Is Leather Skirt Designed by Urameselgwa a Symbol of Datooga’S Identiy?

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Is Leather Skirt Designed by Urameselgwa a Symbol of Datooga’s Identity?

EMÍLIA BIHARIOVÁ Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovak Republic [email protected]

ABSTRACT

The paper focuses on the context of a traditional women’s wearing component – a leather skirt – on the example of the contemporary semi-nomadic Datooga1 and ideas, imaginations, and myths which this product of material culture represents. Analysis of the researched material composed from the statements of the daily users (married women) as well as the members of the society on example of the Datooga people (Buradiga subgroup) in a particular locality of Igunga district in Tanzania will demonstrate why the leather skirt, linked and designed by women’s deity Urameselgwa, is considered not only as a sign of marriage from the external perspective through outsider’s eyes, but mostly as an identification factor and strong cultural symbol through the Buradiga’s perception. The author explains how Urameselgwa is presented in the daily routine of the Buradiga’ women and which kind of privilege, so unique among East African pastoralists, is given to them by the wearing of the leather skirt transmitted from one generation to the other.

KEY WORDS: Buradiga, Datooga, identity, leather skirt, Urameselgwa

1 I use both names Datooga (a name for the whole ethnic group) and Buradiga (a name for one of the subgroups of Datooga people) when referring to the researched semi-nomads.

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Introduction While I was focusing on ethnographic data collection on educational efforts in the context of vanishing semi-nomadic way of the Datooga’s life in the Tabora region in Tanzania and consequently analysing the researched material, I formulated as one of the numerous reasons for avoiding schooling among these East African pastoralists, particularly girl’s schooling,2 an obvious fact – getting married in earlier age. Among the Datooga, a convenient age to get married for a girl is between 14 and 16 years, which is still equal to the schooling age. The situation around the attitude towards formal education could be expressed by a statement of one of my collaborators, a medicine man, who belongs to the first attendees of the local primary school (established in 1989) in the researched area: “Formal schooling itself is not bad, it is simply not in accordance with the Datooga’s mind. We are afraid that the young generation will leave the customs, the place of living and also the clan. They are already losing respect for the elders and there is a chance to abandon the religion for Christianity or Islam.” As declared one of the Buradiga men, the main protector of the customs and tradition in daily routine which form the social life among Datooga are women: “Mothers are looking to preserve tradition in the family, men are always in movement, going to the center, meetings, markets, sometimes absent all day, but women sustain the culture and highly influence children as well.” If we focus on women, one of the visual and typical signs of the Datooga’s customs and alive tradition is embodied by wearing a material component – a leather skirt, which symbolizes the status of a married woman. Such a ‘prehistoric’, ‘outdated’ and ‘smelly’ element of clothing by which are women widely recognized in the region, still current in various parts of Tanzania, where these semi-nomads are scattered, is from the outside perspective of neighbouring ethnic groups, travellers and even representatives of the state considered as a ‘leftover’ or better a surviving component of the pastoralists’ culture, a visual image. A question arises here: In the Datooga perspective, how much does the skirt influence the whole

2 More about girls’ schooling among the Datooga and schooling in general see: BIHARIOVÁ, Emília (2015): ‘We Don’t Need No Education’. A Case Study About Pastoral Datooga Girls in Tanzania. In Ethnologia Actualis 15 (2), pp. 30-45 and BIHARIOVÁ, Emília (2017): Education in a Context of Traditional Herding Life of Semi-nomads Datoga in Central Tanzania. PhD. Thesis. Trnava: University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius.

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women’s world and consequently the Datooga culture? What does the skirt signify and mean in the real life of a pastoralist’s woman? An ethnographic approach could help us to reveal miscellaneous layers of the skirt’s representation and help us to understand better the hidden context of skirt’s wearing, not yet fully explained by anthropologists, and detect various realities connected with this manifestation of Datooga’s material culture. If we consider Datooga culture as a system of symbols and meanings through which these semi-nomads live their culture, interpret their behaviour, even reality which surrounds them (SOUKUP 1994:147), the skirt is a key with its own sense, signification to the social reality not automatically known to the ‘outsiders’. Its meaning is lived in people’s mind, recognized and passed inside of the culture as a part of their human nature (GEERTZ 1973:45-46). outwardly expressed in a form of a material element. Though Goodenough does not consider material phenomenon as an expression of culture, but he made a clear point when postulating that culture is rather a complex recognition, set of knowledge, “it is the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them” (GOODENOUGH 1957:167). Through this perception, I consider women’s leather skirt not only as a sign of a marriage or a reason for schooling avoidance, but there is an inner deeper meaning which the skirt symbolizes. I argue that the skirt related to the women deity Urameselgwa3 is still a strong ethnic-identification factor of present-day Datooga culture, a core of their identity, valued among the society, though the cultural pattern is decaying in decades as a consequence of conversion, globalization as well as progressive assimilation of different Datooga groups4 (e.g. currently subgroup Bianjida near Itigi in central Tanzania) scattered in numerous Tanzanian districts what is substantiated by various anthropologists who studied the

