I “I Believe”: the Credo in Music, 1300 to 1500 by Harrison Basil Russin

Home , Caterina Dominici, Confiteor, Credo, Cyclic mass, Eternal Rest, John of Ruusbroec

“I Believe”: The Credo in Music, 1300 to 1500

Harrison Basil Russin

Department of Music Duke University

Date:______Approved:

______Thomas Brothers, Advisor

______Julie Cumming

______Philip Rupprecht

______Roseen Giles

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University

2021

ABSTRACT

“I Believe”: The Credo in Music, 1300 to 1500

Harrison Basil Russin

Department of Music Duke University

Date:______Approved:

______Thomas Brothers, Advisor

______Julie Cumming

______Philip Rupprecht

______Roseen Giles

An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University

2021

Abstract

The Credo is a liturgical and musical outlier among the movements of the mass ordinary. It is the longest text of the ordinary, was the latest addition to the mass, and is the locus of several odd musical phenomena, such as the proliferation of dozens of new monophonic settings of the creed between the years 1300 and 1500. These musical and liturgical phenomena have been noted but little studied; furthermore, the reasons underlying these changes have not been explained or studied. This dissertation analyzes the musical features of the Credo in monophony and polyphony, and sets the music within a broader late medieval cultural background.

The research herein is multidisciplinary, using the primary sources of the music—much of which remains unedited in manuscripts—as well as the works of medieval writers, theologians, liturgists, clergy, canon lawyers, and laypeople. The overarching goal is to contextualize the musical Credo by examining the Credo’s place in late medieval religious and devotional culture.

The argument and conclusion of this dissertation is that the odd musical phenomena surrounding the late medieval Credo can be illuminated and explained by placing it within its context. Specifically, the Credo is a major aspect of catechism, devotion, and liturgy, and musical, literary, and theological treatments of the Credo text within each of those categories help to explain its musical status.

Dedication

To Gabrielle

Credo, Domine; adjuva incredulitatem meam.

Mark 9:23

Contents

Abstract ...... iv

List of Tables ...... xi

List of Figures ...... xii

Acknowledgements ...... xv

1. Introduction ...... 1

1.1 The Credo as Part of the Mass Ordinary ...... 3

1.2 Musical phenomenon of the Credo: late medieval monophony ...... 8

1.3 An Outline of This Dissertation ...... 13

1.3.1 Chapter Two: The History of the Creed Within Christian Worship ...... 13

1.3.2 Chapter Three: The Monophonic Melodies of the Credo ...... 16

1.3.3 Chapter Four: The Credo and Catechism ...... 18

1.3.4 Chapter Five: The Credo and Devotion ...... 21

1.3.5 Chapter Six: The Credo and the Liturgy ...... 22

1.4 Notes on Terminology ...... 24

2. The History of the Creed Within Christian Worship ...... 27

2.1 The Creed in the Liturgy ...... 29

2.1.1 The Creed in Liturgies of Baptism ...... 29

2.1.1.1 From the New Testament to Nicaea ...... 29

2.1.1.2 From Nicaea to the Sixth Century ...... 35

2.1.1.3 The Recitation of the Creed at Baptism after the 6th Century in the Latin West ...... 44

2.1.2 The Creed in the Eucharistic Liturgy ...... 49

2.1.2.1 The Eucharistic Liturgy in the Greek East ...... 49

2.1.2.2 The Creed in the Latin Mass ...... 54

2.2 The Text of the Creed ...... 62

2.3 Charlemagne and the Creed ...... 69

3. The Monophonic Melodies of the Credo ...... 77

3.1 Period I: The Origins of the Plainchant Credo, ca. 800–1300 ...... 79

3.1.1 The earliest sources for the Credo in Plainchant ...... 79

3.1.2 The Possible Eastern Origin of the Western Credo Melodies ...... 87

Aside: Was the Creed sung in the Greek liturgy? ...... 94

3.1.3 Analysis of the Structure of Credo I ...... 96

3.1.4 Arguments for a borrowed Greek melody ...... 107

3.2 Period II: Canto fratto and late medieval melodies, 1300–1500 ...... 111

3.2.1 The origin of canto fratto Credos ...... 112

3.2.2 14th-century evidence for the beginnings of Canto Fratto ...... 114

3.2.3 Early mass polyphony and its relationship to the Credo ...... 116

3.2.4 Descriptions of the Canto Fratto melodies ...... 125

3.2.4.1 Rhythmic versions of Credo I ...... 125

3.2.4.2 Credo Cardinalis (M279) ...... 126

3.2.4.3 Credo Apostolorum (M319) ...... 127

3.2.4.4 Other canto fratto Credo melodies ...... 129

3.3 Conclusion ...... 132

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4. The Credo and Catechism ...... 133

4.1 The Teaching of the Creed up to the Twelfth Century ...... 134

4.2 The Twelfth Century ...... 139

4.2.1 The Twelfth-century “Renaissance” ...... 139

4.2.2 Faith and reason in the 12th century ...... 141

4.2.3 Lateran IV: A Watershed for the Teaching of the Creed ...... 145

4.2.3 Teaching the Creed in England ...... 149

4.2.3.1 Oculus Sacerdotis ...... 150

4.2.4 Teaching the Creed in France ...... 152

4.2.5 Teaching the Creed in Italy ...... 153

4.3 The success of the project of teaching the Creed ...... 156

4.3.1 Chaucer and Dante ...... 157

4.3.2 Piers Plowman ...... 160

4.3.3 The Pearl Poem ...... 166

4.3.4 Literary evidence from later centuries ...... 167

4.4 The Credo Cardinalis ...... 168

4.5 Conclusion ...... 178

5. The Credo and Devotion ...... 179

5.1 A definition of medieval religious devotion ...... 180

5.2 The Credo in Art ...... 183

5.2.1 Painting as devotional ...... 185

5.2.2 Credo painting as devotional and catechetical ...... 187

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5.2.2.1 Credo Tapestries and Woodcuts ...... 190

5.2.3 The Credo in Siena ...... 192

5.2.4 Other themes in the Credo in Art ...... 195

5.3 Literary witnesses of the Credo’s devotional use ...... 196

5.3.1 Joinville’s Credo ...... 196

5.3.2 Lay-folks Mass Book ...... 198

5.3.3 The Creed in English drama cycles ...... 200

5.3.4 The Creed and mystical devotion ...... 202

5.3.4.1 Jan van Ruusbroec ...... 202

5.3.4.2 Julian of Norwich ...... 204

5.4 Evidence in canonical commentaries ...... 206

5.5 Summary of the Credo in Devotional culture ...... 209

5.6 Musical examples of devotional uses of the Credo ...... 210

5.6.1 Choreography of the Credo during Mass ...... 210

5.6.2 Homophonic moments in polyphonic Credos ...... 211

5.6.3 Devotional moments in monophonic Credos ...... 222

5.6.3.1 Fermatas ...... 223

5.6.3.2 Repeated text ...... 229

5.6.3.3 Colored Text ...... 230

5.7 Conclusion ...... 233

6. The Credo and the Liturgy ...... 234

6.1 Liturgical Commentaries ...... 234

6.2 Evolution of the Mass Ordinary Cycles ...... 241

6.2.1 Disappearance of Troping and the Rise of the Ordinary ...... 243

6.2.2 Liturgical Reforms of the Mendicants ...... 247

6.2.3 New Organization of the Kyriale ...... 252

6.3 Rubrics and the Credo ...... 259

6.3.1 Bologna Lit. 12 ...... 264

6.4 Named Credos ...... 273

6.4.1 Credo Cardinalis ...... 274

6.4.1.1 The origins of the title Cardinalis ...... 285

7. Conclusion ...... 294

Appendix A: Ancient Creeds ...... 306

Appendix B: Reproductions of Early Plainchant Credos ...... 309

Appendix C: Transcriptions of Canto Fratto Credos ...... 316

Appendix D: The Text of the Vernacular Creed from the Lay Folks Mass Book ...... 337

Bibliography ...... 339

Biography ...... 366

List of Tables

Table 1: Form Chart of Huglo’s Greek Pysteuo ...... 92

Table 2: Analysis Table of Credo I, per Mocquereau's membres ...... 102

Table 3: Analysis Table of Credo I, per Apel’s formulae ...... 104

Table 4: Comparison of notation for Credo Regis across 3 manuscripts ...... 119

Table 5: Table of Monophonic Credos with Fermatas ...... 223

Table 6: Table of Monophonic Credos with repeated text ...... 229

Table 7: Table of Monophonic Credos with Colored Text ...... 230

Table 8: Mass Ordinary Cycles in the Santa Sabina Gradual ...... 257

Table 9: Rubrics for Monophonic Credos ...... 260

Table 10: Ordinary Cycles in Bologna Lit. 12 (no Credos) ...... 264

Table 11: Credos and Rubrics in Bologna Lit. 12 ...... 265

Table 12: Manuscripts Containing Ordinary “Cycles” and Credos ...... 267

Table 13: Titles for Credo “Cardinalis” in Manuscripts ...... 275

Table 14: Polyphonic Sources and Titles Using Credo “Cardinalis” as a Cantus Firmus ...... 277

List of Figures

Figure 1: Comparison of three early Credos: Bamberg Lit. 6, f. 95r; Colmar 443 f. 4v, and Credo VI ...... 82

Figure 2: The earliest manuscript recording Credo I, Reims 264 f. 105r (13th c) ...... 84

Figure 3: comparison of Credos I, II, V, and VI from the Vatican Edition ...... 86

Figure 4: Intonation of the Greek Credo from Huglo, transcription of Cologne Stadtsarchiv W. 105 ...... 91

Figure 5: Second Phrase of the Greek Credo ...... 92

Figure 6: Half-cadence of the Greek Credo ...... 92

Figure 7: Examples of the tonic accent on G, preceded by E-F ...... 100

Figure 8: Example of "Cadence A" ...... 100

Figure 9: Example of "Cadence D" ...... 100

Figure 10: A distillation of the melodic formulae of Credo I ...... 101

Figure 11: Apel's four formulae for Credo I, from Gregorian Chant 413 ...... 104

Figure 12: Credo "Bonbarde," adapted from Strohm, 27 ff...... 123

Figure 13: Credo, Miazga 32, transcribed from Arezzo E ...... 124

Figure 14: Modena O.I.13, f. 114v, "Alleluia" ...... 169

Figure 15: Transcription of the Modena Alleluia ...... 169

Figure 16: Transcription of "O nata lux," from cantusindex.org, Melody mSTA263 ...... 170

Figure 17: Transcription of “Quem terra,” from cantusindex.org, Melody mSTA205 ... 170

Figure 18: "O gloriosa Virginum," Liber Usualis 1314 ...... 171

Figure 19: Transcription of Credo Regis from the 1500 Giunta Graduale, 352r ...... 171

Figure 20: Hymn, "Creator alme siderum," Liber Usualis 324–5 ...... 173

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Figure 21: Dufay, "Conditor Alme Siderum," in Bologna Q.15, f. 314v (image courtesy DIAMM) ...... 173

Figure 22: Transcription of Dufay's "Conditor Alme Siderum," top line ...... 173

Figure 23: Transcription with annotations of Credo Cardinalis ...... 177

Figure 24: Excerpt from Dufay, Gloria No. 21, mm. 53–8 (from Blackburn, 25) ...... 213

Figure 25: "et homo factus est" from Clibano, Patrem de Vilage (VatS 51, f. 178v-180r) 214

Figure 26: from Ockeghem, Credo sine nomine ...... 215

Figure 27: from Josquin, Patrem Vilage 1; rhythmic values halved ...... 215

Figure 28: from Brumel, Missa de Beata Virgine ...... 215

Figure 29: from Martini, Missa Cucu ...... 216

Figure 30: from La Rue, Missa Nunca fué pena mayor ...... 216

Figure 31: from Pipelare, Missa Fors seulement ...... 216

Figure 32: from Josquin, Missa La sol fa re mi ...... 217

Figure 33: from La Rue, Missa Almana ...... 217

Figure 34: From Josquin, Missa Sine nomine ...... 218

Figure 35: From the Credo of Machaut's Mass (time values halved) ...... 221

Figure 36: "Amen" from Estienne Grossin's "Gloria" ...... 222

Figure 37: Credo 113 from Erlangen 464 ...... 224

Figure 38: Credo 113 from BSB Clm. 9508 ...... 224

Figure 39: Credo 113 from St Gall 546 ...... 225

Figure 40: Credo 113 from Vat. Lat. 10769 (image from microfilm) ...... 225

Figure 41: Credo 113 from Rome, Angelica 1424 ...... 225

Figure 42: Credo 113 from Fribourg F3 ...... 226

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Figure 43: Pisa 219, 89v ...... 228

Figure 44: Perugia San Pietro B, f. 180v–181r ...... 232

Figure 45: Marginal note in BSB Clm. 23286, f. 35v ...... 272

Figure 46: Bologna University 2839, f. 481r ...... 282

Figure 47: Note mezzane illustration from Lanfranco, 33...... 282

Figure 48: Notational Signs from Anonymous, [Regulae contrapuncti]; image from TML ...... 289

Figure 49: Credo from the Bamberg Codex ...... 309

Figure 50: Credo from Berlin Staatsbibliothek cod. Theo. Lat. 40 ...... 313

Figure 51: The Greek Creed of Cologne, Stadtarchiv W. 105, from Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie.” ...... 315

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Acknowledgements

I have been fortunate to study under the direction of expert and dedicated teachers in college, at seminary, and in graduate school. This dissertation most directly benefited from the supervision of Thomas Brothers, who continually helped me to refine the argument and structure presented herein. Tom has been a stalwart advisor and teacher since this project grew out of an independent study project in the fall of 2015, and any clarity of presentation is primarily due to his careful reading and thoughtful probing. I extend my gratitude to him for being the advisor I needed at every step of the way. I also thank my committee members—Philip Rupprecht and Roseen Giles, both of

Duke University, and Julie Cumming of McGill University, who have been patient in reading and quick to offer feedback; Jacqueline Waeber also served on the preliminary committee, and I offer her thanks as well. Kerry McCarthy, formerly of Duke University, also offered significant help as a reader of several chapters and as a sounding board for various ideas about medieval chant. Much of my thinking and methodology was spurred by a seminar taken with John Nádas, emeritus of the University of North

Carolina; Professor Nádas has remained helpful with many questions. I also gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Department of Music and the Graduate School of Duke University, who provided me with numerous fellowships and work opportunities.

I also thank my former teachers and now colleagues at St Vladimir’s Orthodox

Theological Seminary, my alma mater since 2013 and employer since 2016. I especially thank Fr Chad Hatfield, the President of the school, for his care, patience, and latitude, and the three deans I have served under and whose Dean’s Fellowships have supported my research—Fr John Behr, John Barnet, and Ionuţ-Alexandru Tudorie. I extend thanks to Fr Alexander Rentel, Peter Bouteneff, Fr Sergius Halvorsen, Albert Rossi, Fr Nicholas

Solak, Robin Freeman, Richard Schneider, Tracy Gustillo, and Fr Paul Tarazi for their constant encouragement; and to the seminary students who have responded to some of the ideas from this research in class and in research forums. I also thank Brittany Lauber and Crina Gschwandtner who have read and offered feedback on some of this material; additionally, Brittany aided in many of the Latin translations, and Crina helped with

German.

Laura Williams, Sarah Griffin, and the staff of the Music Library and of

Interlibrary Loan at Duke University Libraries have been immeasurably helpful throughout this project, as have been the librarians of St Vladimir’s, Eleana Silk and

Danielle Earl. I also thank the librarians of the various libraries and museums in Italy who assisted me in my research in 2018.

My Duke University classmates have been particularly inspiring, offering friendship throughout this process. I especially thank Imani Mosley, Megan McCarty,

Scott Lee, Sid Richardson, Kirsten Santos-Rutschman, and Sarah Bereza.

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I benefited much from conversations with other scholars who research chant, liturgy, and religious culture. I particularly acknowledge Margot Fassler, Eleanor

Giraud, and Fr Innocent Smith, o.p., for their contributions and assistance, and Susan

Boynton, for inviting me to participate in colloquia at Columbia University.

I thank my family, especially my parents, for their trust and support: this is the

“paper” I have been laboring on for years. Finally, I offer my deepest thanks and gratitude to my wife, Gabrielle Russin, who has suffered years of my eccentric writing, research, and personal habits. This process has featured an intense period of intellectual and scholarly growth, but has also served as an arena of spiritual endurance and focus amid personal trials. Gabrielle has offered support in every way she could, even when I could not reciprocate. I lovingly dedicate this dissertation to her.

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1. Introduction

The overarching argument of this dissertation is that the odd musical phenomenon that was the Credo in the 14th and 15th centuries can be illuminated and explained by placing the Credo within its religious and cultural context of the late middle ages. As is frequently the case in medieval studies, there is no incontrovertible evidence to clarify and solidify this explanation; there is no known document of a medieval church composer laying out his or her motivation for composing a new Credo melody, or for substituting a Credo in a polyphonic mass for one he or she likes better, or for abridging the words of the Credo. It is certainly possible, though unlikely, that future archival discoveries may shed light on the motivations of these medieval musicians, but my aim in this project is to portray a broad view of the shape of late medieval religious culture and the way the musical phenomena of the Credo may or may not be influenced by that culture. Perhaps it is analogous to finding a prehistoric human skeleton on a previously uninhabited island; absent a handwritten or carved note explaining the human’s motivations and journey to that island, we have to start with an analysis of the topography, geography, oceanography, and climate in order to get an idea of where the human came from and how it arrived on that island.

Subsidiary to the main argument are several different, but related and necessary tasks related to the musical Credo, including offering a history of the text of the Credo and analyzing the music and history of the early plainchant Credo I. These other tasks,

primarily covered in Chapters Two and Three, help clarify the background of the Credo text—how it was drawn up and promulgated—as well as the main plainchant melody of the Credo before 1300, the Credo I.

With this history set forth, I turn in the second half of chapter 3 to the monophonic Credo melodies; in Chapters Four, Five, and Six, I then examine the cultural background to the monophonic Credo melodies, and also contextualize the phenomena behind polyphonic Credos between 1300 and 1500.

The categories of religious and cultural background I detail in Chapters Four through Six are, respectively, catechism, devotion, and liturgy. These three aspects were fundamental to late medieval religious life, and the Credo is perhaps unique in that it straddles the three: it served as the means of catechism, was a frequent object of devotion, and became a prominent liturgical feature.

In this introduction I demonstrate why it is necessary to isolate the Credo and study it on its own. There has not yet been a monograph or dissertation produced on the medieval Credo in music, yet it quickly shows itself to be a unique object of study and, I would argue, more interesting than the other movements of the mass ordinary in polyphony or monophony. Following this defense of studying the Credo I will provide a brief precis of each of the five remaining chapters of this dissertation.

1.1 The Credo as Part of the Mass Ordinary

On the surface, the Credo is routinely described as the third movement of the mass ordinary, a normal, if periphrastic, member of the unchanging parts of the mass.

Its length is its most salient feature; at 163 words in Latin, it is certainly the longest text of the mass regularly recited. Other liturgical texts are lengthy but occasional: for example, the Exultet is about 470 words in Latin, but is sung only once per year. The extreme length of the Credo makes it a common feature left out of modern performances of modern masses. Indeed, this impulse to cut the Credo is not unique to modern choirs, as several manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries leave the Credo out of otherwise- complete masses.1

Other than its length, it would appear safe to assume that the Credo is akin to the other movements of the mass ordinary. Most introductory texts will affirm that the five movements of the ordinary are relatively late additions to the celebration of the mass.2

To the observer, especially one familiar with the tradition of polyphonic mass ordinary compositions beginning in the 14th century, those five movements appear as a monolith.

Indeed, a trend in musicology up to the first decade of the 21st century was to view the mass ordinary cycle as the earliest coherent masterwork or monument in the history of

Western music, although “aspects of this position have been challenged almost since it

1 See BSB Mus. 3154, BSB Mus. 26, and BSB Mus. 47 for well-documented examples. 2 Cf. J. Peter Burkholder, Donald Jay Grout, Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music, 7th ed. (New York: Norton, 2006), 54. 3

was articulated.”3 Andrew Kirkman’s 2010 The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass is, to a large degree, dedicated to clarifying and explaining the polyphonic mass ordinary by means of cultural and religious, rather than aesthetic and musical concerns.

He opens with a passage quoting Manfred Bukofzer:

It takes a very bold and independent mind to conceive the idea that the invariable parts of the Mass should be composed not as separate items, but as a set of five musically coherent compositions. In the latter case the means of unification are provided by the composer, not the liturgy. This idea, which is the historical premise of the cyclic Ordinary, betrays the weakening of purely liturgical consideration and the strengthening of essentially aesthetic concepts. The “absolute” work of art begins to encroach on liturgical function. We discover here the typical Renaissance attitude—and it is indeed the Renaissance philosophy of art that furnishes the spiritual background to the cyclic Mass. The beginnings of the Mass cycle coincide with the beginnings of the musical Renaissance.

It is therefore hardly surprising that the decisive turn in the development of the cyclic Mass occurred only in the early fifteenth century. At this time the first attempts are made to unify the movements of the Ordinary by means of the same musical material.4

Bukofzer’s sentiment reflects an understanding of the mass ordinary as a unified whole, and of the music written for its texts as establishing it as that “absolute” work of art.

The notion of the polyphonic mass ordinary cycles as a monolithic artistic entity is largely passé, and a more nuanced picture has emerged through modern scholarship.

3 Andrew Kirkman, The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 3. 4 Manfred F. Bukofzer, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York: Norton, 1950), 218–19. 4

The mass ordinary in its earliest musical and liturgical treatments appears as more of a loose confederation of unrelated texts rather than a singular liturgical unit, and that sense of coincidence carries through even into polyphonic settings of the 16th century.

Take, for instance, the liturgical functions and origins of the mass ordinary texts:

1. Kyrie eleison entered the Roman mass at an early date. It is the response of the

litany, which is itself a liturgical unit which dates to the fourth century in both

the Christian East and West, when the newly legalized church was attempting to

accommodate large masses of people. The phrase kyrie eleison was a common

imperial petition, adapted into Christianity as a refrain for a litany, and

incorporated into the practice of stational liturgies throughout Rome in the Greek

language; in its present form it was in place by the 6th century, as Gregory the

Great refers to it in one of his letters.5

2. Gloria in excelsis deo was, according to the Liber Pontificalis, introduced by Pope

Symmachus (498–514) into the Roman liturgy in the early 6th century.6 The text

itself is of ancient provenance, based on the angels’ proclamation in Luke 2:14

and interpolated with non-scriptural lyrics. Like the text of the Kyrie, the Gloria is

5 John F. Baldovin, “Kyrie Eleison and the Entrance Rite of the Roman Eucharist,” Worship 60 (1986): 334– 347; John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalum, 1987), 245. See also John F. Romano, “Ritual and Society in Early Medieval Rome,” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2007), 273. Also Joseph A. Jungmann, The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development, trans. Francis A. Brunner (Westminster, MD: Christian Classics, 1951 [1949]), vol. 1, 333–346. 6 Romano, 275–6; Jungmann, vol. 1, 346–359. 5

a common liturgical feature of several ancient Christian traditions, though it is

not originally germane to the eucharistic celebration of the mass; rather, it

originates as an office hymn.

3. The Credo, as we will see in Chapter Two, entered the Greek eucharistic rites in

the early 6th century, and was officially ensconced in Roman practice only in the

11th century. It is not a hymn like the Gloria, nor is it a prayer like the Kyrie. It is,

rather, a declaration of faith, originally a political text.

4. The Sanctus is a choral interruption into the priest’s prayer at the preface of the

eucharistic prayers. In fact, it is the completion of the sentence the celebrant

begins before the choir’s entrance:

Quam laudant Angeli atque Whom the angels and archangels Archangeli, Cherubim quoque ac praise, cherubim along with seraphim, Seraphim: qui non cessant clamare who do not cease to cry daily, with one quotidie, una voce dicentes, voice saying: “Holy, holy, holy, Lord “Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus God of Sabaoth.” Deus Sabaoth…” The choir’s text (“Sanctus…”) comes from the vision in Isaiah 6:3 of the Lord

sitting upon a throne, and it is the only part of the eucharistic canon that does

not follow the call-and-response model of the rest of the text.7 It is one of the

7 Jungmann, vol. 2, 128 ff. 6

most ancient parts of the eucharistic gathering, attested to in some of the earliest

liturgies of both East and West.8

5. Agnus Dei was purportedly introduced to the mass by Pope Sergius I (687–701)

and was apparently originally designed to accompany the fraction of the

communion host by the priest.9 As the fraction fell out of practice in the Roman

tradition because of the introduction of unleavened bread, the Agnus gradually

transitioned to a Communion hymn. Originally, the chant was repeated as many

times as necessary to cover the priest’s actions at the fraction. The final ending

“dona nobis pacem” was only added later.10

The status of the mass ordinary as a liturgical unit is suspect in its very nature. These five movements indeed are unchanging aspects of the mass but are wildly different in their liturgical functions and histories.

If we are to pick one movement for specific musical investigation, the Credo jumps out as an obvious choice for musical and non-musical reasons. Musically, the

Credo proved a great challenge for composers and musicians because of its length and prolixity. What may jump out as obvious musical design in other movements—for example, the repetition of the “Kyrie” and “Agnus” or the hymnic strophes of the

8 The Sanctus is in two 4th-century liturgical texts (the Euchologion of Serapion and the Apostolic Constitutions), and Jungmann postulates that it its liturgical use extends to the “primitive church,” i.e., in the first century. Cf. Jungmann vol. 2, 132. 9 Jungmann, vol. 2, 333 10 Pierre Batiffol, Leçons sur la Messe (Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffre, 1927 [1917]), 93; Romano, 298. 7

“Gloria”—is hidden in the tedious theological language of the Credo, and often needs to be teased out through careful analysis. Non-musically, the Credo was culturally significant as a pedagogical text, which led to its use as a devotional text as well. Its uses were diverse, including serving as an apotropaic totem for picking herbs and functioning as a primer for children learning their alphabet.

1.2 Musical phenomenon of the Credo: late medieval monophony

The peculiar aspects of the Credo within liturgical history help to highlight its strange position within the polyphonic mass tradition of the 14th and 15th centuries. But as we move to music that was not reserved for the choirs of wealthy patrons and institutions, we discover a vast world of monophonic and “simple polyphonic” music that apparently had a wider broadcast and transmission than the great polyphonic masterworks.11

Scholars have certainly been aware of and studied aspects of these monophonic works since at least the early 1900s.12 These studies include the Benedictine monk and musicologist Raphael Molitor’s Die nach-tridentische Choral-Reform (1901, two volumes) and Deutsche Choral-Wiegendruck (1904), both of which study notation shapes and chant—especially cantus figuratus, which was viewed as something of a corruption of

11 See especially the papers published in Le polifonie primitive in Friuli e in Europa: atti del congresso internazionale Cividale del Friuli, 22-24 agosto 1980, ed. Cesare Corsi (Roma: Ed. Torre d’Orfeo, 1989). 12 See William Dalglish, “The Origin of the Hocket,” JAMS 31 (1978):3–20, at page 12, fn.35. 8

“authentic” Gregorian chant. Otto Marxer’s Zur spätmittelalterlichen Choralgeschichte St.

Gallens. Der Cod. 546 der St. Galler Stiftsbibliothek (1908) gives special attention to the St

Gall MS 546, an early 16th-century collection of tropes and sequences compiled for the beatification of Notker Balbulus in 1513. Maximilian Sigl’s dissertation, Zur geschichte des

Ordinarium Missae in der deutschen Choralüberlieferung (1911) offers transcriptions of several melodies from German manuscripts featuring the cantus fractus style.

