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Nordic Fascism
Nordic Fascism Investigating the Political Project Behind Bollhusmötet Master’s thesis (45 credits) Author’s name: Erik Blohmé Name of supervisor: Heléne Lööw Semester: Spring 2021 Date of Submission: May 17, 2021 HISTORISKA INSTITUTIONEN Abstract This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism. Keywords: Bollhusmötet, Heimdal, Den Svenska Linjen, Arvid Fredborg, fascism, antisemitism, national socialism, Nazism. Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to Heléne Lööw who has supervised this thesis with patience, honesty, and great care. -
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2021 FORUM REPORT COVID-19 in Africa one year on: Impact and Prospects MO IBRAHIM FOUNDATION 2021 FORUM REPORT COVID-19 in Africa one year on: Impact and Prospects MO IBRAHIM FOUNDATION Foreword by Mo Ibrahim Notwithstanding these measures, on current projections Founder and Chair of the Mo Ibrahim Africa might not be adequately covered before 2023. Foundation (MIF) Vaccinating Africa is an urgent matter of global security and all the generous commitments made by Africa’s partners must now be delivered. Looking ahead - and inevitably there will be future pandemics - Africa needs to significantly enhance its Over a year ago, the emergence and the spread of COVID-19 homegrown vaccine manufacturing capacity. shook the world and changed life as we knew it. Planes were Africa’s progress towards its development agendas was off grounded, borders were closed, cities were shut down and course even before COVID-19 hit and recent events have people were told to stay at home. Other regions were hit created new setbacks for human development. With very earlier and harder, but Africa has not been spared from the limited access to remote learning, Africa’s youth missed out pandemic and its impact. on seven months of schooling. Women and girls especially The 2021 Ibrahim Forum Report provides a comprehensive are facing increased vulnerabilities, including rising gender- analysis of this impact from the perspectives of health, based violence. society, politics, and economics. Informed by the latest data, The strong economic and social impacts of the pandemic it sets out the challenges exposed by the pandemic and the are likely to create new triggers for instability and insecurity. -
The Journal of William Morris Studies
The Journal of William Morris Studies volume xx, number 3, winter 2013 Editorial – Fears and Hopes Patrick O’Sullivan 3 William Morris and Robert Browning Peter Faulkner 13 Two Williams of one medieval mind: reading the Socialist William Morris through the lens of the Radical William Cobbett David A. Kopp 31 Making daily life ‘as useful and beautiful as possible’: Georgiana Burne-Jones and Rottingdean, 1880–1904 Stephen Williams 47 William Morris: An Annotated Bibliography 2010–2011 David and Sheila Latham 66 Reviews. Edited by Peter Faulkner Michael Rosen, ed, William Morris, Poems of Protest (David Goodway) 99 Ingrid Hanson, William Morris and the Uses of Violence, 1856–1890 (Tony Pinkney) 103 The Journal of Stained Glass, vol. XXXV, 2011, Burne-Jones Special Issue. (Peter Faulkner) 106 the journal of william morris studies . winter 2013 Rosie Miles, Victorian Poetry in Context (Peter Faulkner) 110 Talia SchaVer, Novel Craft (Phillippa Bennett) 112 Glen Adamson, The Invention of Craft (Jim Cheshire) 115 Alec Hamilton, Charles Spooner (1862–1938) Arts and Crafts Architect (John Purkis) 119 Clive Aslet, The Arts and Crafts Country House: from the archives of Country Life (John Purkis) 121 Amy Woodhouse-Boulton, Transformative Beauty. Art Museums in Industrial Britain; Katherine Haskins, The Art Journal and Fine Art Publishing in Vic- torian England, 1850–1880 (Peter Faulkner) 124 Jonathan Meades, Museum without walls (Martin Stott) 129 Erratum 133 Notes on Contributors 134 Guidelines for Contributors 136 issn: 1756–1353 Editor: Patrick O’Sullivan ([email protected]) Reviews Editor: Peter Faulkner ([email protected]) Designed by David Gorman ([email protected]) Printed by the Short Run Press, Exeter, UK (http://www.shortrunpress.co.uk/) All material printed (except where otherwise stated) copyright the William Morris Society. -
Hungary Since 1989
C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/578174/WORKINGFOLDER/RME/9780521888103C10.3D 204 [204–232] 10.10.2009 6:02PM 10 Hungary since 1989 ANDRÁS BOZÓKI AND ESZTER SIMON Located in East-Central Europe, Hungary has often found itself at a crossroads of political influences of greater powers as well as of different cultures. Although Hungary enjoyed independence for centuries in its early history, the experience of foreign domination over the last five centuries is one of the defining features of Hungarian public consciousness. Most notably, Hungary was under the control of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, the Habsburgs in the eighteenth, nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, and the Soviet Union from 1945 until the regime change in 1989. Therefore, Hungarians had to master the techniques of survival under foreign domination.1 They learned how to operate informally, under and within