3 Among the biggest group of Datooga, the Barabaig, r is pronounced as d, deity is known as Udamaselgwa. I prefer to use the spelling with r, typical for the Buradiga. There are several names of the Datooga used in the academic sphere, the variation Datooga is utilized mostly by anthropologists. 4 In the1990s, Ndagala (1991) recognized seven subgroups (Bajuta, Barabaig, Rotigenga, Ishimijenga, Buradiga, Gisamijanga, Bianjida), the decade before, Tomikawa (1979) mentioned thirteen, Kjearby (1976) noted less than eight groups and one of the first anthropologists who focused on the Datooga, Wilson (1952), is counting fifteen emojiga.

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Datooga5 people (WILSON 1952; KJEARBY 1976; TOMIKAWA 1979; NDAGALA 1991; YOUNG [online]6).

Methodology The results are based on the analysis of the researched material which I collected among the Datooga people – Buradiga in a particular locality of Igunga district, in a village Chagana, which consists of the statements of the daily users, married women, as well as the members of the society such as unmarried girls, converts, elders, medicine men and men in general. The ethnographic research in Chagana among Buratiga subgroup has been ongoing since 2015, with short-term repeat stays (2-3 months per year) and continuing up to the present time. The choice of Buradiga and locality was preceded by a pre-research (2013) among the semi-nomads, by a long-term relationship and interest (since 2011)7. The data consist of participant observation in the field, the core foundation of ethnology, in-depth interviewing with a semi-structured questionnaire (repeated) and group discussions, mostly among women. Through the ongoing time, I did background literature research focused on relevant and crucial information regarding the skirt and the Datooga deity Urameselgwa, which were published mostly by KLIMA 1970; BLYSTAD – REKDAL 2004; BLYSTAD 2004 and YOUNG 2008. I would like to mention some remarks on how I obtained the required data and which kind of obstacles aroused mostly regarding the Datooga women’s deity since it highly influences my research in the field. Though I have conducter the research in the Chagana locality since 2015, I have been in touch with Chagana’s Buradiga since 2011 and I could characterize my links with locals as respectable, correct, friendly and even familiar, I did not expect such a vacuum, silence when it came to a question from women’s side: “Can you tell me more about Urameselgwa?” “Who she was?” In the middle of a conversation, suddenly the women said: “I know nothing.” The question was accompanied among other women by a smile, or with

5 There are several names of the Datooga used in the academic sphere, the variation Datooga is utilized mostly by anthropologists, Datooga mostly by linguists. 6 Since it is not a published essay but a separate text on website dedicated to the Datooga, year of publication is missing. 7 In years 2011 till 2014 I was a volunteer and a teacher in Central Tanzania, this time was fruitful for understanding the educational system in Tanzania as well as observing and getting in touch with the Datooga people.

