’ strong Life in the dangerous neighbourhood attachment to their environment, although many of them have had problems and sorrows in their Because of the history of poor living conditions, life – the biggest problem in her opinion was al- there are many negative images that people have FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 151 of Kallio: for many, it is known as the area of poor street prostitutes were foreigners made this kind people, crime, violence, and bootlegging. The re- of ‘othering’ even easier. ality of the beginning of the 20th century with Prostitution was related to other social prob- bootleggers on the streets has been imprinted on lems in the area both in the media and in the people’s minds even if they never have experi- opinions of local residents; it was argued that enced those times themselves. In fact, the boot- prostitution, crime and drugs are intertwined and, legging continued in the area for decades, but because of these ‘side-effects’ of prostitution, during the 1990s the phenomenon was not so stricter control strategies should be imposed. Such common because the restaurants were allowed to associations between ‘asocial’ or ‘immoral’ life- stay open later. The people who experienced the styles and prostitution are often represented as bootlegging and the street fights in the area in initiating neighbourhood decline (cf. Hope & their childhood or youth still associate them with Shaw 1988; Herbert 1993; Hubbard 1999b; the images of the area. Some residents still men- Weitzer 2000). tion the violent history when asked about the In the survey concerning the effects of street images of the area. prostitution in women’s daily life in Helsinki (Kos- Cultural products have kept the old images kela et al. 2000), the Kallio area was seen prob- alive. Kallio has been a particularly popular sub- lematic for many reasons. Many respondents were ject in literature and songs. Many films have also concerned about the reputation of the place. Only been shot there. Because of these produced im- 9% of them thought that their area had a good ages, the area’s reputation precedes it, even reputation, whereas 76% of those living in the among outsiders. Both local residents and others control area (other parts of Inner Helsinki) did. use these images in their speech. Only 27% of respondents living in Harju felt very The images of violence in the area do relate to comfortable in their neighbourhood, versus 67% everyday reality. The quarter around the Sörnäi- in the control area. Street prostitution and kerb- nen metro station is observed to be one of the crawling had negative effects on the images, but most violent areas in the city (Tuominen 1999). there were also many other reasons for the dis- Although the violent attacks have been concen- content of the residents. Many mentioned inse- trated in this small area, the violence is often curity and unrest on the streets, the weak sense thought to exist in the whole district. The Kallio of community among the people, drug addicts, area is often described in terms of fear (cf. Koske- crime and recurrent disturbances. Identification la & Tuominen 1995). with one’s own neighbourhood was much lower Beside the crime and the violence, drunkenness than in the rest of Inner Helsinki. Although it is has often been part of the image of Kallio. Of the difficult to estimate how much these factors arose thirty-five geography students who wrote about from the everyday reality in the neighbourhood, their images, fourteen mentioned alcoholics in it is obvious that they had a powerful effect on their answers. It is impossible to show that there the images, and thus also affected the experienc- are more alcoholics in Kallio than in other parts es of the residents in their daily lives. Prostitution of the city, but if the images are to be believed, was easily linked to other problems in the area, that seems to be the case. and was often seen as an indication of the neigh- Since the beginning of the street prostitution bourhood decline. debate, the research area has been portrayed as a Some respondents felt that there were too many space of struggles over the control of public social problems concentrated in their neighbour- space, or as a landscape of sexual harassment, hood. In their opinion, the daily reality seemed violence and fear (Koskela et al. 2000; Tani 2002). to be depressing and too hard: The fear has been connected not only to harass- ment on the streets but also to the ideas of prosti- The few parks in the area are completely taken over tution as a threat to the homogeneity of the com- by drunks and junkies. You can’t even take your chil- munity. In other words, by representing the pros- dren to the playground, because it is full of broken