Despite these early essays and observances, the scholarly appraisal had not improved significantly by 2016, when Joseph Dyer wrote that “[a] comprehensive survey of the phenomenon in Italy or elsewhere in Europe remains to be written, so large and widely disseminated was [the cantus fractus] repertoire.”13 That is not to say there have not been major scholarly interventions, especially from European scholars.

Reinhard Strohm devotes a few pages to the phenomenon in his magisterial The Rise of

European Music, 1380–1500.14 Strohm notes that the “phenomenon overlaps to some extent with that of simple polyphony…, and also with artistic Renaissance polyphony.”15

Rob Wegman, writing about improvised counterpoint, likewise opines that that particular phenomenon—and, perhaps by extension we can include related phenomena

13 Joseph Dyer, “A New Source for the Performance of Cantus Planus and Cantus Fractus in Eighteenth- Century Venice,” Journal of Musicology 33 (2016):569–607, at 576–77. Dyer is not slighting Marco Gozzi’s contributions. Instead he praises Gozzi as one of the few scholars to study cantus fractus, but laments that there is no single-volume monograph on cantus fractus. 14 Reinhard Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 1380–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 325–27 15 Strohm, 325. 9

of simple polyphony, improvised polyphony, and chant using mensural note shapes—is not very-well studied or understood:

It would be easy to spend the rest of this contribution giving other examples of this practice, which has no name, and which I have chosen to call, purely for my own reference, cantus planus settings, collected from all over Europe, in manuscripts from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. There are hundreds and hundreds of such settings, most of them not even available in modern editions, and the tradition as such is as yet completely unstudied. But apparently it was a universal tradition, and for a long time, even after the Reformation, it continued to be practiced in Catholic countries.16

As a musical style it perdured well into the 19th century. Indeed, many choir books were intentionally updated in the 15th and 16th centuries to include more examples of cantus fractus settings and to expand their Credo collections, a phenomenon I will explore in more depth in Chapter Six.17

This dissertation began its life as I examined the Credo from Obrecht’s Missa

Grecorum. Coming from an academic background in Eastern Orthodox liturgical music

16 Rob C. Wegman, “What is Counterpoint?” in Improvising Early Music, Rob C. Wegman, Johannes Menke, Peter Schubert (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2014), 9–68, at 58. 17 Marco Gozzi writes, “In many Italian churches the series of choir books, still preserved, were renewed in the fifteenth and first years of the sixteenth century. These sets contain antiphonaries and graduals (with appendices of kyriales and prosers, sometimes psalters; the main preserved series (many relating to cathedrals, or collegiate or important convents and monasteries) are listed in the Iter liturgicum Italicum by Giacomo Baroffio and can be dated to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It must be stressed that these books were used, in the majority of cases, for more than four centuries. Almost all of them were corrected after the promulgation of the Breviary and of the Missal of Pius V (respectively in 1568 and 1570), with the addition of minor variations introduced by the new official version of the post-conciliar books.” Marco Gozzi, “Italy to 1300,” in the Cambridge Companion to Medieval Music, ed. Mark Everist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 121–135, at 128. 10

and liturgical theology, I was struck by the apparent deletion of text in Obrecht’s Credo: he skips the entire clause on the Holy Spirit, “Et in spiritum sanctum.” This is one example of so-called polyphonic Credo deletions, which have been frequently noted, studied, and explained, and the most commonly accepted reason now is that they were continental misreadings of English text underlay.18 Yet this strange musico-liturgical occurrence, which seems unthinkable to any practicing church musician today, was only the gateway to the fascinating musical, liturgical, and religious-cultural world of the

Credo in the late medieval period.

As I penetrated deeper into the mysteries of Credo music, the focus of my research changed. What began as an essay on polyphonic treatments of the Credo developed into a probing study of the status of the Credo in music, liturgy, theology, and religion in the late medieval period. This wide-ranging view of the Credo makes this study de facto interdisciplinary, though the focus remains on the music. Indeed, the motivating question is how these cultural phenomena impact our understanding of the music? As I delved more into the cultural background of the Credo, I also delved into the canto fratto musical phenomenon, traveling throughout Italy and the United States, as well as using as many microfilm and web-based facsimiles as possible, to amass a portfolio of 50 Credos (not all unique) from 90 manuscripts. Even as I prepare this

18 See most recently James Matthew Cooke’s “Mid-fifteenth-century English mass cycles in continental sources” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014), 214–223. 11

manuscript for submission, I am still discovering more Credo manuscript sources, and a project is underway by Lenka Hlávková of Charles University in Prague to produce an online catalogue of late-medieval Credos.

A few examples from my research will help to illustrate this interconnectedness.

As I demonstrate in the second and third chapters, the earliest Western plainchant setting of the Creed text had its origins in Charlemagne’s court at Aachen, and is possibly related to a series of mass ordinary chants composed for a Missa Graeca around the feast of Pentecost.19 Other scholars have independently argued for a Greek origin of the modern Credo melody, and, when taking into account the political and theological background of Carolingian claims of dominion, a Greek-sounding music and liturgy takes on a different meaning—one of political appropriation.

Another example is the liturgical ranking of various chants of the Credo, explored in Chapter Six. As early as the 12th century, different ranks of feast day within the Catholic liturgical year were associated with different chants of the ordinary. This practice was reified in the mid-13th century with the Franciscan and Dominican liturgical reforms, and from that time the collations of mass ordinaries (called by some scholars

“plainchant cycles”) become normative, with a few regional variations. The Credo followed suit in the 14th and 15th centuries, and by the 15th century many manuscripts

19 See most recently Nina-Maria Wanek, “Tropus Grece: The Use of Greek-Texted Ordinary Chants in 10th/11th-centuries manuscripts from St Gall and Limoges,” Journal of the International Society for Orthodox Church Music 4 (2020):30–44. 12

included several different Credos arranged similar to the chants of the ordinary, in order to deepen the relationship between liturgical feast and musical choice.

There are surely many unexplained phenomena surrounding the Credo in the period from 1300–1500. Excavating the background of these phenomena gives a richer understanding of musical life in the late medieval period. It both helps to explain the

“high art” of the Credos of Dufay, Obrecht, and Josquin, while also revealing more about the common practice of church musicians at lesser-endowed institutions. The compositions of standalone Credo movements continued even into the early 16th century, as Isaac’s thirteen Credos in BSB 53, a manuscript from c.1510, demonstrate.20

1.3 An Outline of This Dissertation

1.3.1 Chapter Two: The History of the Creed Within Christian Worship

In Chapter Two, I attend to three related questions on the history and text of the

Creed. The first and broadest is how the Creed entered the mass ordinary, which I address with a view to explaining why the rubrics behind the Creed are unusual when compared with other items of the ordinary. As explained above, the Creed and Gloria are the only items that are not sung at every mass. Additionally, the Creed is of a different genre than the other items of the mass: it is clearly a statement of faith rather than a hymn in praise of God like the Gloria, or a biblical song of praise like the Sanctus.

20 In edition as CMM 65:5. 13

Indeed, the entry of the Creed into liturgical worship occurred two centuries after its composition, which itself was an official, imperial statement of faith.

Related to this theological and liturgical question are two secondary topics. The first question is how the Creed’s text was composed and fixed. While the Creed is officially named the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed (in reference to the Councils of

Nicaea in 325 and Constantinople in 381), its earliest extant texts are seen in 5th century accounts in Greek; only in the 8th century did that text become fixed in Latin. The test text itself bears markers of the theological controversies which led to its formation, and which determined its afterlife; we see examples of this in words like consubstantialem and filioque, words which inspired (and continue to inspire) much theological debate.

The third question, and the question probably most relevant to musicologists, is how the Creed became a political tool in the hands of Charlemagne and his court advisors in Aachen. From its original composition in the fourth century to its adoption in the Carolingian mass in the eighth, the Creed served as a litmus test for determining who was within the bounds of imperial catholic orthodoxy. Charlemagne’s use was no different—in the words of J.N.D. Kelly, he wielded the Creed like a weapon, taking up

“the filioque with something like fervour… [He saw it] as a trump-card against the

Eastern empire … .”21 I endeavor to establish a link between Charlemagne’s political

21 J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 3rd ed. (New York: Continuum, 2006), 363, 365. 14

motivations and the earliest Latin chant settings of the Creed as bearing those political overtones. The historical and political nature of this argument continues in Chapter

Three.

Placing the origins of the history of the Creed within broad contexts necessarily involves stretching beyond the traditional bounds of musicology. In historical theology,

I have been most aided by the studies of J.N.D. Kelly and his successors.22 Kelly's approach has recently come under attack from some scholars who think that he imposes a “dogmatic theological” approach onto issues that did not have that shape at that time—that he treats the 4th century as the “trinitarian controversy” and the 5th century as the “Christological controversy,” for example. Yet Kelly's sources and methods for analyzing the formation of the Creed remain sound. In terms of investigating the musical and liturgical culture of the Carolingian court, I have followed closely the work of scholars of early Gregorian chant like Kenneth Levy, Charles Atkinson, and James

McKinnon. Atkinson in particular has researched the “Missa Graeca” of the Carolingian court, the origin of Greek-texted versions of the Credo, Gloria, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei in several manuscripts of the 9th through 11th centuries.23 Although recent treatments— most notably, Christopher Page’s magisterial The Christian West and Its Singers—have

22 For example, John Behr, John the Theologian and his Paschal Gospel: A Prologue to Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 12. 23 Charles Atkinson, “Further Thoughts on the Missa Graeca,” in De Musica et cantu: Studien zur Geschichte der Kirchenmusik und der Oper—Helmut Hucke zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Peter Cahn and Ann-Katrin Heimer. (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1993), 75–93, at 75. 15

detailed the documentary evidence for understanding the development of chant and liturgy in the Carolingian period, my intervention here is to place the Creed specifically in its liturgical, theological, historical, and political context. By reading this chapter, musicologists will ascertain a greater understanding of why the Creed is so odd in its liturgical and musical treatment. The credo, standing at the middle of the five movements of the mass ordinary, was not designed as a liturgical song, but its use as such bears markers of its theological and political history.

1.3.2 Chapter Three: The Monophonic Melodies of the Credo

In Chapter Three, I address the question of the history and structure of the primary monophonic melodies of the Creed—asking how these were melodies conceived, structured, and propagated. The chapter is divided into two large sections: the first investigates the Latin plainchant melody for the Creed now known as Credo I, along with other related early Credo melodies, and the second investigates the melodies of monophonic Credos that began appearing after 1300, all of which were composed in a style using mensural note shapes which is now called cantus fractus.

In examining the early plainchant Credos, I argue that Credo I is probably a high-medieval reification of an earlier melody or family of melodies; this is most easily demonstrated in comparing Credo I alongside the other early Credos of the Vatican

Edition, Credos II, V, and VI. When examining the manuscript evidence, it actually appears that Credo VI is the earliest plainchant Credo. Furthermore, I attempt to relate

this corpus of plainchant Credos to other early Credos, showing that there is a possible origin in or perhaps mimicking of Greek and Eastern Credo settings.

Each of these questions requires investigating several aspects of their histories. In looking at Credo I, the political background of Charlemagne and the Creed exposited in

Chapter Two becomes musically relevant. If there is a Greek political and theological background to the liturgical decisions of the Carolingian court at Aachen, does the

Credo I melody fit into that background? Several chant scholars have posited a Greek origin, or at least musical paradigm, for Credo I. I consider this Greek origin carefully and collate the prevailing evidence for any sort of Greek origin for the Creed, while also relating it to that political background.

The question of the cantus fractus Credos involves a completely different historical background, and in general has received much less investigation from musicologists. While collating the evidence and scholarly opinions on what is known and postulated about their origins, I also present new arguments and contexts for these melodies. I attempt to place these monophonic compositions against the background of early polyphonic mass movements of the 14th century, showing that there are similarities in their musical and liturgical features. Furthermore, I assemble, transcribe, and analyze the melodies of these Credos as we currently have them.

Methodologically I have been most aided by the work of chant scholars and cantus fractus scholars; within the first group, I have relied heavily upon the research of

recent scholars like Michel Huglo, Kenneth Levy, Charles Atkinson, and David Hiley, while also referring consistently to the early 20th-century work of the Solesmes school, especially the monks and scholars André Mocquereau and Joseph Gajard.24 Cantus fractus, on the other hand, is still developing as an area of scholarly interest. Aside from a few footnotes and short articles found in the German-language studies mentioned above, the main scholar of cantus fractus is Marco Gozzi, who has published widely on various cantus fractus melodies and manuscripts. A number of Eastern European scholars such as Hana Vlhová–Wörner and Pawel Gancarczyk have also greatly expanded our understanding of scope of the cantus fractus phenomenon and have highlighted how prevalent it is in late medieval sources.

1.3.3 Chapter Four: The Credo and Catechism

Chapters Four, Five, and Six form a unit of three separate but related essays describing the Credo in late-medieval religious culture. Chapter Four focuses on the

Credo and catechism, Five on the Credo and devotion, and Six on the Credo and liturgy.

Chapter Four addresses the topic of catechism in late medieval religious life, specifically looking at how the Credo fits into the broader frame of catechism. I also

24 Especially Michel Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authentique’ de la Vaticane,” Revue Grégorienne 30 (1951): 68-78 Levy, Kenneth. “The Byzantine Sanctus East and West.” Annales Musicologiques 6 (1958). 7–67; Charles Atkinson, “The Doxa, the Pisteuo, and the ellinici fratres: Some Anomalies in the Transmission of the Chants of the ‘Missa Graeca,’” Journal of Musicology 7 (1989):81–106; David Hiley, Western Plainchant: A Handbook (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Joseph Gajard, “Le Credo VI,” Revue Gregorienne 9 (1924):172–186, and André Mocquerau, Le Nombre Musical: Grégorien ou Rhythmique Grégorienne (Rome, Tournai: Desclée, 1908). 18

analyze the music for Credo Cardinalis (Credo IV) with the catechetical goal in mind, arguing that it could be written for easier memorization.

The first part of the chapter broadly addresses the evolution of catechism within the Roman Catholic Church and how the Credo has been part of catechesis for centuries.

I offer an overview of the teaching of the creed up to the 12th century. With the rise of universities and scholasticism in the 12th century, a distinct change of focus changed the importance accorded to the Credo. 12th-century theologians argued that an understanding of faith, primarily through the creed, was necessary for salvation. Such an emphasis led to a renewed emphasis on catechesis by means of the Creed in the 13th century, evident in official decrees from the church. I then demonstrate that this project of instruction in the Creed was successful by pointing out numerous literary references from 14th-century literature emphasizing the importance of knowing the Creed.

Musically, I analyze Credo Cardinalis with an emphasis on how different it is from the Gregorian and plainchant Credo corpus. Credo Cardinalis is neither a strophic melody, nor a psalm-tone like recitation like Credo I. It does, however, offer a dramatic and effective presentation of the Credo text through the use of several recurring formulae which mark different articles of the Creed.

My starting point for this chapter was the second chapter from Eamon Duffy’s

The Stripping of the Altars, “How the Plowman learned his Paternoster,” in which Duffy

details the many catechetical efforts of the English church in the 15th and 16th centuries.25

Following on Duffy’s sources led to a wealth of information on catechesis in the 13th and

14th centuries both in England and on the Continent, as well as studies of the evolution of pastoral literature and the impact of university theologians from the 12th century. The literary citations have come from a variety of sources and were particularly instigated by my study of Piers Plowman with David Aers.

In analyzing Credo Cardinalis, there are not many available studies to build upon. Marco Gozzi’s published chapters and papers on the Cardinalis are the main analyses available, although the Cardinalis has been mentioned by chant scholars since the late 19th century. It has recently become the subject of some renewed attention with the publication of the edition of Gaspar van Weerbeke’s mass movement based on

Credo Cardinalis.26 Weerbeke’s mass is just one example of several late-15th century masses using Credo Cardinalis as a cantus firmus; I have found twelve others, only six of which are in modern editions. Although it was probably composed around the year

1300, Credo Cardinalis enjoyed renewed attention from composers particularly in the orbit of the Sistine Chapel in the late 15th century.

25 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). 26 Gaspar van Weerbeke, Collected Works, ed. Gerhard Croll, Eric F. Fiedler, Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl. Vol. 2: Masses, Part 2. CMM 106:2, ed. Paul Kolb (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology, 2018). 20

1.3.4 Chapter Five: The Credo and Devotion

Chapter Five examines the world of medieval devotional practices and their intersection with the Credo. This chapter shows how the statements of the Creed became further embedded in medieval religious culture beyond the sense of catechesis or learning the faith. Instead, it examines the Creed as a devotional sign, a sacred text and prayer which could sum up the objects of Christian devotion. I also address how these devotional aspects of the Creed are musically significant by examining devotional residue in Credo monophony and polyphony. Specifically, I look at polyphonic moments of homophony, often marked with fermatas, as well as examples in manuscripts of monophony of red text, repeated words, and fermatas.

In examining devotion, I take definitions from Johan Huizinga and Richard

Kieckhefer as starting points. Kieckhefer in particular points to the various genres and media in which devotion appears. I thus look at examples of the Credo within these varieties of devotion, specifically looking at the Credo in artwork, superstition, and literature. There are many examples of the Credo being used in each of these genres, from “Credo tapestries” using the Credo as an organizing motif for its panels to a devotional vernacular Credo composed by a crusader to be read to dying men.

If the Credo enjoyed such popularity as an object of devotion, it is not surprising that similar devotional aspects appear in music. There are several musical aspects of the

Credo which can be considered devotional, often associated with moments of

genuflection during the mass. I relate these musical moments to the broader theme of devotion to the Credo and highlight how widespread they are.

This chapter also arose from reading Duffy, and the many examples of Credo devotional art and literature were inspired by my reading in various cultural studies as well as travels through Italy. Siena in particular, as shown in this chapter, has a great history of Credo paintings, and has drawn the attention of many art historians. These devotional aspects in music have often been noted but have not been systematically organized before.

1.3.5 Chapter Six: The Credo and the Liturgy

In Chapter Six I examine the Credo as a liturgical object. As I laid out above, the

Credo is unique among the items of the ordinary in that it is not a liturgical prayer or hymn, and in that it was the latest addition to the Roman mass celebration. This unusual liturgical history is reflected in musical and liturgical treatment in the late middle ages.

In order to show the Credo’s odd liturgical position, I examine the commentaries from three medieval liturgists—Sicardo of Cremona (1155–1215), Pope Innocent III

(1160–1216), and William Durand (1230–1296), detailing how these commentators treat the Credo. They particularly emphasize the unanimity of voice of the assembly, the exceptional rubrics for when the Credo can be sung at mass, and the historical importance of the Credo.

Second, I set the late medieval liturgical changes of the Credo in the context of the evolution of the mass ordinary as a cycle of hymns. Beginning in the 13th century, plainchant manuscripts started organizing mass ordinary movements as groups of festal masses, rather than as individual movements. In other words, instead of having a corpus of Kyries followed by a corpus of Glorias, liturgical reforms in the 13th century compiled groups of Kyrie–Gloria–Sanctus–Agnus chants into “mass cycles.” I offer a history of this codification, initiated and accomplished by Dominicans, and describe it as an extension of the impulse to associate ordinary hymns with the liturgical celebrations of feasts. I then describe how, beginning in the 14th century, the new corpus of monophonic

Credos assumed a similar association. Many manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries give specific rubrics for cantus fractus Credos on festal associations, furthering the liturgical organization began in the 13th century with the other mass ordinary movements.

Third, I examine the related phenomenon of named Credos. I specifically address the naming of the Credo Cardinalis, a title which is found in the 15th century for the 14th- century composition, but remains unexplained. After summarizing the prevailing explanations for the name of cardinalis, I offer a new explanation based on the term cardo found in some theoretical writings.

My sources in this research are diverse. In examining medieval liturgical commentaries, I have been most guided by the works of Timothy Thibodeau, a scholar

who has translated many volumes of Durand’s mass commentary. In describing the evolution of the mass ordinary “cycle” I have followed the research of Leo Schrade, who in the 1950s argued for the rise of plainchant “mass cycles” as forebears of polyphonic cyclic masses of the 15th century; I have also relied on Andrew Kirkman’s more recent appraisal of Schrade’s efforts and his historical and liturgical contextualization of the late-medieval mass. In examining names for the Credos, I have closely examined theoretical texts available on the Thesaurus Musicarum Latinarum, a searchable compendium of Latin music theoretically texts initially directed by Thomas J. Mathiesen.

Using such a variety of modern scholarship has helped me to further contextualize the

Credo in the 14th and 15th centuries.

1.4 Notes on Terminology

Two matters of terminology need to be clarified at the outset. The first is the use of the term “Gregorian Chant.” In a technical sense, Gregorian Chant refers to the

Roman chant assimilated by the Franks in the 8th century. Of course, the relationship of the Gregorian chant of ca. 900 to the older Roman repertoire and the related Old Roman

Chant corpus is highly debated, as is any putative connection between that Roman liturgical chant corpus and Gregory the Great (r.590–604). This terminology, however, is useful in delineating the oldest layer of the Frankish-Roman chant project from later innovations of the high and late medieval periods, especially when considering developments like tropes, prosulae, and conductus.

The language describing these chant forms has not been consistent in scholarship in English or in other languages, however. The medieval Latin texts themselves often use the phrase cantus planus or cantus choralis in contrast with cantus figuratus or cantus fractus, or other designations to describe rhythmic or polyphonic music. The majority of scholarship on cantus fractus music is written in Italian, and thus I have followed the usage of Italian scholars in referring to the larger, canonical plainchant corpus of the

Catholic Church as “Gregorian Chant,” rather than using “Gregorian” in the narrower sense of the Frankish-Roman corpus mentioned above.27

A second point of terminology which needs clarification is that of word Credo. I have generally, though not with perfect consistency, used the term “Credo” to refer to the musical settings and “Creed” to refer to the text and general liturgical movement.

Ultimately the two words are synonymous. The main point of concern, however, is in differentiating the various medieval Creeds from each other. Very often both medieval and secondary sources will use the term Credo to refer to either the long Nicene Creed or the shorter Apostles’ Creed; other Creeds were also current in the Catholic Church throughout the period in discussion in this dissertation, such as the Athanasian Creed,

27 For example, Marco Gozzi writes: “Quanti pezzi hanno tenores derivati dal repertorio liturgico? Lo studio dei modelli gregoriani può portare ad una certa localizzazione della provenienza.” Marco Gozzi, “Liturgia e musica mensurale nel Trecento Italiano: i canti dell’ordinarium,” in Kontinuität und Transformation in der italienischen Vokalmusik zwischen Due-und Guattrocento, ed. Sandra Dieckmann, Oliver Huck, Signe Rotter- Broman und Alba Scotti (Hildesheim: Olms, 2007), 53-99, at 60.

which is not a declaratory Creed in the manner of these other two. The Nicene Creed and the Apostles’ Creed are related texts, but the Nicene Creed was officially composed under the oversight of church leaders and theologians, whereas the origins of the

Apostles’ Creed remain obscure and probably pre-Constantinian. This issue is especially pertinent in Chapter Four, wherein I discuss the Credo and catechism; many of the catechetical texts under discussion in that chapter are most likely (and in many cases explicitly) referring to the shorter Apostles’ Creed, and use its text as an incipit (“Credo in Deum”, versus the “Credo in unum Deum” of the Nicene Creed).

For ease of discussion and argument I have collapsed these two different texts into a general discussion of the Creed. The Apostles’ Creed is a liturgical feature of the offices (before Matins, Prime, and after Compline), but is recited without music, and was not an object of musical composition. The only musical examples I am aware of are those listed in Hiley and Crocker’s “Credo” article in New Grove—the Credo of the Sens

Circumcision office and a 13-voice setting by Robert Wilkinson from the early 16th century.

2. The History of the Creed Within Christian Worship

The Creed belongs to a genre different from every other element of the mass and office. It is clearly not a liturgical prayer: most liturgical prayers follow a few stock patterns—proclaiming God’s greatness, deploring the state of the humanity, and asking for forgiveness or blessing. Instead, the Creed is a bald statement of faith, a proclamation of “who is in and who is out,” and a marker of the borders of catholicity. In this section I show how the Creed went from a baptismal statement of faith, to an imperial proclamation of religious orthodoxy, to a contentious element of the eucharistic liturgy.

Only in the 11th century—nearly seven hundred years after its initial composition—did it officially enter the mass, and even at that point only for occasional commemorations.

While the Creed has been a fixture of Sunday masses for nearly a millennium, its unique position within the liturgical rites of the medieval Catholic church can be traced to its early dogmatic and liturgical history. I end this chapter with an exploration of the history of the Creed at Charlemagne’s court at Aachen, interpreting the theology and politics of that setting as the pivotal moment which led to the Credo I chant.

The first and longest section of this chapter is entitled “The Creed in the

Liturgy.” My starting point here is a search for the entrance of the Creed into the liturgical structure of Christian worship. The Creed of the mass is not naturally a liturgical text; historically, it arises from theological controversies that were clarified in the fourth and fifth centuries. There are two complicating factors with this observation,

however. One factor is that, though the Nicene Creed is not a liturgical text, it developed from baptismal confessions of faith common across Christian communities of the early centuries—that is, its genesis was in a liturgical celebration of initiation. The other factor is that, despite the Creed’s composition as a declaration of faith, it did eventually enter the Eucharistic and office worship of the Christian church, thus becoming by common practice a liturgical text. This section thus provides many examples of primary sources showing the evidence of the Creed’s liturgical use in both baptism and eucharist, covering the time from the New Testament writings to the official adoption of the Creed as part of the Latin Mass in the 11th century.

The second section is entitled “The Text of the Creed.” This section offers a narrative of the history of the Latin text of the Creed, which was standardized by the 9th century. Perhaps not surprisingly, the Latin Creed was unstable in its translation history for several centuries, unlike the other scripturally-derived movements and texts of the mass. Certain words within the Creed were controversial and difficult for both its original Greek compilers and its Latin translators; additionally, Latin theologians and bishops in Spain added a word to the Creed, thus initiating theological controversies which endure to this day.

The third section addresses specifically the court of Charlemagne at Aachen, a setting which proved to be distinctly influential in the musical and liturgical history of the Creed. Particularly salient to music history is the liturgical place of the Creed at the

liturgies at Aachen, along with other items of the mass. It is likely that liturgical developments at Aachen carried political overtones, and the Creed—musically and liturgically—is embedded within those developments; this is seen by the fact that

Charlemagne promulgated a Greek-texted version of the mass to be sung on Pentecost.

A number of historical confluences shed light on the musical shape of the Gregorian

Credo I, which will be more fully explored in the next chapter. These confluences comprise the Latin translation favored by Charlemagne and his advisors, including the filioque clause—an addition Charlemagne personally defended and imposed upon churches within his domain—as well as Carolingian attempts to supplant the Eastern

Roman (Byzantine) Empire as the “Christian” empire, and a desire to instill clerical standards of knowledge of the Creed. Ultimately, these different strands of Carolingian liturgical and political influence find their musical expression in the Gregorian Credo I.

2.1 The Creed in the Liturgy

2.1.1 The Creed in Liturgies of Baptism

2.1.1.1 From the New Testament to Nicaea

In this section, I lay out the evidence that creeds are common to Christian liturgical history in the rites of baptism. Written testimony as early as the 2nd century, possibly along with New Testament texts from the 1st century, shows that confession of faith was part of the rite of entering the church, but that these confessions were in the form of an interrogation, not a spoken statement. Yet these early baptismal creeds and

credal formulas are of a different type than the imperial creed that later grew out of the ecumenical councils of the 4th and 5th centuries. This move from early confessional baptismal statements to conciliar testaments is the first stage in making the Creed a musical object, for it was only after the promulgation of conciliar testaments that the

Creed entered the eucharistic liturgy.