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no words, I experienced even a departure from the household of my host family of passing women when the question was asked. I realized the following problems when communicating with women: language, where my main collaborator, a man, could not be helpful as a translator from the Datooga language to Swahili; they did not want to talk in front of a man; a ‘sacred’ topic was discussed or/and they did not have enough knowledge of the topic. It required time in the field to find women who were able to speak in Swahili or translate the language if needed and elucidate the topic. I could rely mostly on the women with whom a close relationship was already built. While in contact with men, oral narrative linked with Masuja Gidawish, the cultural hero, was used as a way how to break or establish desirable atmosphere when investigating my researched topic regarding the skirt or the story of Urameselgwa. Pastoralists always used to repeat a quotation on different occasions: “We and wazungu8 are of the same origin.” or “I and you are the same.” In the beginning, I did not pay attention to deal with this quotation. Uncovering the meaning of this sentence, which is in accordance with a Datooga myth about Masuja, served as infiltration to the society. According to the oral narration, Masuja was created by God, but lately giving him so much trouble so God created other people to challenge Masuja (MHAJIDA 2019:44). He was fighting/arguing with the first Datooga people, the Bajuta9, who are stronger and cleverer. At the end of the story, Masuja left the earth and entered the water with words: “My offspring will come, with even more power and they will be white.” My awareness of the story with the declaration: “I’m the child of Masuja,” because of my colour and abilities (a high formal education, a mix of different experiences, etc.), was very much appreciated, in many cases with a laugh, as a sign of my respect, knowledge and interest in the Datooga and their stories and served as a way how to infiltrate the community. The main source of information regarding Urameselgwa were not surprisingly women but men – the elders and medicine men and close neighbours over 40 years, especially, the father of my host family, an excellent narrator, who grew up on oral Datooga stories from his Bajuta’s10 grandmother. Then, women aged over 40 who knew me personally from their

8 Expression for ‘white’ people. 9 The Datooga king is selected always from this subgroup. 10 The first of the subgroups which according to the myth rose from the earth.

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family celebrations were the crucial source regarding daily practices, rituals, and worshiping connected with Urameselgwa. The paper could be called a mosaic of partial information connected with Urameselgwa, focused on the sum of information about her and her meaning expressed through the skirt in the social life of the Datooga through my informants and studies of the relevant bibliography.

Figure 1: Location of Chagana, the map is available at http://52.172.159.94/index.php/epi/article/download/62365/48637

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The study population and research site Buradiga are a group of Datooga people, who live dispersed in different Tanzanian regions, mostly in the Singida and Tabora region. In the academic sphere and also in daily life, the use of diverse names are frequent (Datoga, Tatoga, Barabaig Wataturu, Manga’ti). The population of Buradiga is hard to estimate, the whole Datooga ethnic group is around 90 000 people (ELIFURAHA 2011:423) and at least two-thirds are formed by the Barabaig, concentrated mostly in Arusha region, the core Datooga area for centuries (BLYSTAD 2004:52). Another source, probably more relevant due to six years long research focused on production of a language atlas for Tanzania, mentions 138 777 Datooga people (MUZALE – RUGEMALIRA 2008:80). The Datooga language is linked to the Kalenjin cluster of the Southern Nilotic languages. The Buradiga are polygynous and patrilineal. The Buradiga are Nilotic pastoralists, still engaged in a semi-nomadic way of life. They herd cattle, sheep, goats, and donkeys and their livelihood is supplemented by farming and fishing. The household is an independent social and economic unit consisting of the head of the household, his wife or wives, children, and possibly with other related family members. Their life is still related to persistence on livestock, with retention of specific cultural traits and also with a long history of resistance against schooling. These pastoralists are perceived by neighbouring ethnic groups as ‘backward’ due to the keeping of cultural habits such as stealing cows, wearing a leather skirt, long abidance of indigenous religion or by low knowledge of Swahili, the main communicative language in Tanzania. However, Datooga culture is not stiff, but it is a subject of modernization manifested by sending pupils to the private boarding schools, buying motorcycles, solar panels or the use of smartphones with access to the social network such as Facebook or WhatsApp. The research was conducted among the Buradiga of Chagana (they represent 90% of the village population), administratively located in Itumba ward, Igunga District, Tabora region, 42 km to the south from the District town Igunga (Figure 1.). The village was settled in the 1960s when the first Buradiga families moved from the north-east and pushed Sukuma people more to the west. The area is bounded by Wembere swamp in the east – a source of water and a cause of recent, latently still present, Sukuma-Buradiga conflicts. The Buradiga represent a cultural wedge between the two Bantu ethnic groups (Iramba, Sukuma) with whom they live in relative symbiosis. Chagana is still a ‘remote’ area. The isolation is demonstrated by the absence of local transportation or roads, electricity supply, mobile signal coverage, source of drinking water and a lack of healthcare. Rice cultivation is an increasing predominant subsistence system in Chagana. It is a consequence of droughts in the 1980, cattle fines for different kind of offences or rinderpest