titutes and kerb-crawlers as outsiders in the neigh- glass and used syringes. My doorstep is the kitchen, bedroom, toilet, ashtray and basin for the vomit of bourhood, the protesters and the media created the professional drinkers. And nobody even tries to an imagined divide between ‘us’ (residents/pro- do anything about it. We can’t even talk about well- testers/decent people) and ‘them’ (prostitutes/ being of the residents; it is fruitless to even think of kerb-crawlers). The fact that the majority of the security; you have to be afraid on behalf of your chil- 152 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) dren all the time, and the prices of the apartments represented either as the background for the role come down… characters in their everyday life or as the major Although the images of danger and nostalgy cause of their troubles (for cinematic representa- can easily be regarded as opposites, they can also tions of Helsinki, see Tani 1995). In rock lyrics the be considered to work together in the process of most popular images of Kallio have been the ones creating reputation of place. Representations of a of working-class romantics, lonely people and ‘golden’ past of the neighbourhood emphasise depression (see Tani & Kopomaa 1995). thoughts of community spirit, neighbourliness and Some people reflected these romantic images decency, but these representations are also used when they wrote about their own relationship to for constructing notions of ‘right and wrong’, for the area: allowing justifications for insiders (the ‘decent’ The old working-class image is alive and well in local community) closing ranks against outsiders many people’s minds and without doubt it feeds a (the ‘non-decent’ others). They serve in the dis- kind of romantic feeling, especially in the conscious- courses of many as a counterpoint to the degen- ness of the people – like myself – who have a work- eration of the current situation. In other words, a ing-class background - - - However, we have bro- ken with our background because of our education temporal discourse of decline, of loss over the so that this kind of longing for a real working-class years, is adding another layer to the ‘othering’ of community is just like a nostalgic pathos for es- drunks, junkies, prostitutes and kerb-crawlers in tranged people. Kallio. A female resident (herself an artist) reflected critically on the images of her neighbourhood: In some kind of ‘bohemian’ or ‘artistic’ circles Kal- Bohemian romanticism lio has a good reputation; there is ‘life’ and the ‘taste for life’ here. That might refer to the street prostitutes Although the area is still defined in relation to its and outcasts at the pubs and bars; there is ‘colour’ background as a working-class district, the reali- - - - Personally, I don’t think of the gutter as a repre- ty there has changed in recent decades. In the sentation of life. 1980s it became popular among young, highly- Some residents said that they see prostitution educated people who appreciated the location as a profession (often mentioned as the oldest pro- near the city centre. The housing prices there were fession in the world) like any other job. Prostitutes not as high as in other places near the centre, so should have the same right to do their work in that many young singles and childless couples peace as any other professionals in society. Some found the small apartments in the area attractive. saw them as providing ‘essential services for the Kallio was also appreciated because of its histo- sick, the deformed, the invalid, the ugly, etc.’ ry, which was thought to create charm and a cer- (Goodall 1995: 129; see also Roberts 1992). Tol- tain bohemian romanticism to the area. Housing eration and understanding differences were also prices rose and middle-class people moved in. In linked to the ideas of the urban way of life: Some the economic boom of the late 1980s the area emphasised that since the Kallio area is the most was clearly gentrified (Mäenpää 1991; Tuominen urbanised area in Helsinki, people should under- 1997). stand social and cultural diversity in their neigh- The images of the bohemian lifestyle are quite bourhood. In the media the diversity of social common in public opinion and in the cultural groups was sometimes highlighted – these include products relating to Kallio. It is said that many art- lesbians and gays, the elderly, students, artists, ists live in the area and the number of the stu- working professionals, the unemployed and many dents there is great. Kallio has been a popular sub- others (Lahtinen 1995). Therefore, it was argued, ject for authors, film producers and musicians. the prostitutes should also have their place in the Some of the authors have described the life in