Scholars from the 19th and early 20th centuries claimed that the Creed was purely baptismal in its origin. J.N.D. Kelly cites Hans Lietzmann as stating, “It is indisputable that the root of all creeds is the formula of belief pronounced by the baptizand, or pronounced in his hearing and assented to by him, before his baptism.”1 This claim bears witness to the early link between the formal baptism ceremony and the Creed.

Several New Testament texts show a connection between the confession of faith and formal entry into the church through baptism:

But an angel of the Lord said to Philip, “Rise and go toward the south to the road that goes down from Jerusalem to Gaza.” This is a desert road. And he rose and went. And behold, an Ethiopian, a eunuch, a minister of Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, in charge of all her treasure, had come to Jerusalem to worship and was returning; seated in his chariot, he was reading the prophet Isaiah. … And the eunuch said to Philip, “About whom, pray, does the prophet say this, about himself or about some one else?” Then Philip opened his mouth, and beginning with this scripture he told him the good news of Jesus. And as they went along the road they came to some water, and the eunuch said, “See, here is water! What is to prevent my being baptized?” And he commanded the

1 Hans Lietzmann, Die Anfänge des Glaubensbekenntnisses (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1921), at 226. Cited in Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 30. 30

chariot to stop, and they both went down into the water, Philip and the eunuch, and he baptized him. And when they came up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught up Philip; and the eunuch saw him no more, and went on his way rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus, and passing on he preached the gospel to all the towns till he came to Caesarea. (Acts 8:26–28, 34– 40, RSV)

The spread of Christianity and the acceptance of baptism is one of the major themes of

Acts, and the eunuch’s baptism fits into that wider setting. The movement here is exemplary: the eunuch is moved from the (veiled) reading of Hebrew scripture to a

Christological understanding of that same scripture, and ultimately to baptism. The preparation for baptism thus becomes the right orientation or set of beliefs in reading scripture. A number of Vulgate manuscripts, including the authoritative 7th-century

Léon palimpsest, contain an additional query after the eunuch’s request for baptism:

“Dixit autem Philippus: Si credis ex toto corde, licet. Et respondens ait: Credo Filium Dei esse Jesum Christum.”2

“But Philip said, ‘If you believe with your whole heart, it is allowed. And responding he said ‘I believe that the son of God is Jesus Christ.’”

As Kelly points out, even though this exchange found in the Vulgate is a later addition, it corresponds to an early, ante-Nicene understanding of baptism as being predicated on the confession of faith: “I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God.”

2 In the Legionensis (Léon palimpsest), the consensus codicum of Alcuin (8th-9th centuries), and the Clementine Vulgate (1592). 31

A number of passages from the epistles of the New Testament similarly display the priority of belief before entry into Christian life in early Christian practice:

• “…if you confess with your lips that Jesus is Lord and believe in your

heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved.” (Rom. 10:9)

• “take hold of the eternal life to which you were called when you made

the good confession in the presence of many witnesses.” (1 Tim. 6:12b)

• “In him you also, who have heard the word of truth, the gospel of your

salvation, and have believed in him, were sealed with the promised Holy

Spirit…” (Eph. 1:13)

These passages show some link between the confession of faith—perhaps even an oral confession (“with your lips”)—and entrance into the body of believers. Notably, however, these passages do not mention baptism, nor is baptism implied as a necessity for membership within that body. Speaking broadly, the act of confession of faith in

Jesus Christ as Son of God is clearly an ancient practice within Christian history.

Despite this apparent link between “confession of faith” and joining with the

Christian community, there are few ante-Nicene witnesses to a verbal confession at baptism; instead, the earliest Christian witnesses show that the origins of a “Creed” lay in the question-and-response of a candidate at baptism. Justin Martyr’s (d. 165) description of baptism, one of the earliest sources which details the liturgical order of

baptism, omits any reference to a confession of faith.3 Tertullian, writing in north Africa in the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries, does not give any ceremony for recitation of a creed, though he does give instances of a declaration of faith; he states that the ceremony proceeds from the renunciation of the devil to the triple immersion.4 Elsewhere,

Tertullian writes that “When we are going to enter the water … we solemnly profess that we disown the devil, and his pomp, and his angels.”5 J.N.D. Kelly concludes that

“No one accustomed to working through early baptismal liturgies can doubt that the sole creed he would have acknowledged was the baptizand’s assenting ‘I believe’ in answer to the questions put by the baptizer.”6 That is, Tertullian’s language and descriptions best fits a ceremony that featured questions from the baptizer and answers by the baptizand, rather than a long declaratory affirmation of faith.

Kelly cites Hippolytus’ Apostolic Tradition (3rd century) as evidence:

And [the presbyter] takes them one by one asking them about their faith. He says “I renounce you, Satan, and all your service and all your works and all your filth.” … When the one being baptized goes down into the waters the one who baptizes, placing a hand on him, should say thus: “Do you believe in God the Father Almighty?” And he who is being baptized should reply: “I believe.” Let him baptize him once immediately, having his hand placed upon his head. And after this he should say: “Do you

3 Justin Martyr, First Apology 61. Justin mentions the instruction of catechumens (they “are instructed to pray and to entreat God with fasting”), and that they are baptized in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, but he does not mention any formal recitation of faith as part of this ceremony. 4 Tertullian, De Spectaculis 4. 5 Tertullian, De Corona, 3. 6 J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 45. Kelly supports the views of Ferdinand Kattenbusch in Das Apostolische Symbol (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1894–1900) and F.J. Dölger, “Zur Symbolik des altchristlichen Taufhauses,” Antike und Christentum 4 (1933): 153–87. 33

believe in Christ Jesus, the son of God, who was born of the Holy Spirit and Mary the virgin and was crucified under Pontius Pilate and was dead and buried and rose on the third day alive from the dead …”7

In other words, Hippolytus testifies to the question-and-answer format as being the earliest formulation for ascertaining someone’s belief at baptism.

The earliest witness of Christian texts show that there was an interrogation of belief at baptism in the 2nd and early 3rd centuries, but not yet a declaratory or formulaic

Creed. Cyprian of Carthage does mention baptism using a “symbol,” but Kelly concludes that “’symbol’ possibly [includes] the immersions as well as the triple interrogations.”8 In other words, the original liturgical function of creeds was as a recapitulation of oral instruction for adults, an instruction which gradually became formalized in the third century.9 The catechumens—those being catechized—were instructed over a long period of time in the rudiments of Christian faith, and the questions at baptism proved their awareness, attention, and, ultimately, belief.

“Declaratory creeds may therefore be regarded as a by-product of the Church’s fully developed catechetical system,” concludes Kelly.10 The declaratory creed accreted as a condensation of the questions and answers with which catechumens were instructed. It

7 Hippolytus, On the Apostolic Tradition, 21. Translation from On the Apostolic Tradition. An English Version with Introduction and Commentary, 2nd ed., ed. and trans. by Alistair C. Stewart (Yonkers: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2015), 133–34. 8 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 45. 9 cf. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 51. 10 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 51. 34

was, in fact, the fixing of these back-and-forth exchanges—the process of teaching a creed and then hearing it recited back—which led to the stabilization of the early creeds as texts.

2.1.1.2 From Nicaea to the Sixth Century

2.1.1.2.1 The Witness of Egeria Liturgical witnesses from the 4th century show how the interrogation and profession of faith at baptism had developed into a fixed tradition, the necessary precursor for the Creed’s entrance into liturgical worship. With the Constantinian legalization and expansion of Christianity beginning in 312, baptismal rites became more public and several witnesses show the prominence of a formulaic creed within the baptismal service. Egeria, also known as Aetheria, is one of the earliest witnesses to the liturgical practice of Jerusalem. Discovered in 1884 in Arezzo, the Itinerarium Egeriae preserves the travel diary of Egeria’s three-year journey across the Levant and

Constantinople in the late fourth century. Most scholars favor the years 381–384 for her journey, though it could be an early 5th-century text. When describing the services of

Easter (Pascha) in Jerusalem, she notes the baptismal services and the presence of the

Creed:

And a chair is immediately placed for the bishop at the Martyrium, in the major church, and all who are to be baptized, both male and female, sit in a circle around the bishop; the “fathers” and the “mothers” stand there also, and also all those of the people who wish to listen—but [only] the faithful—come and sit. A catechumen does not enter there then when the bishop teaches them the law, that is, thus: beginning from Genesis he 35

goes through all the Scriptures during those forty days, first explaining them literally and then interpreting them spiritually. They are also taught both about the resurrection and similarly everything about the faith during those days; this is called catechesis.

And when five weeks have been completed in which they are taught, then they receive the Creed; he explains to them the meaning of the Creed in a similar way to the meaning of all the Scriptures, each article first literally and then spiritually; so also he explains the Creed. And so it is that in these places all the faithful follow the Scriptures when they are read in church, because they are all taught during those forty days, that is, from the first hour to the third hour, because catechesis is done for three hours. …

When seven weeks have passed, there remains that one paschal week that they call here Great Week; then the bishop comes in the morning into the major church at the Martyrium. A chair is placed for the bishop at the back in the apse behind the altar, and there they come one by one, males with their “fathers” and females with their “mothers,” and repeat the Creed to the bishop. After the Creed has been repeated to the bishop, he addresses them all…11

Egeria is probably referring to the teaching of the Creed of Nicaea in its early form, similar to the Creed taught by Cyril of Jerusalem and mentioned by Augustine and other

4th-century writers as comprising the locus of instruction for catechumens. The amount of instruction—three hours per day for seven weeks—corroborates the lengthy periods of instruction given in other catechetical sources like Cyril of Jerusalem.

11 Itinerarium Egeriae 46. Translation from The Pilgrimage of Egeria: A New Translation of the Itinerarium Egeriae with Introduction and Commentary, trans. by Anne McGowan and Paul F. Bradshaw (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2018), 189–91. 36

The question of which Creed text these authors are referring to is complex, and I will cover it in more detail below. The first appearance of the Nicene–

Constantinopolitan Creed—the modern Creed text—is in 451; but its wording does not emanate from those councils (Nicaea, held in 325, and Constantinople, held in 381).

Jungmann refers to the Nicene–Constantinopolitan symbol as a “draft of a profession which, of all the various forms in use in the episcopal cities of the East, gained the widest acceptance… .”12 Any of these references, as in Egeria, to “the Creed” before 451 do not refer to a universally standardized text.

2.1.1.2.2 Baptismal Catechesis in East and West Texts from the 4th and 5th century detail the development of the Creed as a text taught for baptism; this is one of the important stepping stones in the development and promulgation of the Nicene Creed and its integration into liturgical worship. All of these textual witnesses show the importance of memorizing the Creed, and its necessarily unwritten status; it is foundational because it is memorized and handed down through oral instruction. As Egeria witnesses, declaratory creeds were an integral part of baptismal liturgies from the 4th century onwards, continuing the tradition of the ante-

Nicene baptismal rites discussed above. Several catechetical homilies survive from the fourth and fifth centuries in which the catechist—usually the local bishop—details the main points of Christian belief. J.N.D. Kelly writes that, “Whatever other uses they may

12 Jungmann, vol. 1, 462. 37

have been put to in the course of history, the true and original use of creeds, their primary raison d’être, was to serve as solemn affirmations of faith in the context of baptismal initiation.”13 The teaching (traditio, or handing down) and restatement

(redditio) of the Creed were documented in early baptismal liturgies in both East and

West. Augustine details this process in his Confessions (written in 400):

Finally the hour came for [Victorinus] to make the profession of faith which is expressed in set form. At Rome these words are memorized and then by custom recited from an elevated place before the baptized believers by those who want to come to your grace. Simplicianus used to say that the presbyters offered him the opportunity of affirming the creed in private, as was their custom to offer to people who felt embarrassed or afraid. But he preferred to make profession of his salvation before the holy congregation. For there was no salvation in the rhetoric which he had taught; yet his profession of that had been public. … He proclaimed his unfeigned faith with ringing assurance.14

In this scene the creedal confession of Victorinus, a former pagan instructor of rhetoric, is the climax of his baptism; the creed acts as a public statement of his acceptance of

Christian truth. Victorinus had memorized his confession. The redditio was not written down, as Augustine notes. It was frequently referred to among early Christian writers as one of the arcane disciplines (disciplina arcani)—a secret, known only by baptized

Christians. This “hidden” nature of the Creed is still preserved within the liturgy of the

Eastern Orthodox church, in which the catechumens are formally dismissed before the

13 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 31. 14 Confessions 8.2.5. Translation from Saint Augustine, Confessions, trans. Henry Chadwick (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 136–37. 38

recitation of the Creed.15 It is possible that there is a link between this insistence on memorization from the early centuries and the later requirements for clergy of memorization of the Creed mandated by Charlemagne, and even later insistence on memorization by laypeople in the 13th century (explored in Chapter Four).

In the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, delivered probably around 350,

Cyril details the teaching of the Creed to the Catechumens during Lent, the traditional time for instructing those desiring baptism. At baptism proper, after renouncing Satan the candidates professed, “I believe in the Father, and in the Son, and in the Holy Spirit, and in one baptism of repentance.”16 This proto-Creed was probably an abridgment, a placeholder for the longer Creed which Cyril had commented on, line by line. A placeholder was written instead because, again, the Creed still was not written down.

Cyril gives a prologue to his instruction of the creed:

For since all cannot read the Scriptures, some being hindered as to the knowledge of them by lack of learning, and others by a lack of available time, in order that the soul may not perish from ignorance, we comprise the whole doctrine of the Faith in a few lines. This summary I wish you both to commit to memory when I recite it, and to rehearse it with all diligence among yourselves; do not write it out on paper, but engrave it by the memory upon your heart, taking care while you rehearse it that no Catechumen chance to overhear the things which have been delivered to you.17

15 This custom goes back to at least the fourth century; cf. Hugh Wybrew, The Orthodox Liturgy: The Development of the Eucharistic Liturgy in the Byzantine Rite (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1989), 39. 16 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 33; Cyril of Jerusalem, The Catechetical Lectures 5.12. 17 Cyril does not refer to candidates for baptism as catechumens, but as believers; thus his warning here is addressed to those at the ultimate stage of pre-baptismal instruction. 39

I wish you also to keep this as a provision through the whole course of your life, and beside this to receive no other … . So for the present listen while I simply say the Creed, and commit it to memory; but at the proper season expect the confirmation out of Holy Scripture of each part of the contents. …Take heed then, brethren, and hold fast the traditions which ye now receive, and write them on the table of your heart.18

Cyril treats the Creed as “comprising the whole doctrine of the Faith in a few lines,” and as a “summary” of Scripture. The main thrust of his teaching is that the Creed presents the whole “knowledge” (gnosis) of the Scriptures, and it is this knowledge—spiritual knowledge—which is the aim of his catechesis.

St Augustine, in his “Sermon on the Handing Down of the Creed” (Sermon 212), has advice similar to Cyril:

You will recognize that, in this short sermon of mine, all that you will hear in the Creed has been summarized. You should not write it out in any way, but, so as to hold the exact words of the Creed, learn it by listening. Not even when you have learned it should you write it down, but, rather, always hold it and cherish it in your memory. For whatever you will hear in the Creed is contained in the inspired books of the holy Scriptures.19

Writing a few decades later than Cyril, Augustine adopts the same position as to the writing and memorization of the Creed, as well as its function as a summary of the

18 The Catechetical Lectures 5.12, adapted from translation in NPNF 2.7:32. He alludes to 2 Cor. 3:3 in his final statement. 19 Augustine, Sermon 212.2. Translation in Sermons on the liturgical seasons, trans. Mary Sarah Muldowney (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1959), 117–121. 40

Scriptures. The liturgical function of the Creed remains as a pre-baptismal confession of the baptizand’s belief.

The esteem with which Cyril and Augustine treat the Creed is evident as well in other surviving catechetical homilies from the fourth century, including Theodore of

Mopsuestia (c.350–428) and John Chrysostom (d.407).20 While Chrysostom’s “Eight

Baptismal Catecheses” are not focused on the Creed as Cyril’s catechesis was, he does mention the importance of learning the Creed before baptism in other homilies.21 In commenting on 1 Corinthians 15:29—“What do people mean by being baptized on behalf of the dead?”—Chrysostom brings to mind the hearers’ own baptism:

I wish to remind you who are initiated of the response, which on that evening they who introduce you to the mysteries bid you make; and then I will also explain the saying of Paul: so this likewise will be clearer to you; we after all the other things adding this which Paul now says.22

In other words, Chrysostom will proceed with his analysis of that passage by appealing to the Creed, the “response” they are bid to make.

Theodore of Mopsuestia (c.350–428), a Syriac theologian posthumously condemned as a heretic under dubious circumstances, also speaks about the seriousness

20 See Hugh M. Riley, Christian Initiation: A Comparative Study of the Interpretation of the Baptismal Liturgy in the Mystagogical Writings of Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Ambrose of Milan (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1974). 21 Jean Chrysostome, Huit Catéchèses Baptismales Inédites, trans. and ed. by Antoine Wenger. Sources Chrétiennes 50bis (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1970). 22 Homily 40 on 1 Corinthians, in NPNF 1.12:244. 41

of the learning of the Creed within its baptismal context. In the first of his commentaries on the Creed, he states:

Now which is the faith and which are the promises through which we have our part in mysteries in the hope of these heavenly gifts in which we will delight? These are found in the profession of faith which we make before Christ our Lord at the time of our baptism. If it were possible to comprehend their power by hearing only, our words would have been useless, because their mere recitation would have made them understood by those who heard them. Since, however, there is much power hidden in them—as our holy Fathers confided to us from the gift of God an ineffable treasure condensed in words which are easy to learn and to remember—it is necessary to teach those who are about to receive these mysteries and to show them the sense and the meaning that are hidden in them. When they have learnt the greatness of the gift to which they wish to make their approach, and have understood the meaning of their religion and their promises for the sake of which they receive such a great gift, they will keep with diligence in their souls the faith which has been handed down to them.23

Theodore’s exhortation again remarks on the memorization of the Creed before baptism, and the necessity of explaining the Creed beyond the mere “surface” of its words.

2.1.1.2.3 The Recitation of the Creed at Baptism After the 6th Century in the Greek East In the centuries after these catechetical writers, the Creed became established as the text of baptism. There is no definite point at which we can point to the Creed becoming the official text of baptism, rather than these orally-instructed memorized traditions, but a number of textual witnesses point to this shift as being fixed by the 6th

23 Commentary on the Nicene Creed, Chapter 1. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord’s Prayer and on the sacraments of baptism and the Eucharist, trans. Alphonse Mingana. Woodbrooke Studies, Vol. 6 (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1933), 18. 42

century. Theological controversies in the 5th century pushed the Creed into the center of theological discourse; various groups appealed to the Creed promulgated by the councils of the 4th century as the sine qua non of orthodox belief. Specifically, the Creed of

Constantinople, which derived from the earlier Nicene Creed, was a standard feature at rites of baptismal initiation by the late 5th century. The Encyclical of emperor Basiliscus

(475) shows the prominence of the official Creed in baptism:

τουτέστι τὸ Σύµβολον τῶν τιη ἁγίων … namely, the symbol of the three Πατέρων τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πάλαι µετὰ τοῦ hundred and eighteen holy fathers who ἁγίου Πνεύµατος ἐκκλησιασθέντων, εἰς were assembled, in concert with the Holy ὅ ἡµεῖς τε καὶ πάντες ὁι πρὸ ἡµῶν Spirit, at Nicaea, into which both πιστεύσαντες, ἐβαπτίσθηµεν, µόνον ourselves and all our believing πολιτεύεσθαι… predecessors were baptised… .24

Similarly, soon after Basiliscus, the emperor Zeno’s Henoticon (482)—a document attempting to bring together rival theological parties in the empire—also mentions the

Creed of Nicaea and Constantinople as the requirement for baptism:

For this reason, we were anxious that you should be informed, that we and the churches in every quarter neither have held, nor do we or shall we hold, nor are we aware of persons who hold, any other symbol or lesson or definition of faith or creed than the before-mentioned holy symbol of the three hundred and eighteen holy fathers, which the aforesaid hundred and fifty holy fathers confirmed; and if any person does hold such, we deem him an alien: for we are confident that this symbol alone is, as we said, the preserver of our sovereignty, and on their reception of this

24 Evagrius Scholasticus’ Ecclesiastical History, PG 86b:2600B; English translation from The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius in Six Books, trans. E. Walford (London: Samuel Bagster and Sons, 1846), 123. 43

alone are all the people baptised when desirous of the saving illumination… .25 We see here that by the late 5th century the Creed was certainly part of the baptismal rites in the East. One more witness shows that the linking of the official Creed text and baptism was complete in the 5th century. John Cassian (c.360–c.435) refutes the Pelagian and Nestorian heresies by appeal to the so-called Creed of Antioch in his polemic On the

Incarnation. He states that his unnamed opponent was “baptized and regenerated” into this short Creed, yet forsook its belief.26 While it is possible that the explicit recitation of the Creed at baptism was established already in the 4th century, the theological controversies of the 5th century brought a heavy emphasis on fidelity to the Creed of

Nicaea, thus leading to these polemical witnesses.

2.1.1.3 The Recitation of the Creed at Baptism after the 6th Century in the Latin West

All of the examples of the Creed at baptism, however, apply only to the Greek- speaking East; only in the 6th century did the Creed text of Nicaea–Constantinople move beyond the bounds of the Greek-speaking lands as a baptismal text. Despite the apparent universality and diversity of recitations of a creed before baptism in the 4th and

25 The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius in Six Books, 137. 26 Cassian, On the Incarnation 6.3, in NPNF 2.11:592. The full text of the Creed he cites: “I believe in one and the only true God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, His only begotten Son, and the first-born of every creature, begotten of Him before all worlds, and not made: Very God of Very God, Being of one substance with the Father: By whom both the worlds were framed, and all things were made. Who for us came, and was born of the Virgin Mary, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate and was buried: and the third day He rose again according to the Scripture: and ascended into heaven, and shall come again to judge the quick and the dead, etc.” 44

5th centuries, the “official” imperial Creed of Nicaea–Constantinople came to dominate all baptismal practices—not only those of the Byzantine lands, but of the Levantine,

African, and Roman traditions as well—by the mid-6th century. There was a measure of resistance from Western Latin Christians to the imposition of the Nicene–

Constantinopolitan Creed, and that Creed only found its place in the Latin West because of reactions to heresies. Particularly thorny in the West was the addition of the expansive Constantinopolitan articles, which were amended at the Ecumenical Council in Constantinople in 381, which some Latin theologians considered non-essential. In fact, the 15th Encyclical of the “Byzantine” Pope Vigilius, written in 552, is probably the first

Latin text to specifically refer to the Creed of Nicaea and Constantinople as

“ecumenical,” meaning it reached beyond the bounds of the Greek-speaking church of the East, according to Kelly and Harnack.27

The 8th-century Gelasian Sacramentary provides the full Greek text of the

Constantinopolitan Creed as an option for those being baptized, but that does not mean the full Latin text was accepted liturgically.28 Furthermore, the earliest liturgical uses of the full Constantinopolitan Creed in Latin are found in the 8th-century Gelasian

27 The “Byzantine” popes are called so because the Roman popes from 537 to 752 required the approval of the Byzantine emperor for enthronement. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 346. See also Adolf Harnack, “Constantinopolitan Creed,” in Schaff’s Religious Encyclopedia (Schaff-Herzog) Vol 3, 259. 28 The Gelasian Sacramentary: Liber Sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae, ed. HA. Wilson (Oxford: Clarendon, 1894), 53. “Qua lingua confitentur Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum? R: Graece. … Et dicit acolytus Symbolum Graece decantando…” 45

Sacramentary and the 6th-century Ordo Romanus VII.29 Some other later sources (like the

10th-century Codex Sessorianus 52) also give the full Constantinopolitan text in Latin for the baptismal rites of the Roman church.

Harnack observes that the Creed of Nicaea–Constantinople (or, effectively, the

Creed of Constantinople) faced difficulty being accepted in the West because of political and theological infighting. He states:

While the reverent reception of the creed in the West cannot be clearly shown before the middle third of the sixth century, it increased with remarkable rapidity, once the formula was regarded as the production of a council now recognized as ecumenical [i.e., the Council of Constantinople in 381], and had been raised to the rank of a baptismal creed by the Roman and Spanish churches, partly owing to the need of a strong defense against Visigothic Arianism.30

Thus is it reasonable to surmise that the infiltration of the Constantinopolitan Creed into baptismal services happened—as with the early history of the Creed in general—in reaction to the spreading and teaching of heresy.

29 PL 78, 997: “Qua lingua confitentur Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum? Respondet: Graece. Annuntia fidem ipsorum qualiter credunt. Et dicit acolythus Symbolum Graece, decantando his verbis, Πιστεύω εἰς ¨ενα. Hoc expletum, vertit se ad feminas, et facit similiter. Iterum acolythus alter accipiens ex Latinis infantibus tuum in sinistro brachio, ponens manum dextram super caput ipsius, et interroget ei presbyter: Qua lingua confitentur? Sicut prius, et respondet, “Latine.” Dicit ei presbyter: Credo in unum Deum, Patrem omnipotentem, visibilium. Hoc explectum, vertit se ad feminas, et facit similiter.” 30 Harnack, “Constantinopolitan Creed,” 259. 46

From around the turn of the first millennium, there is evidence that the Creed at baptism was recited in either Greek or Latin, or both. Honorius of Autun (c.1080–1154) bears witness to this tradition:

Credo in unum Deum super masculos “Credo in unum Deum” is intoned in Graece, super feminas Latine decantatur, Greek over the males, in Latin over the quia per duas has omnis lingua females, because every language is denotatur. Graeci quippe omnes gentes implied by these two. The Greeks, of philosophia praecellebant; Romani autem course, excelled all nations in philosophy; omnibus gentibus imperabant. Per the Romans, however, ruled over all Graecam ergo linguam sapientes, per nations. Through the Greek language, Latinam accipiuntur principes. Graece therefore, they are received as wise itaque et Latine fides canitur, quia omnis people, through the Latin language as lingua Domino confitebitur. His rite rulers. Accordingly, the faith is sung in preactis de Ecclesia exeunt, quia mysteriis Latin and in Greek, because every tongue Christi interesse, nec inter filios Dei will confess to the Lord. computari poterunt, qui adhuc in Christo regnante non sunt.31

This gendered use of Greek and Latin is common in several medieval liturgical sources.32

Augustine Thompson, for example, describes a Sienese Ordo which details the confirmation of children into the Catholic Church. After being presented at the chancel- screen door, the priest read the Apostles’ Creed in Latin over boys, and in Greek over girls; the Lord’s Prayer was also said in both languages for the respective genders.33 The precise significance of this tradition is unclear, and the gendered meanings of the

31 PL 172:661. My translation. 32 This probably relates to the Bamberg Credo mentioned in chapter three which features both Latin and Greek Credos. 33 Augustine Thompson, Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Communes, 1125–1325 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005), 317. 47

different languages may relate to other medieval linguistic traditions. Still, Honorius shows that the place of the Creed within baptism continued to be an important locus of liturgical change.

There is another musical implication involving the Greek and Latin Creeds which is beyond the scope of this chapter, though it deserves full treatment: in the wake of the fall of Constantinople in 1453, more Greek-texted music and musical allusions appear in Western manuscripts and sources. Prominent examples include a three-voiced

Greek Easter hymn appearing in the Faenza Codex, Italian manuscripts bearing polyphonic renderings of Greek hymnody by Greek composers, and polyphonic Latin masses with Greek allusions, such as Obrecht’s Missa Graecorum, probably written in the

1490s.34

By the 8th century in both the Greek East and Latin West, the Creed was the center of baptism, both as a teaching tool and a public profession of faith; its place within the baptismal rites can be seen in the earliest centuries of liturgical initiation as a form of question-and-answer, and then as an instruction into the mysteries of the

Christian faith, and ultimately as the reified, and still-used version we have of the

Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed recited at baptism.