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but mostly as a result of the overpopulated area, currently with no pastures in municipal possession for communal ranging. All Buradiga, even the rich livestock owners, practice agriculture. The land is suitable for rice cultivation and more than a half of home consume bags is changed for maize, the cardinal component of the nourishment. The productivity of the land differs every year and is totally depended on the rain. The Buradiga still practice the seminomadic way of life. Migration of animals depends on the forage conditions and water availability, but mostly in the period of July – August, herds with shepherds move to the neighbouring regions (Shinyanga, Singida) or they prefer a closer area near Loya and Mwanzugi, both localities within two days of walking distance with the livestock (BIHARIOVÁ 2017:42). Usually, they return back in November during the beginning of the rainfall. The distribution of livestock (on the example of the research site) is unequal across the population, it varies from zero to 300 cows. The Buradiga still sustain their indigenous beliefs, although, since the 1990, two Christian missions (Pentecost, Catholic) have operated in the area but with a limited success (not more than 30 converts). Besides their evangelization activities, the missionaries promote schooling. Since my presence in the locality, educational efforts have risen (currently 16 children in private boarding schools) and the first student completed a full secondary level in 2017. Besides the mentioned ‘progress’ the educational process in the local primary school could be characterized by irregular attendance, high fallout of pupils, negative statistic regarding final examination, a bribe from parents’ side and low awareness of the benefit of schooling (BIHARIOVÁ 2017:73). I consider the continuity of indigenous belief and the resistance against schooling as two strong and important conserving factors regarding maintenance of cultural pattern, particularly, the custom of wearing the leather skirt.

Urameselgwa as a women’s deity Womens’ deity Urameselgwa is mentioned in previous works of different anthropologists. The most detail sources connected with this magician are provided by Klima, who mentions the myth of establishing marriage in details as well as the magico-religious significance of the skirt (Klima, 1970:88). His monograph based on fieldwork and focused on the Barabaig, the largest Datooga group, does not provide more information about who she really is, her story or her relevance to women’s daily life. The detailed information is also not fully incorporated in the other academics’ relevant papers connected with the Datooga’s deity (BLYSTAD 1996, BLYSTAD ‒ REKDAL 2004 or YOUNG [online]). Through oral history

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and the elders’ sum of information from the field as well as available data from anthropological literature regarding Urameselgwa, we can characterize her as follows: – a female deity – the meaning of her name means ‘famous women’ – a real person, who lived in the ‘old times’ before the Datooga split into subgroups – she never married and never had children – a part of ghaoga (a ritual clan) – she is connected with the myth of establishment of marriage – she taught women how to sew the leather skirt – women turn to her for help/blessing – she is worshiped during the important moments of life e.g. during the childbirth, she is praised for easy delivery; during the seventh month of pregnancy, the woman consumes a special Urameselgwa medicine, this ritual ensures an easy delivery, since then women can have sexual intercourse only with their husbands,11 the medicine is only known and prepared by an old Datooga woman; after the delivery, a sheep is slaughtered and called Urameselgwa sheep, the predominant purpose of this ritual meal is the recovery of the woman after childbirth, the meat is eaten by all present women, it is strictly prohibited to be eaten by men – this signifies the necessary balance between men’s and women’s world. – the procreative powers depend on the blessings of the God – the creator, Aseeta, as well as on Urameselgwa, what is expressed by a ritual song sung by women invoking fertility and captured by Blystad in the field among the Barabaig:

“Do give us babies… Udameeselgwa12, hayayahee, Udameeselgwa, hayoyahee. The one who does not marry.

11 Datooga practice marriage with several sexual partners classified as brothers or clan members of the husband to ensure wife’s pregnancy. 12 As already mentioned above, among Barabaig r is spelled as d.

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Why does she not marry? Her powers of blessing do not allow it. The great blessing. The mother who keeps watching. At the precarious time of labour. The one who supports without resting. The one who never betrays us. At the precarious time. You, the one who knows no resentment. Do give us children. And the leather slings in which to carry them” (BLYSTAD 1996:296).

Figure 2: The woman is sewing the stripes on the whole piece. Photo: author.

