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Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control. -
2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology ............................. -
Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction -
Operation Carthage
Credits For the Digital Forensic Research Lab Principal researcher and author Andy Carvin, Senior Fellow Editorial support Luiza Bandeira, Research Associate Graham Brookie, Director and Managing Editor Iain Robertson, Deputy Managing Editor Research support Nika Aleksejeva, Research Associate, Baltics Alyssa Kann, Research Assistant Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Ayushman Kaul, Research Assistant, South Asia Tessa Knight, Research Assistant, Southern Africa Jean le Roux, Research Associate, Southern Africa Roman Osadchuk, Research Assistant Esteban Ponce de Leon, Research Assistant, Latin America Cover design Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Find us online: digitalsherlocks.org facebook.com/dfrlab twitter.com/dfrlab [email protected] 1 Executive Summary A Tunisia-based company operated a sophisticated digital campaign involving multiple social media platforms and websites in an attempt to influence the country’s 2019 presidential election, as well as other recent elections in Africa. In an exclusive investigation that began in September 2019, the DFRLab uncovered dozens of online assets with connections to Tunisian digital communications firm UReputation. On June 5, 2020, after conducting its own investigation, Facebook announced it had taken down more than 900 assets affiliated with the UReputation operation, including 182 user accounts, 446 pages, and 96 groups, as well as 209 Instagram accounts. The operation also involved the publication of multiple Francophone websites, some going back more than five years. In a statement, a Facebook spokesperson said these assets were removed for violating the company’s policy against foreign interference, which is coordinated inauthentic behavior on behalf of a foreign entity. “The individuals behind this activity used fake accounts to masquerade as locals in countries they targeted, post and like their own content, drive people to off-platform sites, and manage groups and pages posing as independent news entities,” the spokesperson said. -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021. -
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Tunisia September 24 – October 11, 2020 Detailed Methodology
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Tunisia September 24 – October 11, 2020 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted by a Tunisian-owned and operated marketing research firm, ELKA Consulting, on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • Data was collected from September 24 – October 11, 2020 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes by trained interviewers in Arabic. All data was collected on CAPI Solution tablets. • The national sample consisted of n=1,200 respondents and is representative of the population of Tunisia aged 18 and older. • Respondents were selected using a multi-stage stratification proportionate to population size. Stratification was based on three stages: a proportional division among Tunisia’s 24 governorates; proportional division of urban and rural categories; and proportional division by gender and age group according to the most up-to-date data from Tunisia’s National Statistics Institute collected in 2014. The sample was then post-weighted to make it proportionate to national representation by governorate, as well as adjusted for gender and age. • Each governorate was divided into territorial sections or districts. In each territorial section, at least one sampling point was selected with the overall number of points determined by population density. Sampling points were distributed proportionally between rural and urban areas in every governorate and in every geographical section of the governorate. • Households were selected using a random route method. A left-hand rule was employed to attempt interviews at every third household encountered along the route. • The Kish grid method was used to select respondents 18 years and older within randomly selected households. -
Tunisia: in Brief
Tunisia: In Brief Updated March 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21666 Tunisia: In Brief Summary As of March 15, 2020, Tunisia had initiated travel restrictions and other emergency measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, having reported at least 20 confirmed domestic cases. Tunisia remains the sole country to have made a durable transition to democracy as a result of the 2011 “Arab Spring.” An elected assembly adopted a new constitution in 2014 and Tunisians have since held two competitive national elections—most recently in late 2019—resulting in peaceful transfers of power. Tunisia has also taken steps toward empowering local-level government, with landmark local elections held in 2018. Yet the economy has suffered due to domestic, regional, and global factors, driving public dissatisfaction with political leaders. High unemployment and inflation, unpopular fiscal austerity measures, and concerns about corruption have spurred protests, labor unrest, and a backlash against mainstream politicians in recent years. Voters in the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections largely rejected established parties and candidates in favor of independents and non-career politicians. The results unsettled Tunisia’s previous political alliances and may have implications for the future contours of its foreign relations and economic policies. Newly elected President Kais Saïed, who ran as an independent, is a constitutional scholar known for his socially conservative views and critique of Tunisia’s post-2011 political system. The self-described “Muslim democrat” party Al Nahda secured a slim plurality in parliament, but it has lost seats in each successive election since 2011. After protracted negotiations, a technocrat designated by President Saïed, Elyes Fakhfakh, secured parliamentary backing for a coalition government in late February 2020. -
Tunisia: in Brief
Tunisia: In Brief Alexis Arieff Specialist in African Affairs Updated March 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RS21666 Tunisia: In Brief Summary As of March 15, 2020, Tunisia had initiated travel restrictions and other emergency measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, having reported at least 20 confirmed domestic cases. Tunisia remains the sole country to have made a durable transition to democracy as a result of the 2011 “Arab Spring.” An elected assembly adopted a new constitution in 2014 and Tunisians have since held two competitive national elections—most recently in late 2019—resulting in peaceful transfers of power. Tunisia has also taken steps toward empowering local-level government, with landmark local elections held in 2018. Yet the economy has suffered due to domestic, regional, and global factors, driving public dissatisfaction with political leaders. High unemployment and inflation, unpopular fiscal austerity measures, and concerns about corruption have spurred protests, labor unrest, and a backlash against mainstream politicians in recent years. Voters in the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections largely rejected established parties and candidates in favor of independents and non-career politicians. The results unsettled Tunisia’s previous political alliances and may have implications for the future contours of its foreign relations and economic policies. Newly elected President Kais Saïed, who ran as an independent, is a constitutional scholar known for his socially conservative views and critique of Tunisia’s post-2011 political system. The self-described “Muslim democrat” party Al Nahda secured a slim plurality in parliament, but it has lost seats in each successive election since 2011. -