34 See especially Pedro Memelsdorff, “Cantus grecus: Greek liturgy “more latinorum” in the Codex Faenza 117,” in Mondo latino e civiltà bizantina: Musica, arte e cultura nei codici del ‘400, ed. Antonio Lovato and Dilva Princivalli (Padova: Cleup, 2014), 203–223, and Dimitri Conomos, “Experimental Polyphony, ‘According to the … Latins’, in Late Byzantine Psalmody,” Early Music History 2 (1982):1–16. 48

2.1.2 The Creed in the Eucharistic Liturgy

2.1.2.1 The Eucharistic Liturgy in the Greek East

In order to understand and appreciate the musical and liturgical significance of the Creed in the mass, it is useful to understand how it got there. The story involves arcane details of theological disputes of the fifth century, but the broad arc is important for understanding the liturgical place of the musical creed, as well as for highlighting again another instance of the Creed marking doctrinal orthodoxy. Accordingly, this section details how the Creed moved from beyond the rite of baptism into the central liturgical service of Christian worship, that of the Eucharist. In the early 6th century the

Creed became an affirmation of common faith within the Eucharistic celebration in the

Greek East, a practice followed centuries later in the later West. This insertion into the main service of the Christian liturgical cycle dramatically changed the stature of the

Creed. As noted above, the Creed is not a liturgical prayer, but a statement of belief; insertion into the liturgy blurs the boundary between prayer and statement of faith.

J.N.D. Kelly remarks on this change for the Creed:

The victorious career of the Constantinopolitan Creed was not to be confined within the limits of the baptismal service. Important as was its role in the initiation of Christian catechumens, this was destined to be overshadowed by a function still more impressive and more intimately bound up with the believer’s daily life. C [=the Constantinopolitan Creed] was promoted, in the short space of a few decades in the East, and in the West by a series of moves spread over several centuries, from Baptism to the Holy Eucharist, and so became the creed par excellence of Christian worship. This was a revolutionary innovation, for in its original and authentic

shape the eucharistic liturgy had contained no formal, independent confession of belief. When circumstances prompted the inclusion of one, C with its majestic phrases and stately rhythm seemed almost pre-ordained for the role.35 As Kelly states, the interpolation of the Creed into the Eucharistic liturgy was momentous from a liturgical point of view. Up to the time of its introduction in the early

6th century there was no formal declaration of faith as part of the eucharistic assembly, and its place in the Byzantine liturgy “broke the intimate liturgical link between the bringing in of the bread and wine and the prayer by which they were offered and consecrated.”36 That is, it was interpolated at a point which interrupts the dramatic pinnacle of the Eucharistic liturgy—the reception of the gifts (offertory) and the blessing of those gifts (canon or anaphora). That such an interruption into the movement of liturgy was tolerated and still is tolerated shows how the fear of heresy had risen to a high level.

The Creed was imported into the Eucharistic liturgy in the midst of a theological and political controversy in Constantinople, but the actual detail of its importation into the Eucharistic assembly “is involved in obscurities,” as Edmund Bishop noted in the early 20th century.37 The Creed was possibly brought into the Eucharistic liturgy in

Antioch c.489, decades earlier than it was used in the capital city of Constantinople; a

35 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 348. 36 Wybrew, The Orthodox Liturgy, 86. 37 Edmund Bishop, “Liturgical Comments and Memoranda,” Journal of Theological Studies 12 (1911), 384–413, at 387 n.2. 50

note in Theodore the Lector’s Ecclesiasticae Historiae, concerning Peter the Fuller

(Πέτρος ὁ Κναφεύς) states,

Καὶ ἐν πάσῃ Συνάξει τὸ Σύµβολον And in every Synaxis [i.e., Eucharistic λέγεσθαι. assembly] the Symbol [was] said.38

Bernard Capelle considered this passage a dubious addition to Theodore’s text.39

Nevertheless, the introduction of the Creed to the liturgy at Antioch does not seem to have been permanent, and the Antiochene liturgical Creed was not as influential as the introduction of the Creed in Constantinople.40 In the same work, Theodore the Lector states:

Τιµόθεος τὸ τῶν τριακοσίων δέκα καὶ Timothy prepared the Symbol of Faith of ὀτκὼ Πατέρων τῆς πίστεως Σύµβολον, the three-hundred eighty fathers to be καθ᾽ἑκάστην Σύναξιν λέγεσθαι read in every synaxis, really against the παρεσκεύασεν, ἐπὶ διαβολῇ δῆθεν slander of the Macedonians, as they did Μακεδονίου, ὡς αὐτοῦ µὴ δεχοµένου τὸ not accept the Symbol. It was at one time, Σύµβολον; ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτους λεγόµενον in a bygone year being spoken on the πρότερον ἐν τῇ ἀγίᾳ Παρασκευῇ τοῦ Holy Friday of the Passion of God, at θείου πάθους, τῷ καιρῷ τῶν γινοµένων which time the ones about to be baptized ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου κατηχήσεων.41 [lit., “born”] were catechized by the bishop.

38 PG 86a, 209A (EH 2.48). My translation. 39Bernard Capelle, “L’introduction du symbole à la messe,” in Mélanges Joseph de Ghellinck, S.J., vol. 2 (Gembloux : Duculot, 1951), 1003–1027, and Robert Taft, The Great Entrance: A History of the Transfer of Gifts and Other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom (Roma: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalum, 1975), 398. 40 See Anton Baumstark, Die Messe im Morgenland (Kempten und München: J. Kösel, 1906), 174–5. Baumstark writes: “Die Quellen des vierten und der großeren̈ Halftë des funften̈ Jahrhunderts sind mit demselben noch unbekannt. In Antiocheia hat der monophysitisch gesinnte Patriarch Petrus, genannt der Walker (476–488), in Konstantinopel sogar erst einige Jahrzehnte spater̈ der Patriarch Timotheos (512–518) die Sitte eingefuhrt,̈ es in jeder Messe zu rezitieren. Der Pseudo-Areiopagite fetzt dieselbe bereits voraus, und etwa seit der Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts durftë sie allgemein sein.” Also see Bernard Capelle, “L’introduction du symbole à la messe,” 1004. 41 PG 86a 201 (EH 2.32). My translation. 51

The political and theological background of Timothy’s introduction of the Creed into the

Eucharistic liturgy probably goes back to the decision of Peter the Fuller, and further back to the ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, convened in 451 in a suburb of

Constantinople. The 451 Council of Chalcedon was itself called as a political and theological corrective to controversies of the early 5th century, notably centering around the theological language for talking about Christ.42 A truce existed in the wake of the 431

Council of Ephesus between the two main extreme parties: Cyril of Alexandria and the

Alexandrian party emphasized the union of humanity and divinity in Christ, the extreme version of which was called monophysitism (“one nature” in Greek), while

Nestorius and the Antiochene party emphasized a more rational division between the human and divine natures in Christ, the extreme version of which was called

Nestorianism or “radical dyophysitism” (“two natures” Greek).

Cyril of Alexandria died in 444, however, and in the wake of his death the theological parties moved to further extremes. Following several local councils and further controversies, the Empress Pulcheria called the bishops of the church to assemble at Chalcedon in 451 to settle the disputes.43 Unfortunately, and not surprisingly, theological divisions continued to rend the church apart and various

42 See Chapter 6 of John Meyendorff’s Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions, entitled “The Council of Chalcedon and its Aftermath” (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1988), 165—206. 43 Meyendorff, Imperial Unity, 167. 52

bishops most often claimed allegiance to one of the extreme parties. Thus, the Patriarch of Antioch Peter the Fuller, already mentioned for introducing the Creed into the

Eucharistic liturgy at Antioch in the 480s, was a monophysite. His deference to the

Creed of Nicaea was a conservative overreaction to credal statements and formulas of the 5th century; in other words, from the monophysite point of view, nothing further could be said about the theological controversy than what was said by the bishops of

Nicaea in 325.44 The Creed of Nicaea was indeed a touchpoint in the theological debates of the late 5th century, with various parties claiming fidelity to the “original” Creed which unified the church.45

A wave of anti-Chalcedonian monophysitism controlled much of the imperial church in the late 5th and early 6th centuries.46 Under increasing pressure from the monophysites, the Chalcedonian bishop of Constantinople, Macedonius II, was deposed and replaced by Timothy, who “showed more lenience towards the Monophysites.”47

According to Gregory Dix, “Timothy… at once introduced the monophysite practice of reciting the Nicene Creed into the liturgy of Constantinople, in order to secure the political support of the monophysite emperor and the federalist party generally.”48

44 I will discuss the problematic nature of the text of the Creed below, but the Creed of Nicaea was not the one used by these bishops in the 5th century. 45 John Meyendorff, Imperial Unity, 198–99. 46 John Behr, The Case Against Diodore and Theodore: Texts and their Contexts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 101–103. John Meyendorff, Imperial Unity, 203–204. Also see Volker L. Menze, Justinian and the Making of the Syrian Orthodox Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). 47 John Meyendorff, Imperial Unity, 204. 48 Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (London: Dacre, 1945), 486, cited in Taft, The Great Entrance, 399. 53

Yet when the Monophysite bishops were ousted in 536 and an orthodox bishop assumed leadership, the Creed remained within the Eucharistic liturgy, “recited according to custom.”49 That is, the Creed’s place within the Eucharistic liturgy was so popular among the Constantinopolitan Christians that, even though it was instituted by heretical bishops, the orthodox bishops kept it in place.50

2.1.2.2 The Creed in the Latin Mass

Within the rites of Western Christianity, the Creed entered the Eucharistic liturgy more slowly than in the East. It first appears in the Mass in late sixth-century Spain, where the Visigothic king pressured the local synod of bishops to insert the Creed in response to the encroaching heresy of Arianism in his kingdom.51 King Reccared I

(r.586–601) called the Third Council of Toledo in 589; the second chapter of the acts of that council pronounced:

Pro reverentia sanctissimae fidei, et For the reverence of the holy faith, and in propter corroborandas hominum order to strengthen the weak invalidas mentes, consultu pissimi et intelligences, having consulted our very gloriosissimi domini nostri Reccaredi glorious Lord King Reccared, the council regis, sancta constituit synodus, ut per decides that, by all the churches of Spain omnes ecclesias ispaniae, vel Gallaeciae, and Galicia one will recite, according to secundum formam orientalium the use of the Eastern churches, the ecclesiarum, concilii Constantinopolitani, symbol of faith of the Council of hoc est, centum quinquaginta Constantinople, that is to say of the 150 episcoporum symbolum fidei recitetur: ut bishops. So that, before saying the Lord’s priusquam dominica dicatur oratio, voce Prayer, this symbol is sung aloud by the

49 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 350; cf. Mansi 8, col.1057-1065. 50 cf. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 349–50. 51 See Philippe Bernard, “Quadrata Confessio: Les ‘Messes de Mone’ et la recitation du Credo à la messe dans la gaule de l’antiquité tardive,” Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Théologiques 82 (1998):431–443. 54

clara a populo decantetur; quo et fides people. Thus the true doctrine will vera manisestum testimonium habeat, et receive a public witness, and Christians ad Christi corpus et sanguinem advancing to receive the body and blood praelibandum pectora populorum fide of Christ, will have their hearts purified purificata accedant.52 by faith.

The location of the Creed within the Mass indicated in this Capitulum—before the

Lord’s Prayer—does not align with the practice of the Eastern church, which places it before the anaphora or Eucharistic canon. But this difference (or innovation) in liturgical location is confirmed in the early Mozarabic liturgy:

Inlatione quoque explicita, respondendum est a clero: Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus. Ad Confractionem uero panis, dicitur hec antiphona tribus uicibus: Memor esto nostri, Christe, in regno tuo, et dignos fac nos de Resurrectione tua. Postea Simbolum. Ad Accendentes enim dicitur hec antiphona cum prenotatis uersibus de Euangelio: Desiderio desideraui hoc Pascha.53

The text of the symbol was not included in those early acts, however. Only 64 years later, at the Eighth Council of Toledo in 653, was the precise Latin text of the Credo reified and promulgated by church authorities.

Tunc primae narrationis exortu, verae Then with the rising of the first narration, fidei nobis tractatus occurrit: ut there occurs for us a treatment of the true incipientes de illa primitus loqui, inde faith: so that, beginning to speak first of

52 Mansi 9, col.992. 53 Le Liber Ordinum en Usage dans L’Église Wisigothique et Mozarabe d’Espagne du cinquième au onzième siècle, ed. M. Férotin (Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot, 1904), col. 191 ll.6–17. 55

soliditatis auspicemur exordium, unde all concerning this, from there we make a sacrae sumpsimus nativitatis initium. good introduction of the entirety, from Quatenus assertionum nostrarum forti whence we have taken up the praemissa sententia, quidquid commencement of the sacred nativity. To subsequenter advenerit de the extent that the thought of our actis negotiorum, fortius subsistere valeat assertions has been strongly sent ahead, seriem decretorum. Itaque unius sacrae whatever subsequently will arrive from fidei veram professionem, veramque the acts of the affairs, the more strongly it regulam tenere, nos tota virtute animi et will prevail to support the series of profitemur, et acclamamus, cunctisque decrees. And so the true profession of the percipiendam, ac retinendam plena one sacred faith, and the holding of the deliberatione incessanter praedicamus et true rule, we with the whole strength of pandimus; sicut a sanctis apostolis ostenta our soul also profess, and we acclaim; docetur, sicut a sequentibus patribus and that it must be perceived by all, and orthodoxis disserta probatur, sicut etiam must be preserved with full deliberation, in sanctis illis synodalibus gestis we unceasingly proclaim and explain; verissime confirmata dignoscitur; in just as it is taught, having been revealed quibus Arii, Macedonii, Nestorii, vel by the holy apostles; just as it is proved, Eutychetis insanissimus error et dilucide having been discussed by the following proditur, et radicitus extirpatur; sicut orthodox fathers; just as also it is denique in sacris missarum solennitatibus discerned, having been most truly concordi voce profitemur, ac dicimus. confirmed in in those holy synodal acts; Credimus in unum Deum Patrem in which the most insane error of Arius, omnipotentem…54 Macedonius, Nestorius, and Eutyches is also clearly recorded, and pulled out from the very roots; just as, finally, in the sacred solemnities of masses we with harmonious voice confess, and say. We believe in one God, Father almighty...

There is evidence in the Stowe Missal (or sacramentary), an early 9th-century Irish manuscript containing the texts for the Mass, funerary rites, baptism, and a commentary on the Mass, that the Creed entered the Irish liturgy at some point in the eighth century;

54 Mansi 10, col. 1210B. 56

the Stowe Missal places the Creed after the gospel, but its Latin translation is rather idiosyncratic (see below).55

In the late eighth century, the Creed entered the eucharistic liturgy of

Charlemagne’s court at Aachen, from where it spread throughout the Roman Catholic world. The location of the Creed within the Eucharistic liturgy—recited after the reading of the gospel—is probably a relic of Irish usage which Alcuin brought to Aachen from

York. In both the Greek and Spanish liturgies, the Creed was recited before the

Eucharistic canon, rather than after the gospel, so its location within the Carolingian mass implies a different origin. The Stowe Missal includes the Creed at the same point in the service as in the Frankish Eucharist (after the reading of the gospel). There is, however, no mention of the Creed within the commentary section. The text of the Stowe

Creed is included in Appendix A: Ancient Creeds, in comparison to other Latin and

Greek creeds.

The exact date of the official addition of the Credo to the Roman rite of the Mass is unclear, though it was probably in 1014. Abbot Berno of Richeneau relates the story in his Libellus de quibusdam rebus ad missae officium pertinentibus of the visit of the emperor

Henry II to Pope Benedict VIII.56 There was, in fact, a severe background to this meeting, as Henry II was in the process of asserting Frankish-Norman authority on Italian soil,

55 The Stowe Missal, ed. George F. Warner (London, 1915: The Henry Bradshaw Society). 56 PL 142, col. 1060–61; cf. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 357. 57

usurping the existing Byzantine governance in many parts of Italy (especially Calabria and southern Italy). The papacy of the 11th century was facing increasing pressure to come under the influence of the Frankish emperors; indeed, the papacy responded to this pressure partially by reforming itself in a more “imperial” model, as shown by the reforms of Gregory VIII. Berno states that he was a witness to hearing Henry express his shock at not hearing the Creed recited at the rite of the Mass in Rome. Benedict responded that it had never been the custom in the church of Rome, because the Creed was meant to safeguard against heresy, and the Roman church had never succumbed to heresy. In the 8th century, Leo III (r. 795–816) had resisted the imposition of the Creed in the Roman mass by Charlemagne, preferring to keep silent on controversial theological matters. Nevertheless, at Henry’s insistence, Pope Benedict added the Creed—including the filioque clause, caving to the innovation which Leo III had resisted—to the Roman

Mass. Perhaps as a way of indicating its non-liturgical origin within the Roman liturgy, the Roman rite only admitted the Creed into the liturgy of Sundays and select feast days.

Berno of Reichenau transmits the story thus:

Nam si ideo, ut saepe dictum, illum For if therefore, as is often said, we are angelicum hymnum prohibemur in prohibited to sing the angelic hymn on festivis diebus canere eo quod festive days because the Roman priests Romanorum presbyteri non solent eum are not accustomed to singing it, we are canere, possumus simili modo post able in a similar way after the gospel to Evangelium symbolum reticere, quod refrain from singing the Symbol, which Romani usque ad haec tempora divae the Romans never sang even up to the memoriae Henrici imperatoris nullo times of the divine memory of emperor modo cecinerunt. Henry.

Sed an eodem interrogati cur ita agerent, But being asked by the said emperor in me coram assistente, audivi eos my presence why this was their practice, hujusmodi responsum reddere, videlicet, I heard him in this manner render a quod Romana Ecclesia non fuisset response, clearly, that the Roman Church aliquando ulla haereseos faece infecta, sed had never been infected with the dregs of secundum sancti Petri doctrinam in any heresy, but according to the doctrine soliditate catholicae fidei permaneret of saint Peter was remaining unshaken in inconcussa: the solidity of the Catholic faith:

et ideo magis his necessarium esse illud And so it was more necessary for that symbolum saepius cantando frequentare, symbol to be sung more often by those qui aliquando ulla haeresi potuerunt who were able to be tainted by heresy. maculari.

At dominus imperator non antea desiit But the lord emperor did not desist until quam omnium consensu id domino with general agreement he persuaded the Benedicto apostolico persuasit, ut ad apostolic lord Benedict, that at the public publicam missam illud decantarent. mass [the Symbol] should be chanted.

Sed utrum hanc consuetudinem servent But whether this custom preserves thus adhuc affirmare non possimus, quia far we are not able to affirm, because we certum non tenemus. do not possess that which is certain.57

Berno’s story calls to mind the concern with heresy surrounding the 6th-century introduction of the Creed to the Greek liturgy, as well as later controversies which took hold of the Creed as a marker of orthodoxy.

57 PL 142:1060D—1061A; my translation, based on Kelly, 357. It is possible that the point of the disagreement was over the chanting (“decantarent”) at the “public mass” (ad publicam missam). For example, 21 manuscripts in the CANTUS database record the Notker sequence “Natus ante secula” with the rubric “ad publicam,” referring to the “public mass” of Christmas, as opposed to the “private” masses celebrated only for the monastics. 59

The concessions afforded by Henry II from the Frankish practice are related in the Micrologus, a commentary on the papal liturgy from c. 1085 by Bernold of Constance.

The Roman church accepted the Creed into the mass, but its recitation was tempered:

Credo in unum, juxta canones, in omni Credo in unum, according to the canons, Dominica et in omnibus Dominicis on every Sunday and on every solemn solemnitatibus, item in festis sanctae feast of the Lord, likewise on feasts of St Mariae et apostolorum, et sanctae crucis, Mary and of the apostles, and of the Holy et Omnium Sanctorum, et dedicationis, Cross, and of All Saints, and of debet cantari, nec immerito; nam et de iis dedications, ought to be sung, and not singulis in eodem symbolo aliqua without just cause; for the reperitur commemoration. commemoration is obtained by some mention of a single phrase in the Symbol.58

In subsequent centuries, the rules for occasions for the Creed expanded to become more complex. A fifteenth-century Missal gives a detailed account of feasts on which the

Credo is recited:

Credo in unum deum. It is said on every Sunday throughout the entire year, and also if a Mass be made with regard to a feast. At the first Mass of the evening of the Nativity of the Lord. And at all the other Masses of that day, and thereafter throughout the entire octave. And on the octave of Saint John the Evangelist. On Epiphany and throughout the entire octave. On the Conversion of Saint Paul. On the Purification of the Blessed Mary. On the Annunciation to the same. On the Chair of St Peter. Feria quinta on the Lord’s Supper. On the Resurrection of the Lord and throughout the octave. On the feast of ascension and throughout the octave. On Pentecost and throughout the octave. On the feast of Corpus Christi and throughout the octave. On the feast of St John Before the Latin Gate. On the octave of the blessed John the

58 PL 151:1011–12. 60

Baptist for him who is below the octave of the Apostles. On the feast of the Visitation to the Blessed Mary and throughout the octave. On the feast of the Chains of Saint Peter. On the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin and throughout the Octave. On the Octave of Saint Lawrence for him who came below the octave of the Blessed Virgin. On the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin and throughout the octave. On the feasts of the Holy Cross. On the feasts of the Angels. On the feast of All Saints. On all solemnities of the twelve apostles. And of the Evangelists. And of Saint Barnabas. And at every consecration of churches and altars.59

These qualifications show that its liturgical gravitas was uncertain. Like the Gloria, the

Creed was not a feature of every Mass. In the case of the Gloria’s infrequency, this might be due to Eastern influence. Within the Sabbaite matins of the Greek church, the Gloria is only sung on days of higher solemnity, and simply read on lesser days. Likewise in the Roman Mass, the Gloria is only sung on specifically high liturgical days, and suppressed during the penitential season of Lent.60 Similarly, the Credo is only included at the celebration of solemn feasts. Jungmann avers that this liminal status is due to the

Roman resistance to including the Creed liturgically, and that the Creed is, in general, only included on days of feasts mentioned in the Creed itself.61

Thus, it appears that the entrance of the Creed into the Mass was the latest addition of the “Ordinary.” In fact, all movements of the Ordinary are relatively late in

59 From Missale Romanum: Mediolani, 1474, Vol. 1, ed. Robert Lippe (London: Harrison and Sons, 1899), 196– 7. 60 Jungmann, vol. 1, 357. 61 Jungmann, vol. 1, 470. 61

their musical forms and liturgical positions.62 These qualifications of the occasions and liturgical place of the Creed are why Josef Jungmann concludes that “[t]he Credo was thus conceived simply as a means of enhancing the festivity” of the Mass celebration.63

Its presence marked the heightened celebration and solemnity of a liturgical commemoration.

2.2 The Text of the Creed

The text of the Latin Creed as sung in the Mass today was standardized only in the late 8th century. As intimated in above sections, the text in Greek was not standardized until the 5th century, and Latin translations varied in their approach to key terms. Though the Latin texts of the office and mass reified over the centuries, the textual history of the Creed is important for understanding later liturgical and musical standardizations. As stated above, the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed sung in the mass dates to, and takes its name from, the decrees of the Ecumenical Councils of Nicaea

(325) and Constantinople (381). Although there seems to be a continuity between these official Catholic creeds and earlier credal statements, the Creed of the fourth century— that is, the Creed in the mass—marked a “great revolution” in doctrinal formulae because it was used as a test of purity of orthodoxy and episcopal allegiance, rather than

62 Cf. Craig Wright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 81. 63 Jungmann, vol. 1, 470. 62

a confessional statement derived from local liturgical practice. To quote C.H. Turner,

“the old creeds were creeds for catechumens, the new creed was a creed for bishops.”64

This treatment of the Creed as an imperial statement helps to explain the text and use of the Latin Creed, which was adopted and used by Charlemagne to similar effect in the early 9th century. Such an understanding of the Creed helps to explain its place within

Charlemagne’s liturgical enterprise, and also to elucidate the earliest Franco-Gregorian melody of the Creed, which, I argue, was promulgated for similar imperial effect.

The history of the text of the Creed has been carefully studied by various scholars, most notably in J.N.D. Kelly’s Early Christian Creeds and more recently in

Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, a four-volume series edited by

Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss; Wolfram Kinzig’s study stands as the most recent scholarly investigation into the history of the composition of the Creed texts.65

Here my goal is to lay out the broad strokes of how the creedal text we have inherited was shaped and formed over the centuries of the first millennium.

The earliest Creeds, conceived to accompany baptismal rites, tend to be flexible in their verbal presentation; John Behr writes that “these ‘canons of truth’ were not, strictly speaking, declarative confessions of faith, but rather working guidelines, whose

64 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 205 65 Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003); Wolfram Kinzig, Neue Texte und Studien zu den antiken und frühmittelalterlichen Glaubesbekenntnissen (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017). 63

wording could vary even within the work of one author.”66 As seen above, the general frame of early baptismal statements of faith was interrogatory; the earliest evidence for a declaratory creed may come from late 2nd-century Roman practice.67 Before the legalization and subsequent popularization of Christianity under Constantine, the religion assumed different regional expressions. Whereas Christianity in the Western empire became unified under the bishop of its main city, Rome, Christianity in the

Eastern empire found sometimes competing visions in four main urban centers—

Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem. Region-specific creedal statements were handed on for personal use, often, as seen above, for instruction during catechesis, followed by personal reflection on the doctrines exposited in the texts.

Facing a threat of heresy dividing the empire, Emperor Constantine called a council of bishops in Nicaea in 325; traditionally, the Nicene Creed is believed to have been the composition of those bishops, though the acts from that council do not survive.

J.N.D. Kelly points to the surging phenomenon of using creeds as a test of orthodoxy as a possible explanation for the rise of institutional creeds in the fourth century—for example, the 9th canon of the Council of Arles (314) states that heretics desiring to join the church should be asked the creed.68 Another local council held in early 325 in

66 John Behr, The Nicene Faith (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2004), 150. 67 Wolfram Kinzig and Markus Vinzent, “Recent Research on the Origin of the Creed,” Journal of Theological Studies 50 no. 2 (1999):535–59. 68 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 206. 64

Antioch also promulgated a creed, much longer than that of Nicaea, and provisionally excommunicated bishops who did not sign onto its statement.

The main debate surrounding the text of Nicaea was over the use of non- scriptural language. The earlier local baptismal creeds essentially consolidated scriptural statements, not using any phrases that cannot be found in the Bible. But some of the

Nicene bishops insisted on using the phrase “of one essence with the Father”

(ὁµοούσιος in Greek), a term taken not from scripture but from Greek philosophy. This phrase was so philosophically and theologically charged that early Latin translations left it in transliterated Greek.69

Though the Creed of Constantinople has garnered the title “Nicene-

Constantinopolitan Creed,” Kelly points out that the later (Constantinopolitan) Creed is not precisely a revision of the Nicene Creed of 325; “while it can fairly be described as a

Nicene creed, as a creed embodying the Nicene theology, it is not in strictness of language the Nicene Creed.”70 Furthermore, there is no documentation indicating that the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed originated at the Council of Constantinople in 381.

