The Tunisian Transition: Torn Between Democratic Consolidation and Neo-Conservatism in an Insecure Regional Context
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Ennahda's Approach to Tunisia's Constitution
BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER ANALYSIS PAPER Number 10, February 2014 CONVINCE, COERCE, OR COMPROMISE? ENNAHDA’S APPROACH TO TUNISIA’S CONSTITUTION MONICA L. MARKS B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha TABLE OF C ONN T E T S I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. Diverging Assessments .................................................................................................4 IV. Ennahda as an “Army?” ..............................................................................................8 V. Ennahda’s Introspection .................................................................................................11 VI. Challenges of Transition ................................................................................................13 -
In Tunisia Policies and Legislations Related to the Democratic Transition
Policies and legislations The constitutional and legal framework repre- sents one of the most important signs of the related to the democratic transition in Tunisia. Especially by establishing rules, procedures and institutions in order to achieve the transition and its goals. Thus, the report focused on further operatio- nalization of the aforementioned framework democratic while seeking to monitor the events related to, its development and its impact on the transi- tion’s path. Besides, monitoring the difficulties of the second transition, which is related to the transition and political conflict over the formation of the go- vernment and what’s behind the scenes of the human rights official institutions. in Tunisia The observatorypolicies and rightshuman and legislation to democratic transition related . 27 Activating the constitutional and legal to submit their proposals until the end of January. Then, outside the major parties to be in the forefront of the poli- the committee will start its action from the beginning of tical scene. framework for the democratic transition February until the end of April 2020, when it submits its outcome to the assembly’s bureau. The constitution of 2015 is considered as the de facto framework for the democratic transition. And all its developments in the It is reportedly that the balances within the council have midst of the political life, whether in texts or institutions, are an not changed numerically, as it doesn’t witness many cases The structural and financial difficulties important indicator of the process of transition itself. of changing the party and coalition loyalties “Tourism” ex- The three authorities and the balance cept the resignation of the deputy Sahbi Samara from the of the Assembly Future bloc and the joining of deputy Ahmed Bin Ayyad to among them the Dignity Coalition bloc in the Parliament. -
Youth Engagement and Empowerment Report
Youth Engagement and Empowerment In Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia Agenda Youth Engagement and Empowerment In Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia November 2018 version TABLE OF CONTENTS │ 3 Table of contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 5 Notes .................................................................................................................................................... 6 Chapter 1. Towards national integrated youth strategies ................................................................. 7 Jordan ................................................................................................................................................... 7 Morocco ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Tunisia ............................................................................................................................................... 10 Good practices from OECD countries ............................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2. Strengthening the formal body responsible for co-ordinating youth policy and inter-ministerial co-ordination ........................................................................................................... 13 Jordan ................................................................................................................................................ -
[Tunisia, 2013-2015] Tunisia
Case Study Series Women in Peace & Transition Processes: [Tunisia, 2013-2015] December 2019 Name of process Tunisia Constituent Assembly (2013-2015) and National Dialogue Type of process Constitution-making The role of women in resolving Tunisia’s post-“Arab Spring” political crisis, which and political reform peaked in 2013, was limited, but not insignificant. Institutionalized influence Modality of women's was very limited: there was no formal inclusion of women’s groups in the main inclusion: negotiations of the 2013/2014 National Dialogue and the influence of organized • Consultations advocacy was also limited in the pre-negotiation and implementation phases. • Inclusive commission For example, the women’s caucus formed in the Tunisian National Constituent • Mass mobilization Assembly (Tunisia’s Parliament from the end of 2011 to 2014, hereafter NCA) Women’s influence could not prevail over party politics and was not institutionalized. However, in the process: individual women played decisive roles in all three phases: one of the four main Moderate influence due to: civil society mediators, who not only facilitated the main negotiations, but also • + The progressive legislation in initiated the dialogue process and held consultations to determine the agenda Tunisia on women's rights and in the pre-negotiation phase, was a woman, (Ouided Bouchamaoui President political participation of the Tunisian Union of Industry, Commerce and Crafts (UTICA), from 2011 • + The influential role and status to 2018). A small number of women represented political parties in the of individual women negotiations of the National Dialogue. And women were active in consultations • - The lack of organized and group-specific women's and commissions concerning the National Dialogue, before, in parallel or after involvement the main negotiation period, for example in the consensus committee of the • - The involvement of relatively National Constituent Assembly. -