formal, rigid rules, which represented the interests of the dominant foreign power. Nonetheless, during its twentieth-century history, Hungary made some genuine albeit short-lived attempts to achieve democracy. First, there was the brief liberal-democratic government of Count Mihály Károlyi in late 1918. A second attempt was made during the semi-democratic coalition government between 1945 and 1947. Finally, Hungary operated as a democracy for twelve remarkable days during the anti-totalitarian revolution of October 1956. The Hungarian revolution was internally successful but was crushed by the inter- vention of the Soviet Red Army. These shining moments of recent Hungarian history cannot hide the fact that throughout the twentieth century Hungary enjoyed democracy for one decade only, the 1990s. -
Fredrik Reinfeldt and Vibeke Krag New Board Members of Heimstaden
Press Release 8 March 2021 Fredrik Reinfeldt and Vibeke Krag New Board Members of Heimstaden Heimstaden AB is the majority owner and manager of Heimstaden Bostad AB, one of Europe’s leading residential real estate companies with more than 110,000 homes valued at approximately SEK 170 billion. With their substantial experience, the new board members will contribute to developing the com- pany. Chairman Ivar Tollefsen is looking forward to working with the new members: “Fredrik Reinfeldt has an impressive political career and has, after leaving office as Prime Minister of Sweden, continued to have a strong voice in societal and environ- mental topics. He is a perfect match for Heimstaden’s vision of Friendly Homes and our high ambitions of contributing to society. Vibeke Krag brings extensive financial and leadership experience from strong industrial companies. Being Danish, she has valuable knowledge about Denmark, Heimstaden’s largest market. I look forward to working with them both at Heimstaden.” New Board Members Fredrik Reinfeldt is an experienced politician who led the Swedish Moderate Party for 12 years and served eight years as Prime Minister of Sweden. Since retiring from politics in 2015, he has held positions as Chairman of Centrum for AMP and Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and as an advisor to Nordic Capital and Bank of America Merrill Lynch. “Heimstaden’s impressive growth, combined with its strong values of Care, Dare and Share, evergreen perspective and dedication to societal contribution, makes this a unique opportunity to positively impact lives in Sweden and across Europe. It is with great expectations and dedication that I will engage in developing the com- pany further,” said Fredrik Reinfeldt. -
Königs-Und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN
GESCHICHTE und politische Bildung STAATSOBERHÄUPTER (bis 2019) Dynastien Bedeutende Herrscher und Regierungschefs europ.Staaten seit dem Mittelalter Königs-und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN Römisches Reich Hl. Römisches Reich Fränkisches Reich Bayern Preussen Frankreich Spanien Portugal Belgien Liechtenstein Luxemburg Monaco Niederlande Italien Großbritannien Dänemark Norwegen Schweden Österreich Polen Tschechien Ungarn Bulgarien Rumänien Serbien Kroatien Griechenland Russland Türkei Vorderer Orient Mittel-und Ostasien DYNASTIEN und ihre Begründer RÖMISCHES REICH 489- 1 v.Chr Julier Altrömisches Patriziergeschlecht aus Alba Longa, Stammvater Iulus, Gaius Iulius Caesar Julisch-claudische Dynastie: Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero 69- 96 n.Ch Flavier Röm. Herrschergeschlecht aus Latium drei römische Kaiser: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian 96- 180 Adoptivkaiser u. Antonionische Dynastie Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Mark Aurel, Commodus 193- 235 Severer Aus Nordafrika stammend Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabal, Severus Alexander 293- 364 Constantiner (2.flavische Dynastie) Begründer: Constantius Chlorus Constantinus I., Konstantin I. der Große u.a. 364- 392 Valentinianische Dynastie Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian, Valentinian II. 379- 457 Theodosianische Dynastie Theodosius I.der Große, Honorius, Valentinian III.... 457- 515 Thrakische Dynastie Leo I., Majorian, Anthemius, Leo II., Julius Nepos, Zeno, Anastasius I. 518- 610 Justinianische Dynastie Justin I.,Justinian I.,Justin II.,Tiberios -
EXPOSED Living with Scandal, Rumour, and Gossip
EXPOSED Living with scandal, rumour, and gossip L /� MIA-MARIE HAMMARLIN EXPOSED Living with scandal, rumour, and gossip Exposed Living with scandal, rumour, and gossip MIA-MARIE HAMMARLIN Lund University Press Copyright © Mia-Marie Hammarlin 2019 The right of Mia-Marie Hammarlin to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Lund University Press The Joint Faculties of Humanities and Theology P.O. Box 117 SE-221 00 LUND Sweden http://lunduniversitypress.lu.se Lund University Press books are published in collaboration with Manchester University Press. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library An earlier version of this book appeared in Swedish, published by Hammarlin Bokförlag in 2015 as I stormens öga ISBN 978-91-9793-812-9 ISBN 978-91-983768-3-8 hardback ISBN 978-91-983768-4-5 open access First published 2019 An electronic version of this book is also available under a Creative Commons (CC-BY-NC-ND) licence, thanks to the support of Lund University, which permits non-commercial use, distribution and reproduction provided the author(s) and Manchester University Press are fully cited and no modifications or adaptations are made. Details of the licence can be viewed at https://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Tory Modernisation 2.0 Tory Modernisation
Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg Guy and Shorthouse Ryan by Edited TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 MODERNISATION TORY edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 The future of the Conservative Party Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a re- trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent, not-for-profit organisation which cam- paigns for the Conservative Party to implement liberal and progressive policies that draw on Conservative traditions of community, entre- preneurialism, responsibility, liberty and fairness. First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk ISBN: 978-1-911128-00-7 Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2013 Printed and bound by DG3 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements 1 Foreword 2 Rt Hon Francis Maude MP Introduction 5 Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg 1 Last chance saloon 12 The history and future of Tory modernisation Matthew d’Ancona 2 Beyond bare-earth Conservatism 25 The future of the British economy Rt Hon David Willetts MP 3 What’s wrong with the Tory party? 36 And why hasn’t -
Talking About a Revolution: Or Why (Most Of) the West Did Not Extend the Franchise
Talking About a Revolution: Or Why (Most of) the West Did Not Extend the Franchise David Art Department of Political Science, Tufts University Medford MA [email protected] 617-627-5756 Paper prepared for the 2012 APSA Conference, September 1, New Orleans Introduction Did the threat of revolution force elites in the West to extend the franchise? A number of economists and political scientists believe that it did (Acemoglu and Robinson 2000: Acemoglu and Robinson 2006; Aidt and Jensen 2011; Conley and Temimi 2001; Przeworski 2008). For economists, the credible threat of violence provides a compelling solution to the puzzle of why the rich would ever peacefully agree to increases in taxation and redistribution that follow from suffrage extension (Meltzer and Richard 1981). For political scientists, works such as Boix’s (2003) framing of democratization as a high-stakes game between social classes echoes Dahl’s (1971) classic formulation of democratization as the result of the costs of suppression exceeding the costs of toleration. One could of course trace the basic idea back further: Marx, Machiavelli, and Aristotle all recognized that leaders were unwilling to make democratic concessions without the serious threat of revolt. The prima facie plausibility of the “threat of revolution” hypothesis also renders it an appealing explanation for other types of political outcomes, such as the creation of social insurance (Kim 2007). Support for the “threat of revolution” hypothesis has thus far come primarily in quantitative form. Przeworski (2008) uses Banks’ data on riots and strikes and his own dataset on suffrage extensions, though the fact that Banks’ data begins after WWI means that he is forced to exclude most cases of franchise extension in Europe from his analysis. -
Election Observation Table of Contents
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 25 AND 26 SEPTEMBER 1998 ODIHR ELECTION OBSERVATION TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION II SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS III THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK III.1 General III.2 The Electoral System III.3 Some Legal Issues IV THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION V VOTER AND CIVIC EDUCATION VI VOTER REGISTRATION VII CANDIDATE REGISTRATION VIII THE PRE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IX THE MEDIA X OBSERVATION ON POLLING DAY XI OBSERVATION OF COUNTING XII AGGREGATION AND VERIFICATION OF RESULTS XIII RECOMMENDATIONS 2 I. INTRODUCTION Upon invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic of 18 August 1998, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe=s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) established an Election Observation Mission in Slovakia for the 25 and 26 September Parliamentary elections. Ms. Helle Degn, President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Danish Parliament, was designated by the OSCE Chairman-in-Office as his Representative for the Election in Slovakia. Mr. Kåre Vollan was appointed by the ODIHR as the OSCE On-site Co-ordinator and Head of the ODIHR Election Observation Mission, and Ms Siri Skåre as Deputy Head upon being seconded by the Government of Norway. The OSCE was involved at an early stage in the pre-election process including a visit by the ODIHR Director, Ambassador Stoudmann, on February 6 and May 5-6, and a visit by the former President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly Mr. Javier Ruperez on May 4-5.