Rather, its earliest attestation is at Chalcedon in 451. The connections between the creedal statements of Nicaea, Constantinople, and Chalcedon have been examined in

69 B. Capelle, “L’origine antiadoptioniste de notre texte du symbole de la messe,” Récherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 1929:7–20, at 16. Capelle provides ten early Latin versions of the Creed, three of which translate this phrase as “omousion patri,” rather than the standard “consubstantialem patri.” 70 J.N.D. Kelly, “The Nicene Creed: A Turning Point,” in Scottish Journal of Theology 36 (1983):29–39, at 29. 65

great depth elsewhere, and there still appears to be no scholarly consensus on the provenance of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed.71

Documentary evidence from the ninth century shows an extreme anti-heretical angle to the debates and circumstances surrounding the Creed’s addition to the Frankish liturgy in the ninth century. Two important theologians associated with Charlemagne’s court, Alcuin of York and Paulinus of Aquileia, produced translations of the Creed which are virtually identical to the Latin Creed used today. Bernard Capelle provides the text of Alcuin’s creed preserved in his tract “Against Felix” (Adversus Felicem), which is found in Appendix A: Ancient Creeds. As noted above, the inclusion of the Creed within the Eucharistic liturgy of the Roman rite originated as a polemical device (similar to its entrance into the Eastern liturgy), and it remained a distinctly Frankish innovation until the eleventh century.

The translation of the Creed closest to that used in Charlemagne’s liturgy at

Aachen comes from Paulinus of Aquila. Paulinus’s translation differs only in four words from the standard Creed of today’s Mass.72 Dom Capelle refers to Paulinus’s translation

71 Creeds and Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, Vol. I, 162–63. 72 Charles Atkinson has detailed changes to copies of the Creed in Greek which were made to match this new Latin translation. For example, in the St Gall manuscript Bamberg, Sb. Bibl. 44, the phrase “theon ek theu” is placed before “Phos ek photos,” in accordance with the Latin, “deum de deo, lumen de lumine”; in the original Greek, the order of these two phrases is reversed—φῶς ἐκ φωτός, Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ (fōs ek fōtos, Theon alēthinon ek Theou alēthinou). Thus, by the early tenth century, this Latin translation had become standard to the point of altering the Greek Creed. See Charles Atkinson, “The Doxa, the Pisteuo, and the ellinici fratres: Some Anomalies in the Transmission of the Chants of the ‘Missa Graeca,’” Journal of Musicology 7 (1989):81–106. 66

as “éclectique et personnel”; it is “une édition nouvelle—l’édition carolingienne—du

Constantinopolitanum latin.” Capelle has examined the ten main pre-Carolingian Latin translations of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, and compared them to Paulinus’.73

While a general Latin translation tradition emerges, several small variants show

Paulinus’ originality. The eventual supremacy of his translation is due to the adoption of the sung melody for the Credo, today known as Credo I.

Adrian Fortescue points out that the Creed is mentioned in the description of the

Mass given by Florus of Lyons in the 9th century:

Therefore, the faithful first having assembled as one and being present in the house of God, the singing of the divine praises having preceded, the reading of the Apostles and of the Gospels having preceded, a sermon and exhortation of the teacher sometimes also having preceded, the confession of the Creed also having been added, and the offering of the people, and the consecration of the holy things having begun, in which the mind of all those present is prepared to think of and desire divine and holy things, the priest stands at the altar, and, about to celebrate the divine mysteries, he entreats the Church in salutation, and salutes it in prayer, saying…74

Florus’ witness shows that the place of the Creed within the Frankish Mass was established and secured at a relatively early date.

73 Capelle, “L’origine antiadoptianiste de notre texte du symbole de la messe,” 16–17. 74 Adrian Fortescue, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1914), 287. Citing PL 119:25 (Florus’ de expositione missae): “Primo igitur convenientibus in unum, et astantibus in domo Dei fidelibus, praecedente modulatione divinarum laudum, praecedente lectiene apostolorum et Evangeliorum, praecedente etiam nonnunquam sermone et allocutione magistrorum, subjuncta quoque symboli confessione, et oblatione populorum, et initiate consecratione sacramentorum, in quibus omnibus mens astantium ad divina et coelestia cogitanda ac desideranda praeparatur, assistit sacerdos altari, et celebraturus divina mysteria, Ecclesiam salutando orat, et orando salutat dicens… .” 67

The Latin text of the Creed was essentially fixed from 798, but there were notable expansions of and changes to the text within the medieval period. The two main textual changes to the mass text of the Creed were made through deletions and farsing additions—that is, like troping, adding texts not originally part of the liturgical text.75 It might seem that such liturgical liberty is an outlier, or that this treatment of the Mass texts is allowed because the polyphonic settings were merely ornamental. Just as the

Motetti Missales of the later fifteenth century offered an artistic supplement to the actual texts of the Mass, which were quietly recited by the celebrant, the integrity of the Credo might not be important because the celebrant’s recitation still determined the validity of the Mass.76 Nevertheless, the degree of textual liberty is surprising—scribes and composers sometimes added words, like in the anonymous “Patrem Tubula” in the manuscript BSB Clm. 1561. In that fifteenth century manuscript, the scribe crossed out one of the sentences of the Creed, replacing it with a text perhaps more appropriate to a

Marian celebration: “Qui propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem descendit de celis et incarnatus est de spiritu sancto et natus ex maria virgine et homo factus est.” The

Sens Circumcision office records a farsed Credo at Mass (as well as a farsed Apostle’s

75 The distinction between “farses” and “tropes”—a distinction arising from how the medieval manuscripts talk about these additions—is that farses are textual additions applied to lessons, not mass or office chants. See Michel Huglo, rev. by Alejandro Enrique Planchart, “Farse,” in Grove Music Online; David Hiley, Western Plainchant: A Handbook (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 234. 76 See Catherine A. Bradley et al., “Motet”, II. 2. “Later 15th Century” in Grove Music Online. 68

Creed at Compline), surviving in the Vatican edition as Credo VII.77 A number of polyphonic and monophonic Credos do not preserve the entire Credo text, but delete or omit large portions (a topic more fully explored in chapter five). I set forth these examples to show that, though the primary text of the Creed was fixed by 798, liturgical innovation surrounding its text did not stop.

2.3 Charlemagne and the Creed

The interventions of Charlemagne and his court are germane to the history of the

Creed within Christian worship for two reasons. First, the corpus known as Gregorian chant took shape under the musicians of Charlemagne’s court; the present Credo I, if not a composition of those musicians, is directly indebted to the musical and liturgical background of the Frankish kingdom. Second, the story of Charlemagne and the Creed shows how politics plays a role in the history of worship and music. From its beginning, the Creed has been at the center of debates that blur the lines between politics and theology, and the Creed at Charlemagne’s court is no exception. Here is a vivid case study of the politics of the Creed, and the political issues continue to have relevance into the fifteenth century.

Charlemagne sought to ally his northern kingdom with the ecclesial power of

Rome. By doing this, ripening theological controversies between Greek and Latin

77 Hiley, Western Plainchant, 171. 69

formulations of Christianity were brought to the fore. The Creed became the locus of this debate because of a subtle, new theological tradition from Christian Spain proclaiming that, within the Trinity, the Spirit proceeds from both Father and Son (filioque). This added clause was not included in the earliest Greek creeds of the 4th and 5th centuries, nor was it present in the Latin translations of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan creed.

The earliest documented clash concerning the Greek and Latin formulations of the Creed occurred in 767 at the council of Gentilly, where Latin theologians accused the

Greeks—at that time in the throes of the iconoclast controversy—of idol worship, and the Greeks accused the Latins of adding words to the Creed. According to J.N.D. Kelly, after this encounter, “Charlemagne …took up the filioque with something like fervor, using every opportunity to parade it before the horrified East and trying his best to induce the papacy to lend him its moral and practical support.”78 Charlemagne even rebuked Pope Hadrian I in 794 for erroneously supporting the Greek doctrine that “the

Holy Spirit proceeds not from the Father and the Son … but from the Father through the

Son.”79

78 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 363. 79 Ibid., 364. It is important to note that Philippe Bernard has proposed that the introduction of the Creed into the Mass predates Charlemagne by half a century; studying the “Messe de Mone,” a collection of Latin and Greek masses from the second through 7th centuries (published as Lateinische und Griechische Messen aus dem zweiten bis sechsten Jahrhundert, ed. Franz Joseph Mone [Frankfurt: Carl Bernhard Lizius, 1850]), Bernard argues that the text of some of the praefationes refer to a “quadrata confessio” within the mass, which could be taken to be the Nicene Creed. See Bernard, “Quadrata Confessio,” 431–443. 70

Pope Leo III (r. 795–816) sought a diplomatic solution when the difference of praxis between East and West became even more pronounced. A group of Latin monks in Jerusalem were remonstrated by local Greek-speaking Christians in 808 for singing the Creed with filioque inserted; Charlemagne used the opportunity to petition Pope Leo to affirm the doctrinal orthodoxy of the filioque and to ensure its position within the

Creed. Leo, however, responded that there was no doctrinal necessity to add sentences to the Creed, and that the easier solution was to exclude the Creed from the Mass, as was the custom in Rome. This helps to explain the continual reluctance from Rome to add the Creed to the Mass.

It appears that the Creed entered the non-Roman Western Eucharistic liturgies gradually, and regionally, in the centuries prior to 1014. As noted above, Florus of

Lyons, writing in the ninth century, observes the presence of the Creed after the gospel; but, as Adrian Fortescue notes, Amelard of Metz, roughly contemporaneous to Florus, does not note the presence of the Creed after the gospel.80

Charlemagne promoted liturgical unification, both in regard to the shape of the

Mass and the proliferation of the Gregorian chant. The composition and propagation of the chant known today as Credo I was part of this project. The melody stands out from other items of the Gregorian Ordinary corpus. For one, it is the only melody available

80 Fortescue, 287. 71

for that movement; the other four movements of the Mass Ordinary have several other melodies available. Second, the melody is peculiar, exhibiting a double-Phrygian melodic contour with E-F and A-B-flat as an outline.

As will be explored below, Michel Huglo has hypothesized that the melody is possibly Greek in origin, especially because a Creed in Greek appears in a thirteenth- century manuscript. The origins of the so-called Missa Graeca of Charlemagne’s court at

Aachen have been explored by Huglo, Kenneth Levy, and Charles Atkinson; the term was first used in 1886 to describe the confluence of Greek-language texts emanating from the Aachen liturgical rituals.81

The worship of the Frankish court frequently incorporated Greek language and liturgical elements. Several manuscripts from the eighth and ninth centuries bear witness to pieces of the Ordinary in Greek transliteration, including “Doxa” (Gloria),

“Pisteuo” (Credo) and “Amnos tou theou” (Agnus Dei). The architects of the Frankish liturgy had in mind an assertion of both the universality of the Frankish rites of the

Mass—probably tied in with the celebration of the feast of Pentecost—and of the authority of the Frankish empire under Charlemagne and his successors. Indeed,

Charlemagne did attempt to marry into the Byzantine royal family, failing in pursuit of the hand of Princess Irene. He also had established diplomatic and religious ties with the

81 See Bernice Kaczynski, “Greek Learning in the Medieval West: A Study of St. Gall, 816–1022” (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1975). 72

Byzantine Empire; but it seems his motivations were, in fact, to insert himself as the emperor of the “Roman Empire.” The Byzantine Empire referred to itself as the Roman

Empire, viewing itself not as the successor to but the continuation of the empire of

Ancient Rome. The name of Constantinople after Constantine formally moved the empire to that city was “New Rome.”

The singing of the Credo at the Mass, then, had both political and theological overtones, especially because Charlemagne and his court viewed the propagation of the

Credo with the filioque as a duty of his empire. If the composers of the chants at the court at Aachen mimicked a Greek melody, as I will propose in the next chapter, it would bear the connotation of the religious, political, and cultural claims of the Holy Roman

Empire.

In addition to the liturgical use of the Creed, the music to which it is set may have served as an aide-mémoire. Kenneth Levy points to several legal proscriptions from

Charlemagne’s time demanding clerical memorization of the Creed: “‘Haec sunt quae iussa sunt discere omnes ecclesiasticos… [These are those orders which all churchmen are to know]’ listing the Creeds, Lord’s Prayer, contents of the Sacramentary… .”82 An episcopal edict to priests at a diocesan synod, probably of the early ninth century gives another prescription:

82 Kenneth Levy, Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 87, fn. 7a, citing Capitularia regum francorum, MGH Legum, section 2, 235. 73

Ammonere vos cupio, fratres et filioli I wish to admonish you, my brothers and mei, ut ista pauca capitula quae hinc sons, that you obey attentively those scripta sunt intentius audiatis. 1. small chapters which henceforth are Imprimis, ut sacerdos Dei de divina written. 1. Firstly, that the priests of God scriptura doctus sit… 2. Ut totum be learned in the divine scriptures… 2. psalterium memoriter teneat; 3. Ut That the entire psalter be held from signaculum et baptisteries memoriter memory; 3. That the creeds [signaculum] teneat.83 and words and prayers of the baptismal service be held from memory.

Thus the impetus for clerical knowledge of the Creed—a command particularly strong under Charlemagne—may have led to the creation of a melody simple in formulation, conducive to memorization. It is possible that the melody now known as Credo I has its origins in these imperial/canonical edicts; it is also possible that, in addition to demanding knowledge of the Creed by the clergy, laic recitation of the Creed was also a desideratum.

The court of Charlemagne was seemingly obsessed with (re)cultivating a tradition of Latin letters. Some aspects of this renovation were centrally directed, but that plan was not universally followed. John Contreni observes the irregularities of the

Carolingian renaissance, writing:

Any account of the Carolingian renaissance that omitted its detours, contradictions, and idiosyncrasies would make it seem too schematic. Carolingian rulers and prelates could provide an impetus, but they could not control intellectual activity and debate no matter how much they desired standardization and

83 MGH 1.236–37. My translation. 74

unanimity. The immediate effect of the official involvement in learning and culture was to stimulate activity on a broad front.84

Such a broad front included a combined political, religious, and cultural project.

It is possible that the Creed promoted and promulgated by Charlemagne was an attempt to secure political power in the face of the Byzantine Empire. Charles Atkinson has noted that Greek–Frankish relations were not strong during Charlemagne’s lifetime.85 The Franks had abjured the Byzantines for sanctioning the veneration of icons after the Second Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in 787; there is also the statement in the

Libri Carolini that “[t]he frailty of the (female) sex and the mutability of a (woman’s) heart do not permit woman to place herself in supreme authority in matters of faith”—a statement surely directed at the Byzantine Empress Irene, who governed the empire essentially from 780 until her death in 802. it might be argued that Charlemagne did not wish to usurp the Byzantine imperial position, but rather to achieve equality as a legitimate empire. Thomas Francis Xavier Noble writes that “Charlemagne did not see himself as a Roman emperor, and he in no way imagined himself to be a successor to or a replacement for the Byzantine emperors. Indeed, he spent the next twelve years trying to win from Constantinople recognition of his equality with the eastern emperors.”86 The

84 John J. Contreni, “The Carolingian Renaissance,” in Renaissances Before the Renaissance, ed. Warren Treadgold (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1984), 59-74, at 67. 85 Charles W. Atkinson, “Further Thoughts on the Missa Graeca,” 78ff. 86 Thomas F.X. Noble, The Republic of St Peter: The Birth of the Papal States 680–825 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), 296. 75

orientation of the Frankish Kingdom to the Byzantine Empire was ambiguous, but it is possible that both a Greek origin for the Creed and the Missa Graeca bear political overtones.

3. The Monophonic Melodies of the Credo

Within the scope of this project, we can identify two main periods of musical history for the melodies of the Credo being sung at the mass. The first period is roughly

900–1300, during which the melody known as Credo I dominated the liturgical-musical landscape of Catholic Europe; the second period is roughly 1300–1500 (and beyond), during which church musicians composed dozens of new melodies for the Credo at

Mass, along with essays setting the Creed in polyphony.

Credo I is the most prominent Credo in the plainchant repertoire. It is not part of the Gregorian corpus strictly speaking, as the melody, like those of the other Ordinary plainchants, was composed after the reception of the Roman chant corpus by the Franks in the 8th century. While it is not part of the earliest body of Western plainchant, it bears marks identifying it as the product of early Frankish musical composition, specifically in its psalm-tone like recitational structure.

In the first section of this chapter, I trace the history of the Western plainchant

Credos. I focus my musical analysis in this section on Credo I, as it was, and still is, the most prominent plainchant Credo of the Roman Catholic Church. It is not, however, the earliest plainchant Credo.1 A perusal of Miazga’s transcriptions of plainchant Credo

1 André Mocquereau gave it the title “authentique,” which Bruno Stäblein translated as “ursprünglich.” Wagner, however, was more cautious in his appraisal, stating that “it was originally a recitative with moderate vocal inflections for the intitium …, but in the course of time it was occasionally interwoven with figures.” (Einführung in die Gregorianischen Melodien, 3rd vol. [1921], 458). See also Bruno Stäblein, “Credo” in MGG1, 1770. 77

melodies reveals that the chant called Credo I took several centuries to become solidified as the official and primary plainchant Credo. In its relatedness to Credos II, V, and VI, I argue that Credo I is probably a high-medieval reification of earlier recitational plainchant melodies for the Creed. It is my main object of analysis here because of its canonical status and relative antiquity, but it is only the most prominent and well- defined member of a family of ancient Credo melodies which were probably related to each other. Ultimately, I argue that the possibility of a Greek model for Credo I is reinforced by the political background of the Creed in the 9th century which I explored in

Chapter Two; Credo I, bearing markers of Hellenism more prominently than the other mass ordinary melodies, could serve as a musical reminder of Carolingian claims to primacy within the Christian imperium.

In the second section of this chapter, I introduce and explore the phenomenon of cantus fractus Credos. The number of new melodies composed for the Credo jumped dramatically between 1300 and 1500. The 1976 catalog by Tadeusz Miazga records 57 cantus fractus melodies in manuscripts dated to those two centuries, and more recent discoveries and publications have pushed that number over 70. Despite the popularity of this music, however, there has been no comprehensive survey of the melodies or their historical background. In this section I attempt to introduce this style of Credo composition and describe and analyze the most popular melodies of the time period.

3.1 Period I: The Origins of the Plainchant Credo, ca. 800–1300

In this section I consider Credo I in the context of early sources for Credo melodies, from the mid-10th century to the 14th century. First, I investigate the earliest sources for the Western plainchant melodies, which appear to indicate that Credo VI might bear the closest resemblance to the melodies in those manuscripts. Second, I demonstrate that these early Western Credos, all bearing substantial similarities to each other, possibly derive from a common Greek or Eastern Christian plainchant tradition.

Third, I provide a full analysis of the structure of Credo I, showing that while it is possibly derived from Eastern melodies, it is clearly a composition of the Frankish plainchant project. Finally, I argue that a Frankish adaptation of an Eastern Credo melody could have arisen out of political and theological concerns in the Carolingian kingdom, and that such a political origin is still evident in the Credo plainchants.

3.1.1 The earliest sources for the Credo in Plainchant

Despite being the most prominent Credo chant, Credo I is probably not the earliest. The early Solesmes research published in Paléographie Musicale Volume 10 identifies Credo I as existing in 11th-century sources.2 The 1961 Liber Usualis identifies it as an 11th-century melody, but the earliest unambiguous source is a 13th-century manuscript. The Liber Usualis and the Vatican Edition of the early 20th century famously

2 André Mocquereau, Paléographie Musicale X (Desclée: Tournai, 1910), 94. 79

do not provide a critical apparatus or source listing for their edition, though the project of offering a critical edition has been embarked upon and abandoned several times in the intervening century.3 A comparison of the oldest Credo plainchants of the Vatican edition—Credos I, II, V, and VI—reveals that the four melodies are certainly related. As

Credo I eventually became the canonical (“authentic”) Credo of the Catholic Church and might represent a reified version of the earlier plainchants, it will serve as the main focus of analysis for the rest of the chapter.

Tadeusz Miazga, a Polish Catholic priest and musicologist, compiled a chronological list of sources of Credo I and other early Credos in his catalog of Credo melodies.4 The earliest manuscript in his catalog is a tenth-century Gradual,

Staatsbibliothek Bamberg Msc. Lit. 6 (see reproduction in Appendix B: Reproductions of

Early Plainchant Credos), dated 950–975. The melody, transcribed in Figure 1, is notated in unheightened neumes. My transcription is based on Miazga’s incipit transcription. No complete modern transcription exists, but an examination of the melody’s beginning shows a simple repetitive melody in two phrases. The first phrase features the upward

3 Cf. Edward Kovarik, “Mid Fifteenth-Century Polyphonic Elaborations of the Plainchant Ordinarium Missae,” (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1973), 26. See also Peter Jeffery, “The New Chantbook from Solesmes,” Notes 47 (June 1991):1039–1063, at 1042: “The [Second Vatican] Council’s call for ‘a more critical edition…of those books already published’ referred to the critical edition of the Graduale that Solesmes had recently begun. The first volumes to appear came in for criticism on a number of issues, leading to a rethinking of the entire project. Nevertheless, a number of difficulties have conspired to ensure that no further volumes have appeared since the Council.” 4 Tadeusz Miazga, Die Melodien des einstimmigen Credo der römisch-katholischen lateinischen Kirche (Graz: Akademische Druck, 1976). 80

fifth jump (D-A) and a gradual stepwise descent back to D; the second phrase circles around the notes E-F-G.

The Bamberg manuscript Credo melody does, however, begin with the familiar

A-B-flat intonation which is retained in the modern Credo I. A melody from a slightly later source, Colmar Bibliothèque Municipale 443, provides a melody nearly identical to that of Bamberg. These melodies both strongly resemble Credo VI. In Figure 1 all three melodies can be seen in tabular format in order to highlight the evident musical similarities.5

5 Image available online at the Bibliothèque virtuelle des manuscrits médiévaux (https://bvmm.irht.cnrs.fr) accessed February 18, 2020. Cf. Tadeusz Miazga, 18. 81

Bamberg & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Cre - do in u - num De - œ um,œ Pa - trem om - ni - po - ten - temœ Colmar & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Cre - do in u - num De - œ um,œ Pa - trem om - ni - po - ten - temœ Credo VI (LU ) & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Cre - do in u - num œ Deœ - um, Pa - trem om-ni - po - ten - tem, œ

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fac - to - rem cae - li etœ ter - rae

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fac - to - rem cae - li etœ ter - rae

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ fac - to - rem cae - li œ etœ ter - - rae, œ

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ vi - si - bi - li - um om - ni - um etœ in - vi - si - bi - li -

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ vi - si - bi - li - um om - ni - um etœ in - vi - si - bi - li -

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ viœ - si - bi - li - um om - ni - um etœ in - vi - si - bi - li -

Figure 1: Comparison of three early Credos: Bamberg Lit. 6, f. 95r; Colmar 443 f. 4v, and Credo VI

Credo VI has not received much musicological attention, other than as a derivative melody of Credo I.6 It appears that the sources for Credo VI predate the sources for Credo I, and Mocquereau and Gajard give a 10th-century date for the composition of the Credo VI melody.7 As mentioned above, Credo VI comprises two

6 Hiley states “Vatican II, V, and VI use variants of the same typical phrases as Vatican I.” Hiley, Western Plainchant,169. This statement is repeated in the article “Credo” in Grove Music Online, by Richard Crocker and revised by David Hiley. Dom Joseph Gajard’s article, “Le Credo VI”, Revue Gregorienne 9 (1924):172–186 remains one of the few critical examinations of Credo VI. 7 Gajard, “Le Credo VI,” 172, and Mocquerau, Le Nombre Musical: Grégorien ou Rhythmique Grégorienne (Rome, Tournai: Desclée, 1908), Vol. II, 204. Mocquerau states: “Ce Credo provient d’un manuscrit du XIe 82

distinct phrases. Unlike Credo I, however, the only clear recitation tone in Credo VI is the A of the first phrase (“Patrem omnipotentem”; “et terrae”); the other phrase does not have a clear recitation tone, but uses G as an anchor pitch for motivic phrases on E-F-G or G-F-E.8

Günther Michael Paucker observes a third early source with a similar melody, found in Berlin Staatsbibliothek cod. Theo. Lat. 40 11, f.100r–101r (see Appendix B:

Reproductions of Early Plainchant Credos).9 The Berlin codex is dated to 1024–27, thus putting the three earliest manuscripts with Credo melodies within a 50- to 75-year span.

These Credos share similar melodic features—a recitation on A in the first phrase

(“Patrem omnipotentem,” “et terrae”) and on G in the second, as well as the frequently- occurring melodic gesture E-F-G. On the other hand, the earliest source which unequivocally gives the modern Credo I melody is Reims Bibliothèque Municipale 264, f. 105r, a 13th-century source; this is also the earliest non-neumatic source (see Figure 2).

The melody preserved in that manuscript is nearly identical to the Credo I in modern editions. The full connections and musical development of the Credo melody in its earliest notations have not been studied in over a century, since Mocquereau’s analysis.

siècle, de S. Martial de Limoges, actuellement à la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris, fonds latin, no. 887, p.60. Sa composition peut remonter au Xe siècle.” 8 These recitational phrases are called membres by Mocquereau in his analysis; I use his terminology below. 9 Günther Michael Paucker, Das Graduale Msc. Lit. 6 der Staatsbibliothek Bamberg (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1986), 63–4. 83

It seems likely that the melody now known as Credo I developed as an elaboration of a simpler melody.

Figure 2: The earliest manuscript recording Credo I, Reims 264 f. 105r (13th c)10

Now we turn to connections between the four earliest Credos preserved in the

Vatican edition. Most scholars agree they are variants of each other.11 A side-by-side comparison reveals many musical similarities but also highlights Credo I as more elaborate than the other Credos (see Figure 3).

10 Image from Bibliothèque virtuelle des manuscrits médiévaux. Note that it is given the title “Simbolum apostolorum,” even though this is not the Apostles’ Creed. 11 See Hiley, Western Plainchant, 169; Crocker and Hiley, “Credo” in Grove Music Online; Kenneth Levy, “The Byzantine Sanctus East and West,” Annales Musicologiques 6 (1958). 7–67, at 41; Stäblein, “Credo,” 1770. 84

Figure 3: comparison of Credos I, II, V, and VI from the Vatican Edition

Credo VI is the simplest of these four Credos, comprising two phrases with a recitation phrase on A. Credos II and I appear the closest, with Credo I using many of the same notes of Credo II with added embellishments and ornaments. The final notes of several phrases between Credo I and Credo II do not align. As I will show below, there is a family of early Credo melodies that are all in second mode authentic or plagal with E finals, and it is possible that Credo II, with consistent second mode phrase endings, preserves a version relatively older than the other three. All four Credos are in the second mode with an E final at the final “Amen”, but only Credo II regularly ends most of its constituent phrases with an E.

In contrast to Credo VI’s two phrases, Credos I, II, and V comprise three phrases and a connecting phrase on “Jesum Christum”; the phrases alternate between an “A” recitation pitch (e.g., “Patrem…”) and a “G” recitation pitch (e.g., “factorem caeli”).12

12 In Mocquereau’s terminology, which I adapt below, the connecting phrase is a liaison. 86

There are connections between the four melodies, which I have endeavored to show in the tabular organization of Figure 3—consistent stepwise motion, frequent repetition of the G-F-E motif before cadences, an intonation figure announcing the beginning of several phrases (D-A in Credo VI, A-B-flat in Credos I and V).