Middle East Brief, No
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director and Professor of Politics Islamists in Power and Women’s Rights: Shai Feldman Associate Director The Case of Tunisia Kristina Cherniahivsky Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor Carla B. Abdo-Katsipis of Middle East History and Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi uch scholarship has been devoted to the question Myra and Robert Kraft Professor Mof Islamist governance, its compatibility with of Arab Politics Eva Bellin democracy, and its sociopolitical implications for women. Henry J. Leir Professor of the Some assert that Islamists cannot be in support of Economics of the Middle East democracy, and women who support democracy would not Nader Habibi support Islamists, as traditional Muslim law accords women Renée and Lester Crown Professor 1 of Modern Middle East Studies fewer rights than men. In the context of the 2010-11 Jasmine Pascal Menoret Revolution in Tunisia, many asked whether Tunisian Senior Fellows women would lose rights, particularly those concerning Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD 2 Kanan Makiya personal status and family law, when the Islamist political party Ennahda won 41 percent of the votes in the 2011 Goldman Senior Fellow Khalil Shikaki, PhD Constituent Assembly elections and maintained a significant 3 Research Fellow proportion of seats in subsequent elections. Monica Marks David Siddhartha Patel, PhD elaborates on this concern, explaining that those opposed Marilyn and Terry Diamond to Ennahda believed that it would “wage a war against Junior Research Fellow Mohammed Masbah, PhD women’s rights, mandate the hijab, and enforce a separate Neubauer Junior Research Fellow sphere ethos aimed at returning Tunisia’s feminists back to Serra Hakyemez, PhD their kitchens.”4 Junior Research Fellows Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux, PhD This Brief argues that Ennahda’s inclusion in Tunisia’s government has had Ahmad Shokr, PhD a counterintuitive impact on gender-based progress in the country. -
Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a Series)
human rights & human welfare a forum for works in progress working paper no. 60 Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) by Rob Prince University of Denver Posted on 16 October 2010 http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working/2010/60-prince-2010.pdf © Rob Prince. All rights reserved. This paper may be freely circulated in electronic or hard copy provided it is not modified in any way, the rights of the author not infringed, and the paper is not quoted or cited without express permission of the author. The editors cannot guarantee a stable URL for any paper posted here, nor will they be responsible for notifying others if the URL is changed or the paper is taken off the site. Electronic copies of this paper may not be posted on any other website without express permission of the author. The posting of this paper on the hrhw working papers website does not constitute any position of opinion or judgment about the contents, arguments or claims made in the paper by the editors. For more information about the hrhw working papers series or website, please visit the site online at http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/working Tunisia–The Imprisonment of Fahem Boukadous (Part One of a series) August 2, 2010 “The only way that the [Tunisian] state deals with social problems is with police repression” -Moktar Trifi, President of the Tunisian League of Human Rights By Rob Prince (Note: it has come to my attention that this little harmless blog is currently censored by the Tunisian government, meaning that the content is blocked by the authorities there. -
089688/EU XXIV. GP Eingelangt Am 08/08/12
089688/EU XXIV. GP Eingelangt am 08/08/12 COUNCIL OF Brussels, 8 August 2012 THE EUROPEAN UNION 13107/12 ADD 1 DEVGEN 229 RELEX 745 ACP 157 COHAFA 106 WTO 285 ONU 106 OCDE 6 COVER NOTE from: Secretary-General of the European Commission, signed by Mr Jordi AYET PUIGARNAU, Director date of receipt: 6 August 2012 to: Mr Uwe CORSEPIUS, Secretary-General of the Council of the European Union No Cion doc.: SWD(2012) 242 final Subject: COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Accompanying the document REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Delegations will find attached Commission document SWD(2012) 242 final. ________________________ Encl.: SWD(2012) 242 final 13107/12 ADD 1 GLF/lk 1 DG C 1 EN EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 6.8.2012 SWD(2012) 242 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 Accompanying the document REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE COUNCIL AND THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Annual Report 2012 on the European Union's Development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2011 {COM(2012) 444 final} EN EN Chapter 1 - Delivering on commitments.................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 5 1. EU response to world developments in 2011............................................................... 7 2 Leading the way in development policy ...................................................................... 9 2.1 A more strategic approach: the Agenda for Change & the reform of budget support ........ -