the area: past when the area was still a working-class neighbourhood (Ruuth 1969; Saisio 1975; Mutka In my opinion this neighbourhood is suitable for 1996, to name but a few), while others have con- [street prostitution]; most of the people here are workers and more or less shabby, or the rabble. This centrated more on the contemporary stories based is an undeniable fact and the red-light districts have on the area (Kauranen 1981; Melleri 1997). In been located in such neighbourhoods in foreign films Kallio and its neighbouring areas have been countries. We can forget the hypocrisy; I think Hel- FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 153 sinki needs its own Reperbahn or Pigalle, too, and scribed as a ‘trendy’ (Metro 17th December this area suits that purpose well. 1999), ‘fascinating’ area with a ‘strange kind of The nostalgic image of a working-class past also charm’ (Helsingin Sanomat 21st February 2000). figures in this discourse of romanticism. The cul- These new images have often been linked with tural-artistic residents strive to recreate a new form trendy bars and pubs, and with fashionable spe- of community, only in this case an inclusionary cialized shops. The media have stressed both the community tolerant of others rather than an ex- long traditions of the neighbourhood and its cul- clusionary community wishing to shut its borders tural and social diversity. against anyone departing from commonly accept- Residents and some local associations have or- ed norms. In such a view, prostitutes in particular ganized gatherings at which they have explicitly cease to be seen in the more typical negative and tried to find positive ways to improve the image prejudical fashion. In this ‘bohemian discourse’ (and the reality) of their neighbourhood. One ex- there is the idea that prostitutes should also have ample is the campaign during which local resi- their place in the neighbourhood, among other dents planted out flowers in a park with the help people. This discourse emphasises the diversity of of the police and the Public Works Department. sub-cultures within the area, and questions the Although their main purpose was to ‘expel’ the implicit assumptions of prostitution as a totally drunks and vandals from the park, they decided negative phenomenon in the society. to do it in a positive way. The press reported how the residents had every right to promote social interaction in the park, and if their own means were not effective enough, they could ask for help Place promotion at the local level? from the police (Helsingin Sanomat 4th June 1997). Place promotion, which can be defined as a ‘con- There have been many signs of increasing cul- scious use of publicity and marketing to commu- tural activity in the area in recent years. For ex- nicate selective images of specific geographical ample, a cultural network (Kallion Kulttuuriver- localities or areas to a target audience’, has be- kosto) was founded in 1997 to encourage collab- come increasingly popular since the mid-1980s oration between local artists and other culture-ori- worldwide (Ward & Gold 1994; Hall 1998). Pro- ented people. Since then, the network has taken moted images have become more important in the part in organizing cultural happenings every au- post-industrial economy where traditional loca- tumn and spring in the area. In 1998 the Kallio tion requirements are no longer as important as theatre was founded to make ‘drama of familiar they used to be in the industrial economies. Cit- topics for the ordinary people’ (Helsingin Sano- ies and regions need to establish new advantages mat 17th December 1998). The themes were for themselves. The images have been integral found in the neighbourhood; there were produc- parts of urban regeneration programmes, but they tions on the prostitute’s life, on the images of Kal- have also been used when cities have competed lio and on the daily life of lonely people, for ex- to host mega-events such as the Olympic Games ample. Push Firma Beige is another example of or to get nomination as a European City of Cul- strengthening the links between the local environ- ture (Ward 1998; Holcomb 1999). ment and art, an art gallery which enables ‘direct What has not been explored so much is the in- social interaction’ with its environment and acts teraction between the images produced and the as an intermediary between art and local com- everyday lives of people who live in the place. In munities. the case of Helsinki, the place promotion efforts Another example was a new culture club, have usually concerned the city centre, which has which was launched in 1996 at the street corner been the area most frequently visited by the tour- café situated in the place with the worst reputa- ists. During the