3.1.2 The Possible Eastern Origin of the Western Credo Melodies

The Berlin codex mentioned above raises the possibility of a Greek connection for the Credo melody. On f.101, following the Latin Credo in neumatic notation, the manuscript contains the rubric “Symbolum aptorum Grece et Latine,” which marks a dual-language Creed in both Greek and Latin. The Greek is transliterated in Latin characters, in black ink, while the Latin translation underlies the Greek transliteration, in red ink. This manuscript, one of several St Gall manuscripts containing extensive Greek- language texts, represents a later stage in the proliferation of a Missa Graeca, a modern term applied to mass ordinary texts in Greek found in Frankish manuscripts from the 9th to 11th centuries.13 Walter Berschin, describing the Greek influence at St Gall, states that the proliferation of Greek texts within these manuscripts is probably due to the language’s status as one of three “holy languages,” along with Hebrew and Latin.

The Graeco-Latin poems from St. Gall belong for the most part to the liturgy. That is the space where the St. Gall Hellenism unfolds most intensely. The Missa Graeca was not invented in St. Gall, but [there] it received lively cultivation. In the often-magnificently decorated troper and sequence manuscripts—a fame of the St.

13 See Charles M. Atkinson, “Further Thoughts on the Origin of the Missa graeca,” 76. 87

Gall scriptorium—Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Pater noster, and Agnus dei are repeatedly written in Greek. With the liturgy, the playful, ornamental treatment of the Greek has an established place; the Greek letters in the codex and the spoken or sung Greek words in the liturgy elevate the third “holy language,” Latin, into the sphere of the second “holy language,” Greek, the original language of the New Testament. In this cultural milieu, it is not so important that it is a proper or even a Greek word that is emphasized in this way. An example of this is the AMHN, which is often written in Greek and sacralizes a word of the first “holy language,” Hebrew, with letters of the second “holy language.”14 The reverence held for the Greek language at St Gall is not limited to the Credo, and such esteem for the Greek language is common across many aspects of medieval religious culture.15 While the Credo’s linguistic connection to Greek is evident in this

11th-century St Gall manuscript, it is likely that a Greek musical connection goes even further back in history. A number of musicologists have suggested such a connection, but, like so much of the early history of chant, the answers remain shrouded by a lack of

14 W. Berschin, “Griechisches in der Klosterschule des alten St. Gallen,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 84/85 Band 2 (1991–92): 329–340, at 338. “Die graeco-lateinischen Dichtungen aus St Gallen gehören zum größeren Teil in den Bereich der Liturgie. Dort ist der Raum, in dem sich der sanktgallische Hellenismus am intensivsten entfaltet. Die Missa Graeca ist in St Gallen nicht erfunden worden, hat aber lebhafte Pflege erfahren. In den oft prachtvoll ausgestatteten Tropen- und Sequenzenhandschriften –– einem Ruhm des sanktgallischen Skriptoriums—sind Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Pater noster, und Agnus Dei immer wieder griechisch geschrieben worden. Mit der Liturgie hat der spielerisch anmutende, ornamentale Umgang mit den Graeca einen festen Sitz im Leben; der griechische Buchstabe im Codex und das griechisch gesprochene oder gesungene Wort in der Liturgie erheben die dritte ‘heilige Sprache’ Latein in die Sphäre der zweiten ‘heiligen Sprache’ Griechisch, der Ursprache des Neuen Testaments. In diesem kulturellen Milieu kommt es gar nicht so sehr darauf an, daß es ein richtiges oder überhaupt ein griechisches Wort ist, das so hervorgehoben wird. Ein Beispiel ist hierfür das häufig griechisch geschriebene AMHN, womit ein Wort der ersten “heiligen Sprache” Hebräisch mit Buchstaben der zweiten “heiligen Sprache’ sakralisiert wird.” 15 See especially Walter Berschin, Greek Letters and the Latin Middle Ages: from Jerome to Nicholas of Cusa, trans. Jerold C. Frakes (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1988 [1980]). On St Gall in particular, see Bernice M. Kaczynski, Greek in the Carolingian Age: The St Gall Manuscripts (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, 1988), and more recently, Therese Bruggisser–Lanker, Musik und Liturgie im Kloster St. Gallen in Spätmittelalter und Renaissance (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004). 88

documentary evidence.16 David Hiley cautiously states that any Byzantine connection

“must have survived many centuries of unrecorded transmission.”17

One basis for arguing that the early Frankish Credos derived from a common

Greek or eastern melody is presented by Michel Huglo, who discovered a 14th-century baptismal Credo in Greek that resembles Credo I and the other Vatican Credos analyzed above. The manuscript is now lost and survives only in Huglo’s transcription.18 A tabular analysis of the Greek Credo reveals a melodic structure similar to that of Credo I.

These similarities, however, do not mean that the plainchant Credos were influenced by this Greek Credo or its oral forebears; the Greek Credo may in fact be a Western redaction of the Latin Credo into Greek. Huglo argues that the prototype of this Greek melody antedates Credo I, and that because the Greek Creed melody bears resemblance to other early Greek hymnody, it stands a chance of being considered an ancient Greek melody. In support of that antiquity he asserts that the melody in this 14th-century source contains phrases typical of Greek chant.19

To enlarge the search for an Eastern ancestor for the Western plainchant Credos, we can turn to other early Credo settings for comparison. Kenneth Levy catalogs six

16 See Michel Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authentique’ de la Vaticane,” Revue Grégorienne 30 (1951): 68-78; Kenneth Levy, “Byzantine Sanctus East and West,” 40–42; also, Richard Taruskin, Music from the Earliest Notations to the Sixteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 34–35. 17 Hiley, Western Plainchant, 169. 18 Michel Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authenique’ de la Vaticane.” 19 Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authenique’ de la Vaticane,” 76. 89

early Credo melodies (counting the four Vatican Credos as one melody), and all of these melodies are in the deuterus mode, either authentic or plagal.20

a) Vatican I, II, V, and VI

b) Mozarabic Credimus; this is mostly on a G recitation pitch.21

c) Gallican Credimus, mostly on a G recitation pitch.22

d) The baptismal Credo discovered by Huglo, in transliterated Greek (recitation

on G).23

e) the baptismal Credo in Latin (recitation on F).24

f) the Credo Apostolorum in Latin from the Sens circumcision office (recitation

on C).25

These Creed melodies are all recitational, and none of them are as complex in their structure as the Vatican Credos II, V, and VI.26

The coincidence of these recitational-style Credo chants in the same mode has motivated many scholars to argue for a common Greek or Eastern origin of the Creed

20 Levy, “Byzantine Sanctus,” 41. See also Stäblein, “Credo,” 1769. 21 Casiano Rojo and Germán Prado, El Canto Mozarabe, Estudio históricocritico de su antiguedad y estado actual (Barcelona: Diputación Provincial, 1929), 123. 22 Amédée Gastoué, Le Chant Gallican (Grenoble: Saint Grégoire, 1939), 34. 23 Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authenique’ de la Vaticane,” 74–76 24 Ibid., 71–72 25 Office de Pierre de Corbeil (Office de la Circoncision), ed. Henri Villetard (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1907), 140– 41. 26 Levy also refers to the earliest Byzantine melody for the Creed (in that it actually comes from an Eastern source, unless Huglo’s Credo), but it is in a fifteenth-century Byzantine manuscript (Sinai 1527, f. 324v) and may be an import into the Greek liturgy from Latin liturgical traditions. Levy, “The Byzantine Sanctus East and West,” 40. 90

plainchants of the Catholic Church. There may have been ample opportunity for this musical borrowing. Kenneth Levy observes that “we know that Roman musicians at a time between the ninth and eleventh centuries indulged in the practice of converting imported melodies into the Roman style.”27 Furthermore, there are obvious structural and musical connections between the Greek baptismal Creed of Huglo and the Vatican plainchant Credos.

The Greek Creed (see Appendix B: Reproductions of Early Plainchant Credos) can be divided into two phrases, like Credo VI. The first phrase, like the second phrase of Credo I and of Credo VI, focuses on G.

Figure 4: Intonation of the Greek Credo from Huglo, transcription of Cologne Stadtsarchiv W. 105

The second phrase opens with an upward fifth (D-A) and concludes with a cadence on

F; the second phrase’s cadence is introduced by a G-F melisma.

27 Levy, Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 75. 91

Figure 5: Second Phrase of the Greek Credo

Occasionally, the E-F-G pattern of phrase one is reversed (i.e., G-F-E) as a half-cadence— in a manner similar to that of the connecting phrase (liaison) of Credo I—between phrases one and two.

Figure 6: Half-cadence of the Greek Credo

A tabular analysis follows, which can be compared to the tabular analyses of Credo I by

Mocquereau and Apel, below:

Table 1: Form Chart of Huglo’s Greek Pysteuo

1st phrase Half-cadence 2nd phrase (cadence italicized) Pysteuo is ena theon Patera pantocratoran Pitin uranu ke gis Oraton Te panto ke aroaton Ke is ena Kyrion Christon Theneon Tu theu ton monogenin To ek tu patros genithenta Pro panton Ton eonon Fos ek fotos, Theon alithinon Ek theou alithinu Genithenta U pithenta 92

Omousyon to patri Diuta panta egeneto(n) (ton) Dymastus antopros ke Dia tin Imeteran sothirian Katelthonta ek tou Uranu ke Sarkothenta ek pnevmatos Tis parthenou agion Kai Marias Kai enanthropistnta Stavrothenta te uper imon Epi pontiu pilatu Ke pathonta kai Tafenta Ke anastanta ti triti imera Kata tas grafas ke Anelthonta eis tous Uranus ke Kathe zomenon en dexia Tou patros (ke palin) Erchomenon meta doxis Zontas kai nekrous Ou tis basi- krinai Leias Ouk estai telos Ke eis to pneumato agion Kai zoopion Ta ek tou patros (sun) proskynoumenon ekporevoumenon Ke syndoxa-zomenon To lalisan (dia ton profiton) Eis mian agian katholikin Ekllisian Omologon (en vaptisma) Eis kresiw amartion Prosdoko anastasin nekron Ke zoin tou mellontos (aionos) amin

Huglo states that “the melody of ‘Pisteuo eis ena’ ignores the embellishment at the accent, peculiar to the deuxième membre of Credo I, even though the intonation D, A, (B) is not foreign to Greek hymnography, as one can see from the example of the stichera for the month of September… .”28 He is referring to the stichera transcribed and edited by Egon

Wellesz. Even a cursory look at the Greek hymns edited by Wellesz reveals frequent use

28 Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authenique’ de la Vaticane,” 78. 93

of the interval D-A within Greek ecclesial music, and Wellesz himself states, “The opening turn of the melody with the fifth-leap A-D-A is typical for a great number of melodies of the first tone.”29 Other aspects of Greek hymnody align with the general melodic contour of Credo I. For example, Wellesz notes that “the simplest way of setting a line to music is the recitation of a number of unaccented syllables on a repeated note, the tenor, followed by a cadence which starts on the note of recitation. This melodic type occurs frequently as an opening phrase in the first mode.”30

Aside: Was the Creed sung in the Greek liturgy?

Considering all of these posited connections to a now-lost Greek Credo prototype for Credo I, it is surprisingly unclear if the Creed was regularly, or even occasionally, sung as a feature of the Eucharistic liturgy of the Greek church. Anton

Baumstark, writing in 1906, states that “Next to the insertion in every parish in the entire

Orient, a remarkable difference from the Western manner is the fact that the creed was never sung, not even by the celebrant, but is spoken aloud, including its opening words by the congregation or by a single assistant priest or cleric on their behalf.”31

29 “Die Anfangswendung der Melodie mit den Quintsprüngen a-d-a ist typisch für eine grosse Zahl von Melodien des 1. Tones, z.B.” Egon Wellesz, Die Hymnen des Sticherarium für September (Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard, 1936), 4. 30 Egon Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 1st ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949), 274. 31 Baumstark, Die Messe im Morgenland, 174. “Einen beachtenswerten Unterschied gegenüber abendländischer Weise bezeichnet nächst der Einfügung in schlechthin jede Messe im gesamten Orient die Tatsache, daß das Glaubensbekenntnis niemals gesungen, auch nicht vom Zelebrant angestimmt, sondern einschließlich seiner Anfangsworte von der Gemeinde oder von einem einzelnen assistierenden Priester oder Kleriker in deren Namen laut gesprochen wird.” 94

Baumstark’s statement is certainly true in modern Greek Orthodox worship (though the

Russian tradition does feature a sung Credo), but the accuracy of his statement does not accord with some earlier testimony.

Four attestations survive as witnesses to the practice of singing the Creed at the

Greek liturgy. The now-lost Pirolamus codex, preserved in an 18th-century edition of the

Greek Euchologion published by French Dominican Jacques Goar, states that “with the archdeacon leading, all sing the Creed.”32 Another now-lost document, the Johannisburg codex, records a similar rubric at the Creed. Both documents have been dated to the 10th or 11th century based on the liturgies they describe.33 A twelfth-century diataxis preserved in British Museum Add. 34060 gives the rubric: “And thus the clergy chant with the laity the ‘I believe in one God.’”34 Yet all of these liturgies also depict extraordinary, festal celebration with the patriarch or bishop present; in other words, these were not everyday occasions for worship. The fourth attestation comes from

Walafrid Strabo, a 9th-century abbot of Reichenau. He writes:

And note that the Greeks set the Constantinopolitan Creed (which we in imitation of them have taken into our Mass), rather than others, in the sweetness of chant, because it emanated from the Council of Constantinople, and perhaps because it seemed to be

32 Εὐχολογιον Sive Rituale Graecorum, ed. Jacobus Goar (Venice: Bartholomeus Javarina, 1730), 155. In Greek: Καὶ τοῦ Αρχδιακονοῦ ἀρχοµένοῦ, πάντες τὸ σύµβολον ψάλλουσι. 33 cf. Robert F. Taft, “Quaestiones disputatae: The Skeuophylakion of Hagia Sophia and the Entrances of the Liturgy Revisited,” Oriens Christianus 82 (1998):53–87, at 68 ff. 34 Robert F. Taft, “The pontifical liturgy of the Great Church according to a twelfth-century diataxis in codex British Museum Add. 34060,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 45 (1979):279–307, at 299. Reprinted in Robert F. Taft, Liturgy in Byzantium and Beyond (Burlington: Ashgate, 1995) II. In Greek: Καὶ ὅυτως ψάλλει τὸ ἱερατεῖον µετὰ τοῦ λαοῦ τὸ Πιστεῦω εἰς ἕνα θεόν. 95

more suited to the modulations of sounds than the earlier Creed of Nicaea.35 It seems likely that the Creed was sung in Greek worship, at least at celebrations of particularly high solemnity like episcopal liturgies. Baumstark’s claim that the Creed was recited in Greek liturgy could perhaps be due to the frequency of Byzantine liturgical change and reform, a process that continued essentially until the fall of

Constantinople in 1453.36 Levy surmises that “a single modal usage for the Credo may have spread from Constantinople … to the various parts of the Latin West, beginning with Spain … and ending at Rome …. It seems possible as well that the same musical formula would have been used for the shorter baptismal text … .”37 There is no proof for

Levy’s argument other than the concurrence of the early Credos cited above.38 But the possibility of a sung Credo at the Greek Eucharistic celebration does enhance the possibility for a common Greek source for the Latin Credos.

3.1.3 Analysis of the Structure of Credo I

A weakness stands in postulating any now-lost or never-written Greek Credo that served as the basis for the Western plainchant Credos. Although we cannot gain

35 Cited in Levy, “Byzantine Sanctus East and West,” 41. 36 See Thomas Pott, Byzantine Liturgical Reform, trans. Paul Meyendorff (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2010 [2000]). 37 Levy, “Byzantine Sanctus East and West,” 42. 38 James McKinnon concurs with Levy’s hypothesis, arguing that the alternative to a common original melody would be a probably vast oral tradition that was eradicated with no historical record of complaint. James McKinnon, “Antiquity and the Middle Ages,” in Antiquity and the Middle Ages: from Ancient Greece to the 15th Century, ed. James McKinnon (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1991), 68–87, at 80. 96

definite answers, an analysis of the extant melodies setting the Credo text reveals a careful and systematic treatment of the text as an elaborate recitation. As noted above, a recitational melody with an E final is common to several early Credos. This syllabic style is found most developed in Credo I. The precision and careful syllabic treatment of the

Credo text marks Credo I and its relatives as compositions of the Frankish chant project.

The influence of a Greek model would be most salient in the modal choice and in the recitational nature of the Western plainchant melody; yet the Western plainchant melody uses a more complex recitational structure than any of the simple recitation melodies mentioned above.

The melody of Credo I resembles a psalm tone, the classic method of psalmody in the Latin west; psalm tone singing typically breaks a psalm verse in two parts, and assigns an intonation, recitation, and cadence to each part, with a mediation acting as a mini-cadence for the first part of the verse. Most of the text syllables occur on the recitation pitch. The intonation was probably a later intervention, but the use of recitation and cadence appears to be an early feature of Latin psalmody, evident already in the mid-9th century and perhaps dating to the rise of Benedictine psalmody.39 The melody of Credo I bears strong structural similarity to psalm-tone recitation, but there are several differences that prohibit a perfect analogy. There is no “mediation” (i.e., the

39 Joseph Dyer, “The Singing of Psalms,” Speculum 64 (1989):535–578, at 539. 97

break between the two halves of the psalm verse) within the Credo, and quite often phrases are repeated out of order—a phenomenon never encountered in strict psalm- tone singing. Nevertheless, approaching Credo I as a variant of a psalm-tone opens up a view to the sophistication of its text treatment.

The most insightful musicological analysis of Credo I as edited in the Solesmes edition and its sources remains that of Dom André Mocquereau from 1909.40

Mocquereau provides the primary instances of melodic variance from the early sources—notably the substitution of A for G within certain phrases.41 The G recitation pitch is common throughout many of the earliest neumatic Credo sources, but in some manuscript instances the G recitation is replaced by an A recitation. Mocquereau writes that the melody is not strictly-speaking Gregorian because of its composition after the

Frankish adoption of Roman chant. He does argue, however, that “the musical style is clearly Gregorian.”42 He thus analyzes the melody of Credo I to show its clear relationship with Gregorian melodic patterns.

To illustrate, the intonation (using the term from descriptions of psalm tones) E-

F, which occurs twenty-four times throughout Credo I, is broken up in different ways

40 Dom André Mocquereau, Le chant authentique du Credo selon l’édition vaticane. Analyse mélodique. Extrait présenté au Congrès international d’histoire de la musique, Vienne, 25–29 Mai 1909. (Rome: Impr. S. l’Evangéliste, Desclée, [1909?]). 41 Although it is beyond the scope of this chapter, more research is required to determine the state of the Credo I melody used by polyphonic composers of the late 15th century. Josquin and Obrecht, for example, frequently change the notes of the “liaison” when it appears as a cantus firmus in polyphony, and it is unclear if this change is a regional variant or an accommodation to suit the polyphony. 42 Mocquereau, Le chant authentique du Credo, 4. 98

according to the placement of the tonic syllable and how many syllables precede the tonic.43 He deduces two corollary rules from this. As a positive statement, a tonic accent must always coincide with the G which immediately follows the intonation. As a negative statement, a tonic accent can never coincide with the F of the intonation.44

Examples of this abound throughout Credo I, found in all the E-F intonations. For example,

43 Ibid., 13. 44 Ibid., 14. 99

Figure 7: Examples of the tonic accent on G, preceded by E-F

In every case, the tonic stress on G (indicated here by a stress accent over the tonic vowel in the Figure 7 examples) is preceded by the E-F intonation.

The recitation note G, which follows the E-F intonation, comprises the bulk of the music of Credo I; this recitation is followed by one of two cadence options, which

Mocquereau calls “cadence A” and “cadence D.”45 “Cadence A” is shown in “Et in unum Dominum”, (Figure 8) and 19 other phrase endings; “cadence D” (e.g., “terrae”)

(Figure 9) is found five times.

Figure 8: Example of "Cadence A"

Figure 9: Example of "Cadence D"

45 Ibid., 18. 100

The formulae distilled by Mocquereau are shown in an abstract form in Figure 10. As a means of illustrating the Gregorian nature of Credo I, Mocquereau demonstrates that these recitation formulae correspond to similar recitation formulae from psalm antiphons (which are, in fact, in a different class of syllabic setting from psalm-tones), all in the fourth or first mode.46

Figure 10: A distillation of the melodic formulae of Credo I47

Every part of Credo I can be assigned to one of these phrases, and the chart below offers such an analysis. This tabular analysis of the phrases of Credo I shows that the majority of the text occurs within the first membre, the melodic phrase with a G recitation pitch.

46 Ibid., 16., fn. 1; in this note, Mocquereau shows in a table intonation phrases from Credo I (“Factorem,” “Crucifixus,” etc.) and compares them to antiphon examples from the Gregorian repertoire. 47 Based on Mocquereau, Le Chant Authentique du Credo, 20 101

The first membre has a cadence on E, but in three cases the E resolves further to D

(“omnium,” “dominum,” “catholicam”). The final of the entire Credo is on E.

Table 2: Analysis Table of Credo I, per Mocquereau's membres

First membre and Liaison Second membre and Third membre cadence (italics cadence (italics and cadence denote cadence); denote cadence) (italics denote underline denotes cadence) the cadence ends on D, not E [Credo in] unum Patrem Factorem caeli deum omnipotentem et terrae Visiblium omnium Et invisibilium Et in unum Jesum Christum Filium Dei dominum unigenitum [Et ex Pa]tre natum Ante omnia saecula Deum de Deo Lumen de lumine Deum verum De Deo vero Genitum non factum [Consubstantialem] Per quem omnia Patri facta sunt Qui propter nos homines [et propter nostram salutem] Descendit de caelis Et incarnatus est de Spiritu Sancto Ex Maria virgine Et homo factus est Crucifixus etiam Pro nobis Sub Pontio Pilato Passus et sepultus est Et resurrexit Tertia die Secundum scripturas Et ascendit In caelum Sedet ad dexteram patris Et iterum venturus Judicare Vivos et mortuos Cuius regni est cum Gloria non erit finis 102

Et in Spiritum Et vivificantem Qui ex Patre et Sanctum Dominum filioque procedit Qui cum Patre et simul Adoratur Et conglorificador Qui locutus Filio est per prophetas Et unam sanctam Et apostolicam catholicam Ecclesiam Confiteor unum in Remissionem baptisma peccatorum Et exspecto Resurrectionem Mortuorum Et vitam venturi [sae]culi

In contrast to Mocquereau’s analysis, Willi Apel argues that Credo I has a structure similar to a tract, an analytical frame which he states “provides a better insight into the formative principles of this interesting melody than the interpretations of

Mocquereau and Wagner… .”48 Like tracts, Credo I has four formulae “which recur, in different selections and combinations, with each ‘verse’ of the text.”49 Of course, unlike all the examples of the tract repertory, which have either D or G finals, Credo I has an E final. Nonetheless, both the Credo melody and the 8th- and 9th-century tracts use a system of melodic formulae, generally in three groups—intonation, recitation, and cadence. The tract compositions of the ninth century are more formulaic in their settings of texts.50 Apel’s analysis divides Credo I into four standard formulae, which are

48 Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1958), 414. 49 Ibid., 413. 50 Cf. James W. McKinnon, “Tract,” in Grove Music Online. McKinnon writes, “the inclusion of 9th- and 10th- century additions to the original repertory within most of the published systems of analysis has resulted in 103

obviously similar to Mocquereau’s three members (A=third membre, B=first membre,

D=second membre, and C=liaison):

Figure 11: Apel's four formulae for Credo I, from Gregorian Chant 413

Apel’s analysis can therefore be tabulated in a manner similar to Mocquereau’s:

Table 3: Analysis Table of Credo I, per Apel’s formulae

“free” Phrase A Phrase B Phrase C Phrase D Credo in Patrem unum omnipotentem Deum

somewhat exaggerated estimates of the tract's melodic homogeneity, because later tracts are generally more stereotyped in their formulaic usage.” 104

Factorem caeli Visibilium Et invisiblium et terrae omnium Et in unum Jesum Christum Filium Dei dominum unigenitum Et ex Patre natum Ante omnia saecula Deum de Deo, Deum verum De Deo vero lumen de lumine Genitum, non Consubstantialem Per quem factum Patri omnia facta sunt Qui propter nos homines [Et propter nostram salutem]51 Descendit de caelis Et incarnatus De Spiritu Sancto Ex Maria est Virgine Et homo factus est Crucifixus etiam pro Sub Pontio nobis Pilato Passus, et sepultus est Et resurrexit tertia Secundum die Scripturas Et ascendit in Sedet ad caelum dexteram Patris

Et iterum [cum gloria]52 Judicare Vivos et venturus est mortuos

51 Apel does not account for this phrase, which is most similar to “C” in his analysis because of the final two notes. 52 Not indicated in Apel’s description (Apel 414, no. 12), though “B” seems to work best here because of the final two notes. 105

Cuius regni Et in Spiritum Et non erit finis Sanctum vivificantem Dominum Qui ex Patre Qui cum Patre Simul adoratur Et Filioque et Filio conglorificatur procedit Qui locutus est Et unam Et apostolicam per Prophetas sanctam Ecclesiam catholicam Confiteor unum baptisma In remissionem Et expecto [resurrectionem]53 peccatorum Mortuorum Et vitam venturi saeculi. Amen.

Apel’s analytical model is not as sensitive or flexible as Mocquereau’s, primarily because Apel is resistant to considering the melody as representative of a psalm tone. He states that the double repetition of the final phrases at “Ex Maria Virgine | Et homo factus est” and “Sub Pontio Pilato | Passus et sepultus est” is not allowed under the typical understanding of a psalm tone as intonation, recitation, and cadence; tracts, on the other hand, regularly feature “double terminations.” Nevertheless, Apel and

Mocquereau reach similar conclusions and analyses regarding the formulaic structure of

53 Not indicated in Apel’s description (Apel, 414, no. 17), but it is apparently an oversight or mistake in his analysis. 106

Credo I, as well as the relationship of those individual cells with each other. Any melodic similarities of the Credo I melody and tracts may suggest a chronological link between the two, but such an argument is difficult to prove.

Ultimately, both Apel and Mocquereau identify Credo I as composed of largely stepwise multi-formulaic recitation. Neither the term “tract” nor “psalm-tone” is completely accurate in describing the Credo melody, despite its relationship to other recitational chant compositions with a moveable recitation pitch (most famously, the

“Tonus Peregrinus”). The clearest conclusion to draw from the multiplicity of recitation- pitch analyses is that Credo I bears a family resemblance to other 9th- and 10th-century recitational plainchant compositions.

It is clearly difficult to assign a “genre” to Credo I for analysis. It is neither precisely a psalm-tone, nor is it like a tract other than in using a repetitive structure. The difficulty in assigning Credo I a genre for analysis has to do with its probable Eastern origin. The comments of Apel and Huglo point to Eastern provenance; analysis of

Byzantine melodies by Egon Wellesz reveals that some of the common features of

Byzantine melodies are seen in Credo I.

3.1.4 Arguments for a borrowed Greek melody

The Credo I melody clearly is a product of the Frankish compositional school.

Along with many other musical and liturgical elements, however, I support the arguments presented above that Credo I represents the importation and adaptation of

107

Greek liturgical traditions. Other examples of this adaptation include the Oktoechos or eight-mode system, as well as several melodies and liturgical texts. Importing melodies from the East was certainly in vogue among the Carolingian and Roman church musicians. Kenneth Levy details such a borrowing in the antiphons for the octave of

Epiphany:

Concerning the second question, we know that Roman musicians at a time between the ninth and eleventh centuries indulged in the practice of converting imported melodies to prevailing Roman style. Most obvious is the case of the Veterem hominem antiphons for the Epiphany Octave. These were originally Byzantine hymn- strophes which underwent textual and musical translations at Aachen in 802, being turned at Charlemagne’s request from Greek into Latin, and from Byzantine into GREG melos. Then the Gregorianised antiphons made their way to Rome. At whatever time they appeared, the Roman musicians were still committed to their local melodic dialect, for they made the further conversion, turning the antiphons from GREG into ROM melos. The earlier Byzantine and GREG melodic shapes are still discernible beneath the ROM stylisation, but the local details represent an idiomatic Roman overlay. At some later time—by the later eleventh century, when the manuscripts begin—the Roman musicians were no longer indulging in such conversions.54

In likewise fashion the early Western plainchant Credos might represent

“Gregorianized” (or Frank-icized) versions of earlier music.