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Urameselgwa and her connection with the leather skirt As mentioned above, Urameselgwa is connected with the skirt through the tangibility of giving women the skill of how to sew it. Nevertheless, wearing a leather skirt among Datooga women conceals several layers with their own meaning, all of them in coherence with the women’s deity in its own manifestation. The visual cultural component symbolizes:

1. A status of a married women In Datooga society, every woman marries, whatever or not she is physically desirable to be eligible to wear the leather skirt. It is a legal process arranged by the parents, where the transaction of livestock forms the legal basis of the marriage system. According to the myth, the institution of marriage was created by the deity Urameselgwa. In Datooga oral narration women were moving from one homestead to another and stayed shortly with a man. If a child was born, a boy stayed with the father and a girl moved with her mother and follow women’s basic ‘semi-nomadic’ standard pattern. Men took care of everything in this pre-marriage period (KLIMA 1970:88), they were responsible for milking, cooking as well as herding. One day, women got tired of this situation and asked Urameselgwa. a powerful magician for help. She gave them magical medicine which the men drank together with milk without any knowledge and that night, each woman stayed with her man. According to the mythical story, slowly, the mind of the men has changed to respond to the women’s wishes.

2. A bond with a particular man Exact norms and customs come with the skirt e.g. a ritual of starting wearing the skirt through the wedding ceremony or a strict prohibition to remove it through the legs during the whole length of the particular marriage. The only possible way is through the head. The removal of the skirt via legs signifies a woman’s wish for her husband’s death. Undressing of the skirt through the legs is expected after the husband’s death. As a manifestation of mourning, the Buradiga women first tear the skirt in the front and as a part of closing funeral rituals, the skirt will be placed on the top of the tomb of the deceased man in the kraal13 and simultaneously replaced by a new one not related with the man. In the daily routine, the skirt is removed every evening before sleeping and hanged or used as a pillow. This undressing

13 An enclosure for cattle or sheep.

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could occur only in the house, in the woman’s bedroom, never outside, just as a procreation of the future offspring – inside of the house and in the marriage.

Figure 3: Capturing two women from the back side where the stripes from goat hide are situated. Photo: author.

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3. A magico-religious significance According to oral history, Urameselgwa taught women how to sew the skirt. A special sheepskin panel (from a sheep sacrificed at a ritual) is sewn in front of the skirt and it is believed to promote fertility (KLIMA 1970:9). Prohibitions of removing the skirt are related to potent fertility connotation, “the whole scope of the perpetuation of life” (JACOBSON – WIDDING – VAN BEEK 1990:15). A women’s role is closely linked with her ability to conceive and give birth to a child. Fertility plays an important role in the Datooga social life and takes place within a group of potential procreative partners of the husband’s clan brothers. “The celebration of fertility extends far beyond human physical procreation and penetrates and imparts meaning and knowledge to nearly every corner of Datooga life. Besides the obvious areas of concern – human and animal pregnancy and birth – metaphors for fertility are widespread, adding an association with procreation to practices, to rites de passage, and to mythical language” (BLYSTAD 2004:55). Fecundity in the African symbolic system as well as in social ensures continuity and maintenance of the social life (MOORE 1999:6) and this ‘procreative paradigm’ (HERBERT 1993) is giving meaning to the Datooga ritual’s world, especially among Nilotic female’s cosmology, which is brimming with female symbols (BURTON 1991:81). Equally, the potent coitus might lead to the notion of a new life, potent fertility as well as to infertility, to death, so feared among the Datooga. Looking closely at the production of the skirt, it consists of sheep, goat and cow hides, which are leached in human or cow urine mixed with water in a pot and left on the roof of the house in an effort to remove the fur and smoother them. Then the hides are cut and sewed (Figure 2.). The sheep panel, which is smoother, is in front, goat skins are from the back side, these goats skins are cut into strips (Figure 3.) and by walking they swirl around the hips. The hardest part of the skirt is formed by the cow hide panel, functioning as a band (Figure 4.) which assures the stability and adherence of the skirt to the body. A period of at least a month is needed to sew the skirt. Among the Buradiga, the skirt is not visible, a kanga14 is worn over it (Figure 5.). It is occasionally beaded (Figure 6., 7.), only rarely impregnated by ochre colour (Figure 8.). The skirt is prepared by the husband’s family. Nowadays, it represents quite an expensive component. In the Tanzanian currency, the skirt could reach 150 000 shillings (it is equal to

14 A piece of colourful light fabric, a type of Eastern Africa print clothing, functioning as an apron.

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a prize of a bicycle, to one calf and one well-nourished goat or almost 60 euro15). It is definitely more expensive than general clothes on the markets or in the shops, but with no ritual meaning and utterly out of ‘Uramaselgwa’s sphere’.

Figure 4: An old woman is repairing her leather skirt, on the left side in the upper part of the photo, a cow’s panel in a form of a belt is visible. Photo: author.