year 2000, when Helsinki was a tion within the area. The contrast between the European City of Culture, the significance of resi- planned cultural activities and the surrounding dential areas and their images was also recog- reality was described in the following way (Hel- nised. singin Sanomat 29th November 1996): In Kallio a tendency to create positive images of the area has been strengthened in recent years. Theatre without any ticket reservations, music with- In some newspaper articles, Kallio has been de- out any stress for the musicians, poetry, magic, art 154 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) for free. There has been a lack of a public space, urban life did not want to blame on the prosti- which would be more interesting than pubs where tutes or kerb-crawlers, but highlighted the posi- customers go in for arm wrestling. The atmosphere tive sides of the diversity of the local culture. For inside the Melba café is tailor-made for the culture club. Outside, however… three glass walls separate them, the old images of bohemian romanticism the ground floor café from the wildest corners of were more accurate than the negative ones. They Helsinki… saw Kallio as a suitable place for prostitution, be- cause of the long traditions of tolerance of differ- Such activities created new images of the area; ence in the neighbourhood. many of the active cultural agents wanted to stress The third type of image was linked with the the sense of positive action in order to counter working-class past of the area. Some people – and the older negative images. Some residents stressed every now and then the media – described the positive action in relation to prostitution by men- neighbourhood as a place for ordinary, decent tioning the importance of taking care of the phys- people. The community protesters used this kind ical environment, or by encouraging the residents of thinking in their actions as well. They stressed to take possession of public space in their neigh- that the area was their place, and they had every bourhood. right to define the appropriate way of living there. For them, prostitution was a threat to the simplic- ity of the imagined past. Conclusions Prostitution in public space raised such a stir in Finland partly because there were no estab- Industrial cities and working-class areas have lished ways of dealing with the questions of mar- been seen in terms of the hard-working people, ginal groups. Since Finnish identity and culture who have rough jobs and rough ways to spend has been based on the rural environment and tra- their leisure time (cf. Shields 1991: 229; Taylor et ditional shared values, people have not been ca- al. 1996; Ward 1998: 216). The images of these pable of tolerating cultural or social differences areas have been ambiguous; they have been por- in their neighbourhood (Tani 2002; cf. Åström trayed both as areas of harsh living conditions and 2000). Finland’s role as one of the Scandinavian multiple problems and as areas of a nostalgic past welfare societies changed quite quickly during the and bohemian romanticism. In the case of the economic recession of the 1990s (cf. Kattelus Kallio area, these two are easy to recognise. 1996). Massive unemployment and problems like The boom in gentrification of the 1980s in Kal- prostitution, homelessness and drug abuse, which lio did not last long. The recession in the early had been marginal, became more widespread. At 1990s broke the trend: housing prices fell, and the same time, Finland took in more immigrants pubs invaded many empty former corner shops. than before. From the viewpoint of public opin- Tuominen (1997) has argued that the area re- ion, foreigners were easy scapegoats for the eco- turned to its working-class roots, which could be nomic and social ills of society and all the more perceived as a certain urban roughness. Unem- so in the case of prostitution because of the visi- ployment rates rose and social problems became bility of foreign prostitutes on the streets. The more usual. The old images of the area revived: change was so sudden that no political or cultur- images of poverty, unemployment, crime and vi- al practices for dealing with these issues were es- olence were apparent once again, but some new tablished. elements, drugs and prostitution, emerged as well. In this article I have represented the Finnish Fear of the ‘other’ and the possible neighbour- street prostitution debate from the viewpoint of hood decline also formed part of the images. The image construction. Street prostitution raised debate can be viewed as a reconstructive force many emotional, practical and moral opinions, in relation to the existing images. Those who saw and by doing so it affected the subjective and in- prostitution as a threat to the community repre- tersubjective images of the area. The area was stig- sented the issue by emphasising the negative as- matised as a neighbourhood that was different pect of the image; for them the area was a neigh- from its surroundings. bourhood characterized by crime, immoral ways In December 1999, a new municipal ordinance of life, and fear. They thought that prostitution was came into force in Helsinki. It prohibited prosti- linked with other problems in the area. tution in public places and caused a temporary Those who thought that prostitution was part of displacement of the prostitutes and the kerb- FENNIA 179: 2 (2001) Bad reputation – bad reality? 