What would inspire the Frankish chant composers to use an Eastern Creed melody? As explored in chapter two, the Frankish theologians took issue with the lack of

54 Levy, Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians, 75. 108

filioque in the Greek Creed, thus establishing a theological impetus for mimicking and correcting Greek musical forms. In other words, the plainchant music served as a corrective for perceived faulty Greek theological pronouncements. Politically, the Franks sought territorial expansion in Western Europe, especially in Italy, and sought recognition from the Pope as an authentic empire. In a way then, they were positing themselves as the “Roman” Empire, in place of the Byzantine (“New Roman”) Empire both theologically and politically. The proliferation of the Creed, then, was possibly one aspect of this cultural project of supplanting the established empire of the East. If there is a Greek origin for Credo I, the composition of a new Credo in imitation of it is no doubt ironic, as the Frankish project sought to supplant Greek influence.55

Several interior details of Huglo’s 14th-century Creed exhibit Eastern features— the intonation, the recitation, the liaison, the cadences “are all inspired by the architecture of the Greek symbol.”56 But, as Huglo concludes, “inspiration does not mean copy. The composer of the Palatine chapel is not content with a material adaptation of the Greek melody to a new Latin text: he simply borrowed from it its principal elements; being inspired by everything in his model, he knew to make an

55 Before his coronation Charlemagne was also erecting a copy of the building which held the throne of the Byzantine rulers, with modifications “to take account of the different theological and political views which the Franks upheld.” Heinrich Fichtenau, The Carolingian Empire: The Age of Charlemagne, trans. Peter Munz (New York: Harper and Row, 1964 [1957]), 69. As explained at the end of the second chapter, these Byzantine emulations and overtures were broader attempts of a cultural campaign on behalf of Charlemagne to establish his empire as a (or the) legitimate Christian empire of Europe. 56 Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie du Credo ‘authentique’ de la Vaticane,” 78. 109

original work. And one must know well that at the middle of some elements, assemblies and formulae, he perfectly reunited to produce a masterwork of regularity and of simplicity.”57 Therefore this Greek Credo is probably an example of a musical composite, of borrowed elements of Greek chant known to the 14th-century composer.

Do the other items of the Mass Ordinary exhibit any resemblance to Greek music? Apel points to the Gloria of Mass XV as possibly the oldest Gloria melody that has survived, but it is structured on the model of a psalm tone, and thus clearly a

Frankish innovation. The oldest Kyries appear to exhibit marks of Gregorian composition, possibly even in simple melodies for congregational singing.58 Apel states that the oldest Sanctus melody is that of Mass XVIII.59 This Sanctus is syllabic in presentation and resembles other Gregorian psalmodic compositions. The Agnus Dei chants resemble those of the Kyrie: the oldest ones are written in an archaic, Gregorian style. Because the other movements of the Ordinary were sung in the church in Rome, it would make sense that those older melodies were imported; but the Credo, because it was not sung in the Roman church, had to be newly composed for Charlemagne’s court.

The Hellenic marks of this composition show a concern with ecclesial authenticity and political power, two of the primary concerns of Charlemagne’s reign.

57 Ibid. 58 Apel, 406–7. 59 Apel, 415. 110

3.2 Period II: Canto fratto and late medieval melodies, 1300–1500

Unlike other mass ordinary chants, the Credo existed with very few melodic options for virtually the entirety of its early history until 1300. After this long stretch of chant history with only one appropriate liturgical melody, about 70 new Creed melodies were composed and circulated between 1300 and 1500. The most prominent feature of these new Credos is that they were written with mensural note shapes, a chant style usually called canto fratto. Marco Gozzi defines cantus fractus, or canto fratto in Italian, as

“a type of Christian liturgical chant in Latin that makes use of proportional rhythmic values in its notation and is therefore measured.”60 Joseph Dyer states that “cantusfractus melodies employ the familiar shapes of black mensural notation—long, breve, dotted breve, semibreve and minim—derived from the system of chant notation current when the mensural system was developed in the thirteenth century.”61

We can identify two of these newly composed canto fratto Credo melodies as significantly more popular than the others: the credos known as “Cardinalis” and

“Apostolorum” seem to have had some kind of official status. While a substantial part of the rest of this dissertation is devoted to uncovering the cultural and religious background of these new Credos, and of changes to the musical Credo more generally,

60 Marco Gozzi, “Prefazione,” in Cantus fractus italiano: Un’antologia, ed. Marco Gozzi (Hildesheim: Olms, 2012). Translation from Joseph Dyer,” A New Source,” 571. Dyer points out in fn. 6 that the definition of “cantus fractus” offered in “Cantus” in New Grove uses Tinctoris’s definition of “a long note value being broke into smaller parts.” 61 Dyer, “A New Source,” 577. 111

these canto fratto Credos form the ground-level of 14th- and 15th-century musical changes.

They are musically and rhythmically interesting, they are used in new ways in manuscripts, and they become a genre unto themselves, even being collected in some

Credo “omnibus” manuscripts from the 15th and early 16th centuries.

3.2.1 The origin of canto fratto Credos

The historical origins of the new Credos remain murky. In 1992 Richard Sherr wrote that “Credo IV [i.e., Cardinalis] is, in fact, one of the first of the hundreds of new

Credo settings that were produced from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries, a phenomenon that has been noted, but little studied.” In a footnote, he adds: “It is not clear why, after approximately 500 years, there was this need to have new musical settings to replace the standard ‘Credo I.’”62 More recently, Joseph Dyer described the state of the question in researching canto fratto in general: “A comprehensive survey of the phenomenon in Italy or elsewhere in Europe remains to be written, so large and widely disseminated was this repertoire.”63

Marco Gozzi, the foremost scholar to have studied canto fratto, has argued that the Credo Cardinalis, which Sherr refers to above as Credo IV, is the oldest of the canto fratto credos. He speculates that “the genesis of the composition… dates back to the first

62 Richard Sherr, “The Performance of Chant in the Renaissance and its Interactions with Polyphony,” in Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. Thomas Forrest Kelly (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 178–208, at 189 and n.25 63 Dyer, “A New Source,” 576. 112

half of the 14th century… .”64 Based on similarities between the Credo Cardinalis and the

Credo from Machaut’s Messe de Nostre Dame, he writes that “I would like to find a document that attributes the Cardinalis to Machaut, but I do not think it is a likely event.”65

It is difficult to construct a chronology of the newer canto fratto Credos. These are the dates we can state with some certainty:

• The oldest setting of Credo Cardinalis is preserved in a Padovan

manuscript from the early 14th century, Padova Biblioteca Capitolare A20,

c.85.66

• Gozzi identifies Paris Lat. 1343 as the manuscript containing the oldest

example of a Credo in mensural notation; Hugo Anglès and Gilbert

Reaney identify it as a late-13th century manuscript compiled during the

lifetime of Charles II of Anjou, King of Sicily (1285–1309).67 Lauer’s

Catalogue Général des Manuscrits Latins also describes it as “fin XIIIe–XIVe

s.”68 This manuscript was “apparently copied at the behest of Charles…,

64 Gozzi, “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto. Il ‘Credo Cardinalis’,” Musica e Storia 14(2006):245–301. 65 Marco Gozzi, “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto. Il ‘Credo Cardinalis,’” in Musica e Storia 14 no. 2 (2006), Tavola 1. 66 Gozzi notes that Miazga errantly dates this to c. 1400 in his catalog. “Alle Origini del canto fratto” Tavola 1, 267. 67 Anglès, Paris Lat. 1343, 380. Gozzi, “”Alle Origini,” 250. Gilbert Reaney, RISM B/IV/1, 404. 68 Catalogue Général des Manuscrits Latins, ed. Philippe Lauer (Paris: Bibliothèque National, 1939), vol. 1, 504. 113

quite possibly at Paris,” according to Karl Kügle.69 It contains the Credo

known as Credo Regis or Credo Apostolorum on f.47r–50v.

• The Credo I melody was notated in canto fratto style beginning in the 14th

century. One of the earliest manuscripts containing a mensural Credo I is

Vatican Barb. Lat. 657, a Missale and Kyriale from the late 14th and early

15th centuries.

3.2.2 14th-century evidence for the beginnings of Canto Fratto

Most of the musical evidence suggests an early 14th-century beginning for the canto fratto Credos, with the earliest possible manuscript being the Paris Lat. 1434 manuscript from the late 13th century. Karl Kügle argues this, looking particularly at

Spanish and French examples of rhythmic Credos.70 He states:

…[I]t is by no means unlikely that the two monophonic, mensural Credo settings reached Spain some time during the 14th century. This would not only push the date of composition for monophonic mensural settings of the Mass Ordinary back at least into the late 1300s, it would also allow for the possibility that the two Credo settings reached Spain from France through channels similar to those responsible for the dissemination of the contemporaneous polyphonic French repertory of the Iberian peninsula. If so, the possibility arises that monophonic mensural chants for the Mass liturgy originated at the very time and place where mensural monophony was most elaborately cultivated, and

69 Kügle, “A fresh look at the liturgical settings in manuscript Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. 115,” Revista de Musicología 16, no. 4 (1993): 2452–2475, at 2456 n.10. 70 Karl Kügle, “A Fresh Look,” 2456-60. 114

a new repertory for the embellishment of the Mass liturgy created—early 14th century France.71

Kügle points out that several 14th-century manuscripts preserve both monophonic and polyphonic versions of the Credo. One of the most well-known is Ivrea 115, a c. 1385 redaction and copy of an earlier French repertory dating from 1359.72 He concludes that

“the findings of Ivrea 115 … suggest that a corpus of mensurally notated monophony for the liturgy emanated from the same milieu that gave rise not only to the new polyphonic, liturgical repertory, but also to the great mensural, monophonic genres of the 14th century, lai and virelai—a milieu to be sought among the great cathedrals… and, above all, the princely households and chapels of France.”73 In other words, it seems likely that 14th-century mass polyphony and monophony using mensural note shapes— particularly evidenced in the monophonic Credos—arose out of the same musical environment in which wealthy patrons, chapters and foundations supported the production of mass and liturgy music which embellished the solemnity of the service.

To push Kügle’s argument even further, it is possible that the monophonic

Credos chronologically precede polyphonic Credos. The earliest monophonic Credos appear in the late 13th and early 14th centuries, taking Paris Lat. 1434 as the earliest, according to the catalogs of Miazga and the research of Marco Gozzi. This musical

71 Kügle, “A Fresh Look,” 2460. 72 cf. Karl Kügle, “Codex Ivrea, Bibl. Cap. 115: a French source ‘made in Italy’,” Revista de Musicología 13 (1990): 527-561, at 534, 549. 73 Kügle, “A Fresh Look,” 2472. 115

development coincides with the earliest examples of polyphonic settings for the other four ordinary movements—Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei. The proliferation of the monophonic Credo settings thus comes into further focus: as musical ornaments of the liturgy began to increase in size and scope, the Credo was one of the main targets, perhaps because of the relative paucity of plainchant Credo settings leading up to the period of musical expansion.

3.2.3 Early mass polyphony and its relationship to the Credo

In this section, I offer a survey of what we know about mass ordinary polyphony before 1400. I argue that the origins of the canto fratto credos are linked to the early polyphonic mass ordinary settings of 14th-century France, which are the first polyphonic treatments of the ordinary we can consider as normative for the rest of music history; in other words, there were earlier attempts at mass ordinary polyphony, but none of them were popular across the continent and England before the 14th-century polyphony of

France.

Outside the musical theory treatises on organum from the 10th century, the earliest mass polyphony are settings of the proper in the 11th century. The earliest examples of polyphonic ordinary music are in the 11th-century Winchester Troper, including seven troped Glorias and twelve Kyries (four troped, eight untroped).74

74 Theodor Göllner, “Mass,” Section II. The Polyphonic Mass to 1600, 1. Early organum to the school of Notre Dame. In James W. McKinnon et al., “Mass,” Grove Music Online. 116

Chronologically, the next great sources of ordinary polyphony were the manuscripts from the Notre Dame polyphonic school, though the contents of those manuscripts focus mostly on chants for responsorial psalmody—especially, the gradual and the alleluia.

W1 contains troped and untroped Kyrie, Sanctus, Agnus, and Gloria chants in fascicles

3, 8, 9, and 11.75 The troped ordinary chants of the eleventh fascicle all pertain to Marian feasts.76 Theodore Göllner lists several other 13th and 14th century manuscripts containing polyphonic mass movements, including the famous “Codex las Huelgas,” c. 1300.

The organa style of mass polyphony, however, remained largely a localized phenomenon in areas within the orbit of the Notre Dame school, and was not a continent-wide musical style. Göllner affirms this: “It would be only partly correct to explain [the disappearance of proper chants from the polyphonic repertoire] simply as a sudden break with tradition, for it is not from the old musical centre of Notre Dame, with its exclusive emphasis on the gradual and alleluia, that 14th-century practices regarding the use of polyphony in the Mass can be derived.”77 He points instead to the

“provincial” traditions of polyphonic singing of the ordinary in France, England, and

75 David Hiley, “Ordinary of mass chants in English, North French and Sicilian manuscripts,” Journal of the Plainsong & Mediaeval Music Society 9(1986):1–128, at 67–80. 76 McKinnon et al., “Mass.” 77 James W. McKinnon et al., “Mass,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (New York: Macmillan, 1987), vol. 11, 782. 117

Spain. “The only real break with tradition,” he concludes, “is that 14th-century composers preferred the untroped chants of the ordinary.”78

Maricarmen Gómez, in an update to Göllner’s older article, observes that nearly all of the mass polyphony of the 14th century is related to the papal residence at

Avignon.79 Indeed, the three most important sources of the French repertory are the Apt choirbook, the Ivrea codex, and the manuscript Barcelona Catedra Basilica M971; as shown above, the Apt and Ivrea sources contain both monophonic and polyphonic

Credos. In fact, the musical and compositional similarities between the two styles— monophonic and polyphonic mass ordinary writing of the 14th century—are close enough to propose a common origin for these repertories.

If it is true that the polyphonic and monophonic settings of the mass ordinary emerged at the same time and in the same place, it is probable that they are musically and contextually related. It is possible that the monophonic Credos using mensural note shapes preceded the earliest polyphonic essays. As mentioned above, the “Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary” manuscript, Paris Lat. 1343, contains the melody for the

Credo Regis. Anglès describes it as being written using mensural note shapes, and the manuscript as a whole preserves many examples of hymns and sequences that illustrate that. The manner of notating rhythm in Paris Lat. 1343 bears notation remarkably

78 ibid. 79 Maricarmen Gómez, “Mass,” Section II. The Polyphonic Mass to 1600, 3. The rise of the polyphonic Mass Ordinary in the 14th century.” In James W. McKinnon et al., “Mass,” Grove Music Online. 118

consistent with sources centuries later. The chart below compares the rhythmic notation of the Credo Regis across three manuscripts from three centuries—the 13th-century Paris

1343, 14th-century Gorizia H, and 15th-century Lucca 2645. Ligatures are in brackets.

Table 4: Comparison of notation for Credo Regis across 3 manuscripts

Word P Bn lat.1343 Gorizia H Lucca 2645 Credo in unum L L L L L L L L L L L L L L (not notated) deum Patrem [LL]L [BB] B [LL] L Omnipotentem B L L [BL] L B B B [SS] B B B B [SS] B Factorem B B B B B B B B B Celi B B B B B B et B B B Terre [SS] [LB] S [SS] [SS] B [SS][SS] B Visiblium B B [SS][SS] B B B [SS] [SS] B B B [SS] [SS] B Omnium B [SS] B B [SS] B B [SS] B Et B B B Invisibilium B B B B [SS] B B B B B B [SS] S S B B B B B [SS] [SS] B Et B B B In [SS] [SS] [SS] Unum B B B B B B Dominum B [SS] B B [SS] B B [SS] B Ihesum [SS] [SS?] [SS] [SS] [SS] [SS] Xristum B [SS] B B [SS] B B [SS] S B Filium B [SS] B B [SS] B B [SS] B Dei B B B B B B Unigenitum S S [SS] S B B S S [SS] S S B B S S [SS] [SS] B Et B B B Ex B B B 119

Patre B B B B BB Natum [SS] B [SS] B [SS] B Ante B B B B B B Omnia S S S B B B B B B Saecula B [SS] B B [SS] B B [SS] B Deum L L B B B B De L B B Deo [SS] B [SS] B [SS] B Lumen B B B B B B De B B B Lumine S S B S S B S S B Deum S S S S S S Verum B B B B B B De B B B Deo B B B B B B Vero [SS] [SS] B [SS] [SS] B [SS] [SS] B

The notation, notehead, and ligature choice are nearly identical from manuscript to manuscript, showing a strong consistency in the scribal and notational diffusion of the melody. It is likely that the Paris Lat. 1343 manuscript is a representative of the earliest layer of that notational tradition.

Yet, the earliest monophonic Credos—Credo Regis and Credo Cardinalis— sound as if they are in different musical worlds compared to their polyphonic relatives.

Hannah Stäblein–Harder observes three distinct musical styles of mass music composition for the Apt and Ivrea codices and of similar 14th-century French mass

120

music.80 The “motet” style follows the pattern of isorhythmic motets with a tenor holding long sustained notes and two quicker upper voices with text declaiming the mass text. The “discant” or conductus style (also called homorhythmic or simultaneous style) is similar to secular song, with only one texted voice. The “simultaneous” style is possibly a notated relative to improvised polyphony, and is also described as

“conductus style”; it features simultaneous text declamation in all voices.

Because of their long texts, Glorias and Credos were most frequently written in the discant style. It is difficult to tell if the relative simplicity of this corpus of mass ordinary polyphony represents a “countervailing tendency toward modesty and simplification” which Taruskin proposes in response to the burgeoning complexity of the motets, or if, more accurately, it developed out of a different, monophonic musical tradition which was not invested with the historical and inherited complexity of isorhythmic motets.81

Indeed, Gómez showed a link between a mensural monophonic version of Credo

I and a polyphonic version of the same Credo in the manuscript Madrid 1361.82 There is undoubtedly a deeper layer to this connection between early mass monophony and polyphony. Karl Kügle speculates that “polyphonic elaboration of such monophonic

80 Hannah Stäblein–Harder, Fourteenth–Century Mass Music in France: Critical Text. Companion volume to Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 29. [n.p.] American Institute of Musicology, 1962, 11-21. 81 Taruskin, Music from the Earliest Notations to the Sixteenth Century, 311. 82 Gómez, “Autour du répertoire du XIVe siècle du manuscrit M 1361 de la Bibliothèque nationale de Madrid,” in Aspects de la Musique liturgique au Moyen Age (1991), 245–60. 121

settings was never far from the mind of ecclesiastic musicians…,” appealing especially to the tradition of polyphonic sequences and mass ordinary. 83 Because the monophonic versions align most with the discant style, a compositional style which can swiftly move through text, a further connection between the monophonic and polyphonic mass

Credos is probable.

Of the three mass ordinary musical styles delineated by Stäblein–Harder, the melodies of the simultaneous style bear the most resemblance to the existing monophonic repertoire. For example, Reinhard Strohm observes similarities between

Credo “Bonbarde,” a simultaneous-style Credo in the Apt codex, and the Credo

Cardinalis: “Its [Bonbarde’s] melody is not one of the known Credo plainsongs, although it resembles some of them, for example by its restriction to the octave range d– d’ (exceeded only rarely with steps to e’) and its use of melodic shapes which are typical for the first mode.”84 The beginning of this tenor is given in Figure 12, below.

83 Ibid. 84 Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 30. 122

Figure 12: Credo "Bonbarde," adapted from Strohm, 27 ff.

Compare this to the Credo No. 32 from Miazga’s catalog, the beginning of which is presented in Figure 13.

123

Credo 32 transcribed from Arezzo E

5 ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ & ˙ b˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ Pa - trem om - ni-pot - en - tem fac - to - rem ce - li et ter - re vi - si - 10 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ & œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ bœ w bi - li -um om - ni œ- um.˙ Et in - vi - si - bi - li - um. 15 20 ˙ ˙ œ œ & b˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ Et in u - num do-mi-num Ie-sum Chri - stum ﬁ - li-um de - i u - ni- 25 ˙ ˙ & œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ b˙ ˙ ge - ni - tum Et ex pa - tre na - tum

˙ & ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ an - te om - ni - a se - cu - la.

Figure 13: Credo, Miazga 32, transcribed from Arezzo E

The canto fratto Credo melody is more dramatic, reaching an 11th (From D’ to G”) within the first 11 bars. The strong sense of a duple meter is present in both, though the two melodies treat the squareness differently. M32 is more sensitive to the text of the Credo, whereas the Bonbarde tenor has some odd accentuations on the Latin text (e.g., m.4,

“om-ni-po-ten-tem,” and m.18, “filium De-i”). The Bonbarde tenor runs more quickly through the text, though they take similar amounts of time at certain moments (e.g.,

“unigenitum”). The generic affiliation is apparent, though: two different melodies take their melodic cues for the Credo text from a 14th-century mass ordinary tradition that is manifest both monophonically and polyphonically. 124

One further area of concord between the canto fratto Credos and the early polyphonic Credos is in their cadences. The oldest canto fratto Credos—specifically

Credo Cardinalis and Credo Regis—have melodic cadences which resemble those of some polyphonic Credos, especially those of Machaut’s Credo.85 Other canto fratto

Credos resemble cadences of the Credos in the Apt and Ivrea codices. The most common cadence of the Credos in all three styles (motet, discant, simultaneous) is the 7-2/8-1 cadence typical of 13th- and 14th-century polyphony.

3.2.4 Descriptions of the Canto Fratto melodies86

3.2.4.1 Rhythmic versions of Credo I

Credo I represents a unique case among all monophonic Credos in that it underwent a transition from non-rhythmic to rhythmic notation. As mentioned above, the earliest manuscripts which contain Credo I are in nondiastemmatic notation, an inaccurate notation but still recognizable as the Credo I melody in the Vatican Edition today. Manuscripts in the late 13th century begin to exhibit a shift toward rhythmic notation. Arezzo Cesa 1, for example, is a manuscript from between 1275–1300 which exhibits a simple rhythm for Credo I, using two note values (semibreve and long). By the fourteenth century, an abundance of versions of Credo I were written in the full canto fratto style, using a variety of note shapes (long, breve, semibreve, and ligatures), and

85 This idea is argued by Gozzi in “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto,” especially 254–262. 86 Transcriptions of these melodies are available in Appendix C: Transcriptions of Canto Fratto Credos. 125

mostly consistent across manuscripts in rhythm. A number of outliers persisted, however: Credo I continued being copied in non-rhythmic plainchant notation, as well as in other rhythmic patterns which were not “standard.” These notational features and changes can be observed over a number of representative manuscripts.87

We can trace the changing patterns of Credo I across these manuscripts, with the introduction of rhythmic notation in the 13th century and the codification of that rhythm in the 14th. Despite the existence of rhythmic outliers, and the coexistence of non- rhythmic Credo I sources, the “canonical” rhythm of Credo I persisted even in polyphonic cantus firmus voices. Richard Sherr has traced the persistence of these rhythms over 35 15th- and 16th-century polyphonic Credo I cantus firmi. Sherr does not speculate as to the origin of these rhythms, but they probably did not originate gradually. Rather, the origins and earliest notations of these rhythmic Credo I settings suggests a quick and punctuated change, rather than a gradual one, in the singing of

Credo I as a rhythmic melody.

3.2.4.2 Credo Cardinalis (M279)

The second-most popular Credo was the Credo Cardinalis; Miazga’s catalog lists

32 manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries containing the Cardinalis, and several

87 Neumatic notation: Bamberg Staatsbibliothek lit.6 (The Bamberg manuscript) (10th century); London, British Museum add.30845 (10th century); Paris BN lat.887; Paris lat.776; Diastemmatic neumes: London add.18031 Non-rhythmic plainchant on 5-line staff: Paris BN lat.17328 126

more from the early 16th century; Gozzi, writing over thirty years after Miazga’s initial catalog, lists 67 manuscripts with the Cardinalis.88 I will examine the Credo Cardinalis in more depth in Chapters Four and Six, including investigating its origin and name. The earliest manuscript is a Paduan manuscript from the beginning of the 14th century

(Padova, Biblioteca Capitolare A20*, c.85), and it also exists in many manuscript witnesses preserving two-voiced versions. The Credo Cardinalis was preserved in the

Vatican Edition as Credo IV. Many scholars do not understand that it originated as a mensural Creed, which was then turned into nonmensural plainchant by the 19th- century Solesmes editors of the Vatican chant books.89 The Credo Cardinalis is also notable in that it was used as a cantus firmus in several polyphonic settings from the 15th century, including Credos by van Weerbecke, de la Rue, and Brumel.

3.2.4.3 Credo Apostolorum (M319)

The third of the “canonical” Credo melodies is the Credo Apostolorum, also called the Credo Regis. As described above, the earliest manuscript preserving this melody is

Paris Lat. 1343, an office for the Virgin Mary gathered together by King Charles II of

Anjou (r.1285–1309).90 The manuscript has been dated to the late 13th or early 14th

88 Gozzi, “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto,” Tavola 1. 89 Thus, Frank d'Accone refers to a “mensural version” and the “original Gregorian melody” of the Cardinalis melody, implying that it was originally a Gregorian melody which became rhythmicized (like Credo I). Frank D’Accone, The Civic Muse: Music and Musicians in Siena during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 96–7. 90 Anglès, Hygini, “Eine Sequenzsammlung mit Mensuralnotation und volkstümlichen Melodien (Paris, B.N. lat. 1343),” Scripta Musicologica, ed. Iosephi López-Calo (Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1975– 127

century, primarily because of the connection with King Charles; this royal origin might explain the nickname Regis. The Apostolorum was about equally popular as the

Cardinalis; Miazga records 36 manuscripts between 1300 and 1500 which contain the

Credo Apostolorum. It is possible that the Credo Apostolorum attained some sort of official status from religious orders such as the Dominicans or Franciscans. It appears in many manuscripts associated with Dominican foundations, and was added into some older manuscripts in a clearly different hand.91 The Credo Apostolorum was not used as a polyphonic cantus firmus in any known polyphonic mass settings of the 14th or 15th centuries.

I refer to these three Credo settings (Credo I, Credo Cardinalis and Credo

Apostolorum) as “canonical” because in most manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries, one of them is included amidst a collection of Credos. Of the fifty-six manuscripts I have consulted for this study, only twelve had no presence of any of the

“canonical” Credos. All three of these Credos obtained official or semi-official status by virtue of their common usage.

76), Vol. 1, 375–86. 91 See for example Gorizia H, a 14th-century manuscript which adds this Credo in. Other manuscripts which appear to have this Credo added in include: Lucca 2690, Lucca 2645, and Pistoia 100, 128

3.2.4.4 Other canto fratto Credo melodies

A number of other Credos attained popularity in the 14th and 15th centuries.

These include:

• M32, preserved in 15 manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries in

Miazga’s catalog. This Credo presents a strong duple meter, and is rather

repetitive in its text setting. It is not preserved with a name, like some of

the other Credos, but merely survives in some manuscripts as

“Symbolum.”92 This name is not unique to this Credo, however, as the

Latin sources regularly use the Greek title “Symbolum” to describe the

Creed (the “Symbol of Faith”).