There have been some changes occurring within one generation as was found out in the field and confirmed by the daily users. Instead of smoothing the skirt by cow fat, perfumed jellies are used. The typical well-recognized smell of women is decreased (due to this factor women were driven out of e.g. waiting rooms in dispensaries). In the night, the skirt is not used as a pillow under the head as the older generation still performs but only hanged on a rope. Less awareness of sewing the skirt was notified among young girls and even married women. Not every married woman knows how to sew it and also not every woman is interested in being taught the skill (the youngest generation). There is even a trend to use a hired tailor. A new

15 1 EUR = 2,567, the rate could be found on https://www.xe.com/currencyconverter/convert/?Amount=150%2C000&From=TZS&To=EUR.

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rare habit of wearing such a component only for a wedding or a big celebration entered the Datooga space by educated girls who had the possibility to study. They do not follow the meaning and related to habits connected with this symbol, this behaviour is influenced also by conversion to Christianity.

Figure 5: Flowing wind is uncovering leather skirt of two women on the left side, kanga is worn on the top. . Photo: author.

During the data collection, the importance of wearing the skirt could be felt in the question of a large number of my men-collaborators: “If you marry a Buradiga, will you be able to wear a leather skirt?” The urgency of its meaning for pastoralists marks the uniqueness, importance and meaning of this component of material culture. Pentecostal missionaries who came to the researched locality in the 1990s conditioned joining the church by stopping wearing the skirt which indicated also an awareness of the preachers to the skirt’s ritual meaning. The Pentecostal community counts around 20-30 people and has not ‘prospered’ among the Buradiga, therefore, within the past decade, some changes in their

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attitude occurred. One of them relates to the prohibition of wearing the skirt, nowadays, they do not necessitate entering the church with its removal anymore.

Figure 6: A beaded front part of the skirt. Photo: author.

4. The highest ritual status (gijojenda) Married and consequently widowed Datooga women who wear the leather skirt can communicate with spirits and ancestors as mediators during a special sacred ritual. These women are only from the Bajuta group and they are known and respected among the whole Datooga society. To become such a mediator, the woman must be already widowed, with children, and must have gone through a period of aberrancy, losing her mind, to live as a ‘freak’ and later to come to her senses and be a part of the society again. This highest ritual status is reserved only for women and should be explained by the objective reality of the high social status of women, albeit the Datooga society is patriarchal and the real power is in the hands of men. Women, just as men can equally inherit cattle in a form of dowry, although inheritance is patrilineally determined. In reality, the inherited cattle from the father will be redistributed to the sons of his daughter. The existence of dowry gives a woman a certain economic influence in the relationship with her husband and could inflict tension between

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the husband and the wife, tension between the female and male space, a rigidity between sexes (KLIMA 1964:13). The importance of the dowry and its impact in daily routine is reflected in the common Datooga saying: “a high dowry use to close the husband’s mouth.” Such mediator helps with serious issues or problems thanks to her link to Urameselgwa. She could deal with the problem personally by giving an advice or as a mediator. She is mostly valued by her skills – to be a mediator through a sacred ritual located at the heart of Datooga tradition (BLYSTAD – REKDAL 2006:630), when different people are seeking for advice, a blessing from their own ancestors. The ritual takes place in her own house, where the woman is sitting in one room, while in the other one a crowd of people wait and consequently she can loudly, in darkness, communicate and solve problems with their own ancestors. Some of my Chagana informants attended such a ritual to deal with various problems e.g. an enormous loss of the livestock in the household; a problem to concieve a child; a reason of repeated divorces and a lack of ability to find a suitable husband; the reason of non-realization of promised prediction by the ancestors.

Figure 7: Another possibility of beaded decoration.Photo: author.