155 crawlers to the neighbouring city of Vantaa, which Cook I, D Crouch, S Naylor & JR Ryan (eds) (2000). also then prohibited visible prostitution. Despite Cultural turns/geographical turns: perspectives on these changes, the reputation of the Kallio area cultural geography. Pearson Education, Harlow. Cosgrove D (1993). On “The reinvention of cultural as a place for prostitution and kerb-crawling was geography”, by Price and Lewis. Annals of the imprinted in people’s minds. Only time will tell Association of American Geographers 83, 515– how long the neighbourhood will be remembered 517. for prostitution. Whatever the case, the bad repu- Duncan JS (1993). Commentary. Annals of the Asso- tation will affect the everyday reality in the neigh- ciation of American Geographers 83, 517–519. bourhood for a long time, because there is always Duncan N (1996). Renegotiating gender and sexu- ality in public and private spaces. In N Duncan interaction between the lived and the imagined. (ed). BodySpace: destabilizing geographies of The images are intertwined with the reality. gender and sexuality, 127–145. Routledge, Lon- don. Gold JR (1980). An introduction to behavioural ge- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ography. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Gold JR & SV Ward (eds) (1994). Place promotion: the use of publicity and marketing to sell towns This paper is part of my research project funded by and regions. John Wiley & Sons, Chichester. the Academy of Finland (project number 163997). Goodall R (1995). The comfort of sin: prostitutes & Manchester Institute for Popular Culture (Manches- prostitution in the 1990s. Renaissance Books, ter Metropolitan University) and Department of Ge- Folkestone. ography (University of Helsinki) offered me good Gould P (1969). Methodological developments since working opportunities during the project, and I am the fifties. Progress in Geography 1, 1–49. sincerely grateful to both. I am also grateful to the Hall T (1998). Urban Geography. Routledge, London. anonymous referees for their comments. Responsi- Helsingin kaupungin historia (1956). IV osa, jälkim- bility for the final version remains mine. mäinen nide. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Kirja- paino, Helsinki. Helsinki alueittain (2000). Helsingin kaupungin tie- tokeskus, Helsinki. REFERENCES Helsingin Sanomat (21st December 1995). Taloyh- tiö ahtaalla Arsenalin ja ilotyttörallin takia. Alek- Agnew J & JS Duncan (eds) (1989). The power of sis Kiven katu 20 joutuu ottamaan ison velan place: bringing together geographical and socio- markkina-arvonsa menettäneen liikehuoneiston logical imaginations. Unwin Hyman, London. takia. (Riitta Astikainen). Aitken SC & LE Zonn (1994). Re-presenting the place Helsingin Sanomat (29th November 1996). Kurvissa pastiche. In Aitken SC & LE Zonn (eds). Place, on matala lava. (Kaisa Hakkarainen). power, situation, and spectacle: a geography of Helsingin Sanomat (4th June 1997). Kalliolaiset is- film, 3–25. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham. tuttivat kukkia Karhupuistoon. (Anna-Leena Pyyk- Anderson KJ & F Gale (eds) (1992). Inventing plac- könen). es: studies in cultural geography. Longman, Mel- Helsingin Sanomat (21st February 2000). Kallion bourne. outo imu. Kivinen ja kirjava kaupunginosa kieh- Banks M (1998). Representing regional life: the place too. (Marko Jokela). discourses of Granada Tonight. The North West Herbert D (1993). Neighbourhood incivilities and Geographer 2, 2–10. the study of crime in place. Area 28, 37–46. Barnes T & J Duncan (eds) (1992). Writing worlds: Holcomb B (1999). Marketing cities for tourism. In discourse, text and metaphor in the representa- Judd DR & SS Fainstein (eds). The tourist city, 54– tion of landscape. Routledge, London. 70. Yale University Press, New Haven & London. Barnett C (1998). The cultural turn: fashion or Hope T & M Shaw (eds) (1988). Communities and progress in human geography? Antipode 30, 379– crime reduction. HMSO, London. 