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition Lilia Labidi, Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center, and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia Women gained the right to vote in the Arab and Muslim worlds at different times that varied from country to country. In some countries this took place in the 1930s, and the most recent one was in 2011 (see Appendix 1). The 1980s marked a turning point in most of these countries because of the emergence of new women elites—women who had benefitted from the improved health services that had lowered the rate of maternal mortality and access to their countries’ universities and to the labor force (see Appendix 2, 3). By the 2000s, these elites were demanding greater participation in formal politics and the application of quotas, which stipulated that women are guaranteed a certain proportion of representatives in elected bodies (see Appendix 4). Images showing women in several countries waiting in long lines to vote appeared in newspapers, on television, and, most recently, on social media. These images had a great impact on the political education of the region’s youth. The “Arab Spring” was one of the expressions of this.1 The younger generations are increasingly hostile to forms of discrimination, including when women candidates are not allowed to put their photographs on political posters whereas men are allowed to do this2 or when possible women presidential candidates are rejected in some countries and accepted in others.3 Our question here is whether all these factors are enough to produce a new political culture that includes women and whether we see changes in the behavior of the political elites, particularly in the Tunisian context. -
A State in Society the Identity of the Tunisian State in the Constitution
A State in society The identity of the Tunisian state in the Constitution. Sadok BELAID Looking back at a founding ambiguity The question of the identity of the State is an old one, which has been asked since the very first days of Tunisian independence. That was the first time that power had been Tunisian – embodied by Tunisians, for Tunisians. Consequently, Tunisia has only been wrestling with such matters of identity since 1956. To understand the terms in which the question arises today, it is essential to look back at what was decided at the time of independence. We must look back at the key episodes in the conflict over the State's identity to understand how it shapes today's political forces in Tunisia. In the 1950s, with the advent of independence, two opposing visions emerged: on the one hand, a traditionalist view, more "Zitouna" than Muslim Brotherhood, built and advocated by sheikhs and by professors at Zitouna University, who tried to transplant their vision into the constitution; and, on the other, the vision of those close to Neo-Destour. It was the first time the Tunisian State had been independent, sovereign. It encountered all the difficulties that every religious country in the world faces: the difficulties of religion. Habib Bourguiba then found an ingenious compromise: he created a misunderstanding of the nature of the Tunisian State and enshrined it in the Constitution of 1959. That misunderstanding left everybody satisfied: some said the State was conservative, while others claimed it was liberal and reformist. The ambiguity ran deep and attracted criticism from some advocates of more radical approaches, but, when the time came, Bourguiba silenced them all, banging his fist on the table and declaring, "this is the way it is going to be". -
The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean
3 IAI Research Papers T The IAI Research Papers are brief monographs written by one or This volume is the product of a conviction regarding the HE importance of sustainability in understanding Mediterranean C HE HALLENGES more authors (IAI or external experts) on current problems of inter- HALLENGES T C N. 1 European Security and the Future national politics and international relations. The aim is to promote politics. Too often state sustainability had been erroneously of Transatlantic Relations, greater and more up to date knowledge of emerging issues and edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Erik Jones, 2011 confused with regime stability. Not only are these two concepts OF STATE SUSTAINABILITY trends and help prompt public debate. N. 2 Democracy in the EU after the Lisbon Treaty, distinct, with sustainability being broader and deeper than edited by Raaello Matarazzo, 2011 stability. Also, pursuing regime stability has often acted to the OF S IN THE EDITERRANEAN A non-prot organization, IAI was founded in 1965 by Altiero Spinelli, M N. 3 The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean, detriment of state sustainability. The conviction underpinning this TATE its rst director. edited by Silvia Colombo and Nathalie Tocci, 2011 research has been corroborated by the events that have S The Institute aims to promote understanding of international politics overwhelmed the Arab world since December 2010. Indeed, the USTAINABILITY through research, promotion of political ideas and strategies, disse- year 2011 will go down in history as a critical turning point in the mination of knowledge and education in the eld of foreign policy. -
Is Rached Ghannouchi Ennahda's President for Life?
IS RACHED GHANNOUCHI ENNAHDA’S PRESIDENT FOR LIFE? Leadership Struggles Pose Challenge to Tunisia’s Largest Party ANNE WOLF July 2021 IS RACHED GHANNOUCHI ENNAHDA’S PRESIDENT FOR LIFE? Leadership Struggles Pose Challenge to Tunisia’s Largest Party Anne Wolf JULY 2021 ABOUT THE AUTHOR ANNE WOLF is a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Project on Middle East Democracy, as well as a fellow at All Souls College, University of Oxford, and an associate editor at the Journal of North African Studies. She has published numerous articles on North African affairs, particularly on Tunisia, and is the author of Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda (Oxford University Press, 2017), which won the CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title. Dr. Wolf’s previous writings for POMED include “Ennahda’s Past, Present and Future: Anne Wolf Discusses Her Book Political Islam in Tunisia” (June 2019); “Beji Caid Essebsi: The Old Guard Member Who Helped Build Tunisia’s Democracy” (July 2019); and “The Counterrevolution Gains Momentum in Tunisia: The Rise of Abir Moussi” (November 2020). Her current research focuses on the Ben Ali regime and authoritarian resilience in Tunisia after the 2010–11 uprisings. @AnneMWolf ABOUT THE PROJECT ON MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY (POMED) THE PROJECT ON MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization based in Washington, DC, that is dedicated to examining how genuine democracies can develop in the Middle East and how the United States can best support that process. Through dialogue, research, and advocacy, POMED works to strengthen the constituency for U.S. policies that peacefully support democratic reform in the Middle East.