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5. A right to be a part and to attend women married meetings (girgweageeda gamemga) A group of married women holds certain rights, their legal status is reflected in the ‘council of women’, an important element in the jural institution of the Datooga (KLIMA 1964:12). The council is composed of the neighbourhood women (who wear the skirt, not converts, who are excluded), who collectively act as a judicial body against men who violated their rights. An offense against one woman in the neighbourhood is perceived as an offense against the whole group of women. Such a meeting can last several days. Women can also impose a sanction against the man who offended the rights of one of them. The council deprives the man of cattle which is the most valued property in the society and this system is validated by the myth linked with Urameselgwa. ‘Fine of the women’ relates to the promiscuous state before the establishment of marriage created by Urameselgwa. A bullock selected as a cattle fine is beaten with a stick by the women but not to the death after suffocated by men as at any ritual killing, no bones are broken or blood drawn, and consequently eaten by the group. Such a meeting when a man is judged by the council could be called when a man rapes a girl; or a man beats his wife over the head with a stick; for kicking the cooking stones, what means he is wishing she would die; if a man witnesses a childbirth; when a husband beats the wife in her convalescence period after childbirth; when he will send the wife naked home or when he refuses to provide an animal for a mother after childbirth in the neighbourhood. All mentioned reasons are still in accordance with Klima’s findings in the fifties among the biggest Datooga subgroup, Barabaig (KLIMA 1964:15). The group of women appears as a preservation of the social and legal status of women, a quite unique phenomenon among the pastoralists in Eastern Africa.

Discussion The results from the field indicate several outcomes: a little knowledge among young girls or married young women regarding Urameselgwa, about who she is, ‘her story’ and her connection with the skirt. This reaction was confirmed especially by a few young girls in the boarding schools who never heard about Urameselgwa (or have not heard yet), nor wish to wear one day a leather skirt, precisely an outcome, which the elders are afraid of. They are worried of the future changes and they connect them also with schooling or conversion to Christianity. Young married women pointed up that the skirt is a symbol of marriage. Not all women know how to sew it yet, but it does mean that older women have the ability of this skill. One of the

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informants, a woman in her proximate thirties mentioned her knowledge of sewing, but her old mother is/was never practicing it. Her peers were mentioning Urameselgwa as a synonym to the skirt.

Figure 8: An example of rare ochre leather skirt among Buradiga.. Photo: author.

I wrongly assumed little awareness among young women to be a sign of disinterest or losing of follow/up with the ‘cultural pattern’. In the Datooga society, everything has its right time to learn, to transfer to the next generation e.g. the medicine for pregnant women is prepared by old women, they can transfer the knowledge only to the widowed women, without

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procreative days, the consumers of the medicine are aware of only their obligation to swallow it. An intriguing finding is required to bring up. Older women were the proper source when it came to rituals linked with worshiping of Urameselgwa in their daily life, or how to make a skirt and describe the whole process. They transfer the practical skills about the deity, not the theoretical sum about the awareness of her detailed story. Elders and most of the medicine men, contrary, were the cardinal source about the story of Urameslegwa and several of men’ collaborators actively participated in the ritual gijojenda performed by a special old widowed woman.

Conclusion All mentioned discussed aspects – marriage, fertility, possibility to inherit cows in a form of dowry, to be part of the women council, be the carrier of the highest ritual position – are bonded with Urameselgwa and are expressed by wearing the leather skirt, which is still worn in the researched area inhabited by Buradiga women in Igunga district. Though the skirt is from the outside perspective perceived as a leftover or a reminder of the ‘old times’, contrary, from the Datooga’s perspective, it gives women certain rights, a high social and ritual status in the pastoralists’ society, unique in the wider view when considering East African pastoralists. The system of Datooga’s ideas, thoughts, norms, and rituals gives a sense to the wearing of the skirts, through which the group of women represents themselves. The skirt is a manifestation of the Buradiga’s identity, which is embedded in the remembered past transferred from one generation to the other in the ‘right’ time. Women transfer the knowledge to the daughters and daughters-in-law by teaching them how to sew it, how to worship or pray to Urameselgwa, so they transfer the practical skills. Men, on the contrary, treasure the theoretical sum of myths, ideas, and their meaning. Coming back to the presumption mentioned at the beginning regarding schooling, it is not simply a right to wear the skirt, through which the society urges girls to marry, but also it is a ‘ticket’ to the Datooga women’s world, a guarantee to sustain the identity of the ethnic group.

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Emília Bihariová († 2019) was an Assistant Professor in the Department of Ethnology and World Studies at the University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava. Her research focused on changes in the pastoralists’ life of semi-nomadic Datooga in Eastern Africa, writing on subjects of educational issues, girls’ schooling, identity, ritual and impact of Christianity. She conducted research on ethnic conflict among Datooga and their Bantu neighbors in central Tanzania as well as on pastoral Maasai and their ability to adapt in the urban area on the example of Stone Town, Zanzibar.