394. Hubbard P (1998). Sexuality, immorality and the Burgess JA (1978). Image and identity: a study of ur- city: red-light districts and the marginalisation of ban and regional perception with particular ref- female street prostitutes. Gender, Place and Cul- erence to Kingston upon Hull. University of Hull, ture 5: 1, 55–72. Occasional Papers in Geography 23. Hubbard P (1999a). Sex and the city: geographies Burgess J & JR Gold (1985a). Place, the media and of prostitution in the urban West. Ashgate, Alder- popular culture. In Burgess J & JR Gold (eds). shot. Geography, the media & popular culture, 1–32. Hubbard P (1999b). Whose city? Sexuality, citizen- Croom Helm, London. ship and struggles for public space. Paper deliv- Burgess J & JR Gold (eds) (1985b). Geography, the ered to IASSCS sexual diversity and human rights media & popular culture. Croom Helm, London. conference, 22nd July 1999. 156 Sirpa Tani FENNIA 179: 2 (2001)
Häkkinen A (1995). Rahasta – vaan ei rakkaudesta. Melleri A (1997). Puukkobulevardi. Otava, Helsinki. Prostituutio Helsingissä 1867–1939. Otava, Hel- Metro (17th December 1999). Kalliosta tuli trendi- sinki. käs. Urbaani kulttuuri hakee jälleen uutta potkua. Ilta-Sanomat (8th December 1995). Ilotyttöralli pa- (Marjut Tervola). kottaa firman muuttamaan. Iltavuorosta lähteneitä Mitchell D (1995). There’s no such thing as culture: naistyöntekijöitä häiritty. (Tiina Vahtera). towards a reconceptualization of the idea of cul- Ilta-Sanomat (9th January 1997). 3 400 pankkilaista ture in geography. Transactions of the Institute of piiloutuu rähjäiseen ”lihalaaksoon”: Teollisuuska- British Geographies, New Series 20, 102–16. tu on nyt Vallilan Wall Street. (Riika Kuuskoski). Mutka A (1996). Tsuppari. Kallion kundin kesä. Tam- Ilta-Sanomat (9th September 1997). Ilotyttökauppa mi, Helsinki. rehottaa nyt ydinkeskustassa. Helsingin päättäjä- Mäenpää P (1991). Kallion keskiluokkaistuminen naiset vaativat seksin ostajia tuomiolle. (Ulla Veir- 1980-luvulla. Työläisyhteiskunnan tuho? Helsin- to). gin kaupunkisuunnitteluviraston julkaisuja 7. Jackson P (1993). Berkeley and beyond: broadening OED Online (2001). The Oxford English Dictionary. the horizons of cultural geography. Annals of the Oxford University Press, Oxford. 13 February Association of American Geographers 83, 519– 2001.
Tani S (1995). Kaupunki Taikapeilissä. Helsinki- telyrikollisuus Helsingissä. Helsingin kaupungin elokuvien mielenmaisemat – maantieteellisiä tietokeskuksen tutkimuksia 1999: 10. tulkintoja. Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskuksen Walmsley DJ & GJ Lewis (1993). People and envi- tutkimuksia 1995: 14. ronment: behavioural approaches in human ge- Tani S (2001). ‘That kind of girl in this kind of neigh- ography (second edition). Longman, Harlow. bourhood…’ The potential and problems of street Ward SV & JR Gold (1994). Introduction. In Gold JR prostitution research. City: Analysis of urban & SV Ward (eds). Place promotion. The use of trends, culture, theory, policy, action (forthcom- publicity and marketing to sell towns and regions, ing). 1–17. John Wiley & Sons, Chichester. Tani S (2002). Whose place is this space? Life in the Ward SV (1998). Selling places: the marketing and street prostitution area in Helsinki, Finland. In- promotion of towns and cities 1850–2000. ternational Journal of Urban and Regional Re- Routledge, London. search 5: 3, 311–324. Weitzer R (2000). The politics of prostitution in Tani S & T Kopomaa (1995). Kolmannelta linjalta America. In R Weitzer (ed). Sex for sale: prostitu- Kontulaan: tulkintaa pop- ja rocklyriikan Helsin- tion, pornography, and the sex industry, 159–180. ki-kuvista. In Schulman H & V Kanninen (eds). Routledge, London. Kaupunki kohtauspaikkana. Näkökulmia kulttuu- Zonn L (ed) (1990). Place images in media. Portray- riseen kaupunkitutkimukseen. Yhdyskuntasuun- al, experience, and meaning. Rowman & Little- nittelun täydennyskoulutuskeskus C 33, 143–158. field, Savage. Taylor I, K Evans & P Fraser (1996). A tale of two Åström A-M (2000). The spirit of Helsinki: the capi- cities: global change, local feeling and everyday tal as a symbol of the country and its meaning life in the North of England. A study in Manches- for the inhabitants. Helsinki Quarterly 2, 33–39. ter and Sheffield. Routledge, London. Äikäs TA (1999). Image as icon: historicity, image Tuan Y-F (1975). Images and mental maps. Annals management and urban landscape. NGP Year- of the Association of American Geographers 65: book 1999, Nordia Geographical Publications 2, 203–213. 28: 2, 59–67. Tuominen M (1997). Broken windows – the case of Äikäs TA (2001). Imagosta maisemaan. Esimerkkei- Helsinki. Helsinki Quarterly 3, 12–17. nä Turun ja Oulun kaupunki-imagojen rakenta- Tuominen M (1999). Turvallinen Helsinki. Pahoinpi- minen. Nordia Geographical Publications 30: 2.