Mccain, Menendez and CTC Congratulate Tunisian Elections; ISIE Releases Preliminary Results
McCain, Menendez and CTC Congratulate Tunisian Elections; ISIE Releases Preliminary Results Photo Credit: France TV Info Rep. David Schweikert (R-AZ) and Rep. Alcee L. Hastings (D-FL) who co-chair the Congressional Tunisian Caucus (CTC) “commended the Tunisian people on their highly successful legislative elections,” stating they were “certain that these historic elections will help to lay the foundation for a democratic and prosperous future in Tunisia,” and looked “forward to working with the newly elected officials to forge closer bonds between,” the two nations. Hastings added that he looked “forward to the opportunity to meet and work with our newly elected counterparts in the Parliament of Tunisia in order to continue strengthening the longstanding strategic partnership between our two countries.” Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) also “congratulated the Tunisian people on the successful conclusion of the first legislative elections conducted under Tunisia’s new constitution,” and hoped that “the new parliament will work to achieve the aspirations of the Tunisian people,” urging them to “undertake the difficult reforms that will be necessary to create economic opportunities and a better quality of life for the people of Tunisia.” Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ), Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also congratulated “the people of Tunisia on the peaceful and democratic election of their new parliament,” and commended the Tunisian leaders “for their commitment to dialogue, pluralism, and consensus.” Based on the preliminary results released by the ISIE, Nidaa Tounes succeeded in securing 85 seats. While the party won more seats than any other competitor, it failed to gain an outright majority in the Assembly, which means it will be required to form a coalition with other seat holders in order to form a government. -
1955 Charrad Ben Youssef 2001
States and Women's Rights The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco Mounira M. Charrad University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London © 2001 The Regents of the University of California Party, Islam, and Tribe: Internal Conflicts The nationalist party maintained consensus during most of the nationalist period. Internal conflicts broke out between rival factions, however, at the eve of independence from colonial rule when power in a sovereign state appeared to be a concrete possibility. The outcome of the conflicts looked quite uncertain at the time, as it was unclear which faction would take power and what kind of state would develop in independent Tunisia. Two nationalist leaders symbolized the contending tendencies: the reformist Bourguiba and the pan-Islamist Ben Youssef, his opponent who rallied enough support to pose a serious challenge. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef disagreed on the strategy to gain sovereignty, appealed to different constituencies, offered different visions of a future Tunisia, and had different outside allies. Regardless of the ideological distance separating the two men at the start of the conflict, Bourguiba's and Ben Youssef's positions hardened as each found a different source of support in the course of the nationalist struggle. Bourguiba and Ben Youssef gradually became spokesmen for different sectors of Tunisian society. In general terms, Ben Youssef appealed to those nationalist forces—tribal groups, uprooted rural migrants to cities, and the religious establishment—that perceived national sovereignty as an opportunity to restore a (partly real and partly imagined) Tunisian past, which they felt had been scoffed at by the colonial regime. -
Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control. -
2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology ............................. -
Voting Islamist Or Voting Secular? an Empirical Analysis of Election Outcomes in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition 2011-2014
Voting Islamist or Voting Secular? An empirical analysis of election outcomes in Tunisia’s democratic transition 2011-2014. Degree Programme: MSc Comparative Politics Word Count: 9,874 Contents Voting Islamist or Voting Secular? An empirical analysis of election outcomes in Tunisia’s democratic transition 2011- 2014. .............................................................................................................................................................. 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Ennahda: a brief survey ................................................................................................................................ 4 Overview of the Transitional Period & Institutional Set Up of the 2011 and 2014 elections ....................... 6 Literature Review ........................................................................................................................................ 10 A Typology of Islamist Voting ............................................................................................................... 11 Dependent Variables ................................................................................................................................... 14 Independent Variables and Hypotheses ...................................................................................................... 14 Data Limitations and Theoretical Caveats .................................................................................................