• M113, preserved in 33 manuscripts from the 15th century in Miazga’s

catalog. The earliest manuscripts preserving this melody are from the

mid-15th century—BSB Clm.9508 (f.284v) is the oldest recorded by Miazga

with a determinable date, in this case from the 1450s. The melody is

repetitive, and several manuscripts divide the music between “chorus”

and “organum,” an early attempt at alternatim-style settings. Nonetheless,

the text appears shoehorned into a preexisting melodic and rhythmic

scheme. It is named with a rubric in at least one source, St Gall 546, which

92 BSB Clm. 9508 283v for example. 129

gives “ad natum de festi,” for feasts of nativity (perhaps including the

Nativity of the Virgin and the Nativity of John the Baptist).

• M194 is preserved in nine manuscripts from the 15th century, and several

dozen more from later centuries. It was an extremely popular melody,

and is preserved in the Vatican Edition as Credo III; the Solesmes editors

give the date as 17th c. It is likely a late-15th-century melody, preserved

with the titles “Angelorum” or “Hispanos” in different manuscripts.93

The name “Hispanos” indicates a possible Spanish origin, though that is

difficult to determine. It is also frequently found in alternatim settings,

especially in 16th- and 17th-century manuscripts. This melody remains one

of the most popular settings of chant Credos performed in churches

today.

• M450 is recorded in eleven manuscripts from the 14th and 15th centuries.

Unlike the other Credos discussed above, it has survived in major

prolation, i.e., three semibreves-per-breve, or 6/8 in modern

transcriptions. None of the sources I have consulted gives names, but

several of them abbreviate the text and music of the Credo. For example,

93 Pistoia B.8, 54r titles it “hispanos.” 130

Wroclaw R 3067, a 15th-century manuscript compiled for a parish church,

moves from “Passus et sepultus est” to “Amen.”

• M628 survives in eight manuscripts from the 15th century recorded in

Miazga’s catalog. All of the sources I have seen abbreviate the melody

and text, jumping after “Et homo factus est” to “Amen.” The manuscripts

seem localized to German-speaking and Eastern European lands. The

manuscripts seem localized to German-speaking and Eastern European

lands. It is difficult to make sense of the mensuration; as is seen in my

transcription, there are odd tempi of 5/8 and 7/8 amid an otherwise

square-rhythm piece. There are also drastic melodic differences among

the manuscript sources I examined. Melodically it comprises different a

few distinct phrases, one using a D-C final cadence and one outlining an

F-A-C triad with a D final.

Those are the most important Credo melodies of the 14th and 15th centuries. Obviously, the “canonical” credos stand above the rest in their importance and distribution, appearing in many of the extant manuscripts available.

Many of the remaining 14th and 15th century Credo melodies recorded in

Miazga’s catalog exist in smaller numbers or are unica. Unica canto fratto credos are very common: Miazga records hundreds of unica across the centuries in his catalog, and several dozen of these are from the 14th and 15th centuries. The manuscript Pisa 219, for

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example, is a 15th-century manuscript containing 34 Credo settings, of which 19 are unica. St. Gall 546, mentioned above as a Credo collection from the 16th century, contains

18 Credos, of which 4 are unica.

It is difficult to generalize about the musical features of the unica Credos. Some seem like the are possibly derived from similar melodies, a feature Miazga’s catalog makes evident because the Credos are arranged by starting pitches. Some of them are melodically and rhythmically complex and miniature works. Others are simple in their design and seem like merely a musical tool to enunciate the long text of the Credo.

3.3 Conclusion

This chapter has established the variety of Credo melodies, from the earliest known Gregorian settings to the vast repertory of monophonic Credo settings of the 13th through 15th centuries. The history of the plainchant Credo melody is tied up with prevailing political, theological, and social factors, especially as seen in the coincidence of Charlemagne’s desire to supplant Greek authority and the possible emulation of a

Greek melody. The monophonic Credos of the canto fratto style were also related to the prevailing social atmosphere; in their cases, however, the most important factors were the streams of medieval religious life. In the next three chapters, I sketch the prevailing aspects of medieval religious life in terms of catechism, devotion, and liturgy, and detail how the Credo was an important factor in each of those categories.

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4. The Credo and Catechism

This chapter is about the Credo and its relationship to catechesis, a term broadly meaning instruction in Christian doctrine. The definition and emphasis of catechesis changed throughout the early history of Christianity; here I explore how the Creed participated in that changing definition. The Creed was intertwined with the goals and methods of catechesis, and ultimately new catechetical goals, largely deriving from philosophical categories and methods which were shaped during the high and late middle ages (ca. 1100–1500), changed how and why the Creed was taught.

As early as the 4th century in the East, and certainly by the 7th century in the

West, the Creed was highlighted as the goal of catechesis, but the purpose of catechesis changed from a narratival to a philosophical instruction. By the late 2nd century catechesis bound together moral instruction and scriptural understanding, an emphasis that remained more or less intact into the second millennium. The “renaissance” of theology in the 12th century imposed a more abstract and philosophical understanding on catechesis, emphasizing intellectual ownership of faith as well as submission to the beliefs of the church; this in turn led to a renewed emphasis from Catholic church authorities in the 13th century on the duties of parish priests to teach the basics of the faith—primarily through the Creed—to Catholic laypeople. This project was remarkably successful, and by the 14th century the Creed was used in literature as a metaphor for knowledge and true belief.

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This history sets the stage for the monophonic Credo “explosion” of the 14th century. Putting the sudden growth in the number of monophonic Credos against this historical-theological backdrop helps to show how such a phenomenon emerged from a robust theological and catechetical seedbed; indeed, monophonic Credos serve as one more marker of the success of the catechetical project embarked upon in the wake of the

13th century church reforms.

4.1 The Teaching of the Creed up to the Twelfth Century

In this section I trace the broad shape of the history of catechism from its pre–

Constantinian origins in adult baptism to a formalized duty mainly given to priests at the beginning of the second millennium. The overall movement is from an instruction in the rudiments of faith and doctrine to a teaching of morality in the 2nd century to an instruction in basic scriptural exegesis by the 3rd and 4th centuries. Decrees and pronouncements from the 7th and 8th centuries mandate the memorization of and teaching of the Creed as the primary means of catechesis, though this catechesis remained largely narratival in its shape, as opposed to the abstract philosophical catechesis that would dominate the second millennium. Nevertheless, the early history of catechesis shows the Creed as being tied together with Christian teaching from the earliest centuries of Christianity.

Catechism is the teaching and learning of the Christian faith, and it is different from other words related to religious instruction. It derives from the Greek verb

κατηχεῖν—“to sound (ēchein) out (kata),” and later “to orally instruct”—which already appears in eight verses of the New Testament, usually translated as “instruct,” teach,” or

134

“inform,” thus demonstrating early Christian concern to ensure sound doctrine.1 The earliest Christian texts of catechesis were essentially moral instruction. Both the Didache

(1st century) and Epistle of Barnabas (late 1st/early 2nd century) instruct adults in Jewish scriptural morality, focused on the “two ways” and cultivating virtues like prudence and knowledge.2 In this sense, catechesis was distinct from preaching of the kingdom of

God (called kerygma, used 69 times in the New Testament, mostly as a verb) and doctrinal instruction for those already baptized (didaskalia, used 21 times in the New

Testament).3

By the late second century, however, the lines between these categories of catechesis, kerygma, and didaskalia blurred. Many writers from that time period— particularly Justin Martyr (d. ca. 165), Athenagoras (d. ca. 190), and Theophilus of

Antioch (d. ca. 185)—articulated a vision of the kingdom of God and his salvation through Jesus (what was previously kerygma) along with series of moral instructions

(katechesis). Formal catechetical schools developed in early Christian centers like

Antioch, Alexandria, and Rome, and the writings preserved from those schools offer a

1 Lk 1:4; Acts 18:25, 21:21, 21:24; Rom 2:18; 1 Cor 14:19; and Gal 6:6 2 The two ways, derived from Deut 6:5, are featured from the first sentence of the Didache; cf. M.E. Jegen, “Catechesis, II (Medieval and Modern),” New Catholic Encyclopedia, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), vol. 3, 208. 3 Of the 69 times kerygma (noun)/kerysso (verb) is used in the NT, 32 of those come in the synoptic gospels and Acts (none from John). Of the 21 times didaskalia is used in the NT, 15 of those occur in the “Pastoral Epistles” of 1Ti, 2Ti, and Titus, letters which some scholars believe are 2nd-century additions to the New Testament canon. Thus, even in the text and chronology of the New Testament there is an evident concern moving from “preaching” into “(moral) teaching,” lines that blur in the 3rd and 4th centuries. On the dating of the Pastoral Epistles, see Kenneth Berding, “Polycarp of Smyrna’s View of the Authorship of 1 and 2 Timothy,” Vigiliae Christianae 53 (1999):349–360, which argues for the earliest extrabiblical attestation of those letters being in the 120s, and Benjamin L. White, “How to Read a Book: Irenaeus and the Pastoral Epistles Reconsidered,” Vigiliae Christianae 65 (2011):125–149, which looks in depth at the prominent usage of the Pastorals in the 180s by Irenaeus. 135

mix of moral instruction and doctrinal instruction.4 The legalization of Christianity under Constantine in the fourth century led to an even more formal set of instructions, as shown in the “Catechetical Lectures” (delivered between 348–350) of Cyril of

Jerusalem, “De Sacramentis” and “De Mysteriis” of Ambrose (late fourth century), and

Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia (late fourth/early fifth century); as I mentioned in chapter two, these catechetical pre-baptismal lectures taught the statements of the Creed.

Yet the practice of ceremonial catechesis to adults fell away as infant baptism gradually supplanted adult baptism throughout the Christian East and West. As Mary Evelyn

Jegen writes, “[f]or the first 5 centuries of Christianity, catechesis was primarily a pre- baptismal instruction given to adults. From the 6th century on, the catechumenate began to decline, and baptism of adults became the exception rather than the rule.”5 Yet for the majority of the centuries that adult baptism and catechesis was the norm, it centered around instruction in the Creed.

Even from the seventh century onward, knowledge of the Creed was emphasized as the object of catechism. Beginning in the seventh century, writers, especially in the Latin West, took the Creed as a summary of doctrine, necessary for all

Christians to know and understand. Eligius (d. 658), a bishop of Merovingian France, writes the following instruction:

Eleemosynam juxta vires facite, pacem et Men: do alms nearby, have peace and charitatem habete, discordes ad charity, call back discord to concord, flee

4 F.X. Murphy, “Catechetical School,” New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 3, 219. A vivid description of one such catechetical school is found in Eusebius’ description of Origen’s school in Alexandria in Church History book 6. 5 Jegen, 209 136

concordiam revocate, mendacium fugite, lying, be frightened at perjury, do not perjurium expavescite, falsum utter false testimony, do not commit testimonium non dicite, furtum non theft, offer oblations and tithes to the facite, oblationes et decimas ecclesiis churches, offer the lights in the holy offerte, luminaria sanctis locis juxta quod places according to what you have. habetis exhibete;

Symbolum et orationem Dominicam Know by memory the Symbol and the memoria retinete, et filiis vestris Lord’s Prayer, and teach them to your insinuate; filios etiam quos ex baptismo children. Instruct and admonish the suscepistis docete et castigate, ut semper children, whom you have received as cum timore Dei vivant, scitote vos newborn from the baptismal font, to live fidejussores pro ipsis apud Deum esse.6 ever in the fear of God. Know that you have taken an oath on their behalf before God.

Memorization of the Creed became a convenient shorthand for the minimum of knowledge for Christianity, and as demonstrated in this excerpt from Eligius the line was thin between moral obligation and doctrinal knowledge.

In a similar way, several church councils from the same period passed canonical legislation mandating the teaching and learning of the Creed. Charlemagne’s Council of

Frankfurt (794) maintains such in its 33rd canon:

Ut fides catholica sanctae trinitatis et That the Catholic faith of the holy trinity oratio dominica atque symbolum fidei and the Lord’s Prayer and Symbol of omnibus praedicetur et tradatur.7 Faith be preached and handed over to everyone.

The earlier Anglo-Saxon Second Council of Clovesho (747) has a similar decree in its tenth canon:

6 PL 87, 527c. Translation adapted from Jegen, 209. 7 MGH Capit 1, 77. My translation. 137

Decimo docuerunt decreto, ut presbyteri In the tenth decree they have taught that omne sui gradus officium legitimo ritu priests should by all means learn to show per omnia discant exhibere nosse: deinde familiarity with every office of their rank ut symbolum fidei ac dominicam in the legitimate rite. Then [they have orationem, sed et sacrosancta quoque taught] that they should learn to be able verba quae in missae celebratione et to interpret and expound, in each one’s officio baptismi solemniter dicuntur, language to those who do not know, the interpretari atque exponere posse propria Symbol of Faith and the Lord’s Prayer, lingua qui nesciant, discant.8 but also the likewise sacred words which are solemnly said in the celebration of the mass and in the office of baptism.

Yet for all of the ecclesial and imperial legislation mandating memorization of and teaching on the Creed, it is not clear how successful that project was. In the preceding chapter I explored how the Gregorian melody of Credo I may have borne cultural markers of Western Christian imperialism by using Greek themes. Popular knowledge of the Creed was probably at a minimum for centuries; hence we see

Charlemagne’s persistent attempts to encourage knowledge of the Creed among the clergy of the Frank-Roman empire. As shown by the passages above, several canonical and legal decrees from the period point to the requirement for clergy to know and teach the Creed and Our Father in Latin. It is probable that the earliest Gregorian melodies of the Creed, which bear musical resemblance to Greek melodies for the Creed, had multiple purposes in the Carolingian court and its sphere of influence. As stated previously, on the one hand, the imported Greek melody served as a marker of cultural

8 Mansi 12:398. My translation. 138

superiority and imposition. Yet the lofty, and perhaps ultimate, goal of popular knowledge of the text of the Creed was probably not achieved.

4.2 The Twelfth Century

4.2.1 The Twelfth-century “Renaissance”

A renaissance of theology and canon law in the 12th century led to a renewed insistence by Church authorities on full integration by the faithful into the moral and doctrinal life of the Church; this section explores the emergence of abstract theology as an academic discipline and the emphasis that discipline had on the concept of faith.

Such a new emphasis on faith and submission to the church’s teaching is important for the history of the Creed because in the 13th century church authorities embarked on a project to teach and instill the faith better, particularly by means of the Creed; the articulation of 12th-century thinkers of the meaning and substance of faith ultimately led to the movements of the 13th century to ensure lay participation in that faith.

Rik van Nieuwenhove describes the substantial changes to the Church and society in the 11th and 12th centuries, listing several significant changes which “would culminate in a radically transformed society in the twelfth century.”9 Van Nieuwenhove points out that incursions from raiders led to clusters of population around local strongholds, and subsequently the birth of the feudal system around barons who could offer protection. Concentrated resources and manpower led to more efficient

9 Rik van Nieuwenhove, An Introduction to Medieval Theology (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 77. 139

agricultural systems by means of technological innovations. Politically, the 11th century saw the centralization of power into the three feudalized states of Germany, France, and

England; this political centralization crystallized especially with the birth of the Holy

Roman Empire in the German lands under Otto the Great, the rise of the Capetians in

France, and the Norman invasion of England. Regarding the church, there were several important ecclesial reforms and a growing movement toward centralization in the 11th century. The Abbey of Cluny, founded around 910, had grown to 2,000 affiliated houses by 1100, and the Cluniac system of central “mother” house and dependent, distant houses provided a model of centralized authority for the reforms of the papacy and curia under Gregory VII (1050–1080).10

These cultural and political changes paved the way for the intellectual and cultural developments of the 12th century. Four specific areas saw significant growth in the 12th century—theological understanding and the growth of cathedral schools, canon law, chivalric literature, and architecture. The formalization of theological study and education is the most significant of these developments in regard to the promulgation of the Creed. Marcia Colish has pointed to the emergence of “theology as a professional discipline, for non-monastic students,” complete with the formation of textbooks covering the basic curriculum and training how to think theologically.11 Other scholars

10 Cf. Aristeides Papadakis, The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1994), 30–32. 11 Marcia L. Colish, “From the Sentence Collection to the Sentence Commentary and the Summa: Parisian Scholastic Theology, 1130–1215,” in Manuels, programmes de cours et techniques d'enseignement dans les universités médiévales. Actes du Colloque international de Louvain-la-Neuve (9-11 septembre 1993), ed. Jacqueline Hamesse (Louvain-la-Neuve: Institut d’Études Médiévales de l’Université Catholique de Louvain, 1994), 9– 140

highlight the roots of the development and formation of professional and academic theology in the 12th century; G.R. Evans points out that theology as an academic discipline grew out of the separate disciplines of scripture and speculative theology, despite having “no precedent for regarding [them] as a unified body.”12 This renaissance

(or perhaps more accurately, naissance) of abstract, philosophical theology as a discipline in the 12th century led to a renewed insistence by church authorities on full integration of laity and clergy into the moral and doctrinal life of the church. Particularly relevant to the Creed is that the articulation of 12th-century thinkers on the meaning and substance of faith led to movements of the 13th century to ensure lay participation in that faith.

4.2.2 Faith and reason in the 12th century

Several of the most important theological writers of the 12th century—Peter

Abelard, Anselm of Canterbury, Hugh of St Victor, and Richard of St Victor— emphasized an intellectual ownership of faith in addition to an obedient submission to the beliefs of the church. Abelard was a highly controversial figure in his time, falling under the condemnation of the more conservative Bernard of Clairvaux and William of

Saint-Thierry because of a rationalist approach which putatively harmed the traditional understanding of the trinity.13 Yet Abelard’s dialectic, philosophical approach to

29, at 9. 12 G.R. Evans, Old Arts and New Theology: The Beginnings of Theology as an Academic Discipline (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 29–30. 13 Smith, S. R. "Peter Abelard." New Catholic Encyclopedia, Gale, 2003 [published 1967–74]. Gale In Context: Biography. Accessed 4 Jan. 2021. 141

theology (standing in contrast to the patristic-based theology of Bernard and his forebears) offered a pronounced emphasis on learning the Creed:

Habemus tam Symbolum fidei, quod We have such in the symbol of faith [i.e., dicitur apostolorum, quam Orationem the Creed], as it called “of the apostles,” Dominicam ab omnibus communiter that Christian communities in every place Christianis deber sciri, et memoriter ought to know as the Lord’s Prayer, and retineri, ut promptius queant to retain it memory, and to be prompted frequenteri.14 thereof frequently.

Abelard’s emphasis on learning and knowing the Creed might seem out of place for such a “modernist” theologian, but Abelard and his contemporaries were insistent on the duties of Christians to know what they claimed to believe. Andrew Reeves summarizes the posture of the nascent scholastic movement:

Although medieval notions of faith had a strong element of humble obedience, theologians and canonists also acknowledged that it had an intellectual, cognitive component. After all, if one was to humbly trust in God, one needed a basic understanding of the object of that trust. … The Church as an institution thus needed to give the layperson the basic foundation in which he or she should know about the Triune God and the Church.15 This basic foundation, i.e., the creed, further edified a philosophical approach to the

Christian faith. Perhaps fundamental to this new “theology” was the proposition of faith and reason. Obviously, the tension between “faith and reason” is in some way as old as

Christianity; Augustine articulates this tension in several passages, and states that even those who doubt “understand something true.”16 Augustine’s concerns carry through most of medieval theology. A sort of triad developed amongst 12th-century theologians

14 Abelard, Expositio Symboli quod dicitur apostolorum, PL 178, 617D. My translation. 15 Andrew Reeves, “Education and Religious Instruction,” in The Routledge History of Medieval Christianity 1050–1500, ed. R.N. Swanson (New York: Routledge, 2015), 129–142, at 104. 16 Van Nieuwenhouve, 11. 142

of obedience or submission, which led to faith, which led to good works. Obedience to church teachings was shown in seriously studying the faith as handed down in the

Creeds.

Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109), perhaps most famous for his “proofs” of

God, even accepts faith as a presupposition for theology: “Reason does not prove faith, nor does it provide its foundation, but reason assists us in disclosing, to some degree, the beauty and coherence of faith.”17 Anselm is, in a way, a bridge between the monastic spirituality and theology of the first millennium and the rationalistic theology of the second; his emphasis on faith as a precursor to rational argument serves to explain the emphasis on faith and submission to belief by writers later in the 11th and 12th centuries.

Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141) similarly offers a strong statement and definition of faith—its causes and results. “Faith is a kind of certainty of the mind in things absent, established beyond opinion and short of knowledge (supra opinionem et infra scientiam).”18

For Hugh, faith thus involves certainty rather than opinion, but it is beyond intellectual certainty. Hugh thus comes to terms with “the simple-minded in the Holy Church”— those who are not theologically educated, establishing a distinction between their affective belief (“faith by which there is belief,” fides qua creditur) and cognitive belief

(“that which is believed by faith,” quod fide creditur). For Hugh, faith can evolve throughout the ages (e.g., from the Old Testament to the Christian era), and is a

17 Ibid., 86. 18 De Sacr. I.10.2, quoted in van Nieuwenhove, An Introduction to Medieval Theology, 132. 143

“sacrament … that refers to future contemplation. Faith is a foretaste of contemplation of

God, in which our ultimate bliss consists.”19

Likewise Richard of St Victor (d. 1173) emphasizes the tradition of faith and its relation to understanding.20 Rik van Nieuwenhove, commenting on Richard’s The

Mystical Ark, writes that he “requires from his readers an almost aesthetic receptivity towards the world, in order to be able to see the world as a pointer to the mystery that grounds it.”21 A sort-of faith in the contingency in the world leads, through reason, to a proper understanding of God as Trinity in Richard’s view.

The twelfth century saw a renewed emphasis on sacramental, credal, and moral concerns. Hugh of St. Victor sums up the triad of faith, sacraments, and good works:

Tria sane sunt quae ab initio sive ante Certainly, there are three things which are adventum Christi, sive post ad salutem necessary to be obtained which from the obtinendam necessaria fuerunt, id est beginning or before the coming of Christ, fides, sacramenta fidei, et opera bona. or after salvation—those three are faith, Quae tria ita cohaerent ut salutis effectum the sacrament of faith [i.e., sacraments habere non possint si simul non fuerint. received in faith], and good words. These Fides enim sine operibus, teste Scriptura, three thus are joined together so that they mortua est (Jacob. II). Rursum ubi non est are not able to have the effect of salvation fides, opus bonum esse non potest. Item if they are not simultaneous. Faith qui fidem operantem habent, si without works, testifies the scriptures, is sacramenta Dei suscipere renuunt, salvari dead (James 2). On the other hand, where non possunt, quia dilectionem Dei non there is not faith, good works are not habent cujus praecepta in sacramentis possible. Likewise, whoever has the ejus contemnunt.22 working of faith, if he refuses to undertake the sacrament of God, is not

19 van Nieuwenhove, 133. 20 “To understand these truths of which it has been rightly said “If you do not believe you will not understand,” you must enter by faith. But we must not immediately halt here; rather we should constantly reach out towards a more intimate and profound understanding, and with a complete studiousness and highest diligence penetrate deeper from day to day, through newly acquired insights into an understanding of our faith.” The Mystical Ark I.3, cited in van Nieuwenhove, 141. 21 Ibid. 22 De Sacramentis 1.9.7, PL 176:328a. My translation. 144

able to be saved, because he does not have the delight of God whose precepts condemns in his sacraments. Yet for both Hugh and Abelard, faith is an “act both of affection and cognition,” requiring a cognitive dimension.23 This cognitive requirement led to debates about the constancy of faith between the Old and New testaments, and how much faith the simple lay Christian needs to be saved. Thus Lombard, slightly younger than Abelard, asked how much, concretely, the layperson must know the articles of the Creed in order to be saved and be a member of the Church.

The emphasis on moral behavior which characterized many of the writings of the twelfth-century writers was in fact presupposed on a foundation of faith. As Pseudo-

Augustine wrote in the twelfth century, “there is nothing which might be good” apart from the foundation of faith.24 We have, therefore, different layers of priorities for twelfth-century theologians. On the one hand, Hugh’s triad of sacraments, belief, and good works defined his major concerns; but good works depended on belief, and belief depended on obedience.

4.2.3 Lateran IV: A Watershed for the Teaching of the Creed

There is a direct connection between the theological innovations of the twelfth century and the impetus behind Lateran IV (1215). Lothario di Segni (1160–1216), who as

Pope Innocent III convened the council, studied as a young man in Paris under the

23Andrew Reeves, “Teaching the creed and the articles of faith in England: 1215–1281,” in A Companion to Pastoral Care in the Late Middle Ages (1200–1500), ed. Ronald J. Stansbury (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 41–72, at 44. 24 Ibid., 45. 145

tutelage of Peter the Chanter, one of the last of the twelfth-century systematizing theologians. A signature of Innocent’s papacy was a devotion to moral reform and a fight against heretical groups. Andrew Reeves notes that Innocent’s battle against heresy was founded in the understanding of faith which he learned in Paris. Reeves writes that

“Christians could not reject the truths of the triune nature of God, the transcendent and immanent creator, but a humble obedience to the Church, Christ’s body on Earth, was just as, if not more, important than right belief. Innocent’s work on moral reform was part and parcel of a trend based around the schools of Paris that had been ongoing for several decades.”25 The three motivating theological concerns going into Fourth Lateran

Council (1215) were faith, morality, and submission to the authority of the Church.

Reeves explains that the main impetus of Pope Innocent III in calling the council was to combat heresy by correcting the understanding of the faith among laypeople. As an illustrative story,

when it came to his attention that certain laymen were reading the Bible on their own in Metz, [Pope Innocent’s] approach was not to demand that these activities cease, but rather to counsel the local ecclesiastical authorities to make sure that the members of this Bible study were willing to submit to correction if necessary. … This humble submission required at least some knowledge of the Church’s dogma, if not a thorough understanding of the complexities of Trinitarian metaphysics.26

25 Andrew Reeves, “Teaching the Creed and Articles of Faith in England: Lateran IV to Ignorantia Sacerdotum” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 2009), 41. 26 Andrew Reeves, “Teaching the creed and the articles of faith in England: 1215–1281,” 46. 146

The Fourth Lateran Council was convened with the additional purposes of renewing the

Crusades (leading to the unsuccessful Fifth Crusade) and denouncing and counteracting the heresies of groups like the Cathars and Waldensians. Charles Duggan avers that this council represents a turning point in the history of papal legislation, as its scope encompasses all classes of Christian society. 27

In addition to the primary tasks of opposing heresy and proclaiming a new

Crusade in the Holy Land, Lateran IV established and upheld norms for pastoral practices. Leonard Boyle avers that the canonical decrees of Lateran IV changed the nature of the parish priesthood, giving parish priests direct responsibility for parishioners.28 Essentially, the genre of pastoralia—literature on the subject of pastoral care—grew out of the decrees of Lateran IV. The most relevant canon for parish priests was canon 21, “Omnis utriusque.” This canon mandated faithful Catholic parishioners to attend confession once per year:

Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam All the faithful of both sexes shall after ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia they have reached the age of discretion sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, faithfully confess all their sins at least saltem semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, once a year to their own (parish) priest et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat and perform to the best of their ability the pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens penance imposed, receiving reverently at reverenter ad minus in Pascha least at Easter the sacrament of the eucharistiae sacramentum: nisi forte de Eucharist, unless perchance at the advice consilio proprii sacerdotis, ob aliquam of their own priest they may for a good rationabilem causam ad tempus ab ejus reason abstain for a time from its perceptione duxerit abstinendum: reception; otherwise they shall be cut off alioquin et vivens ab ingressu ecclesiae from the Church (excommunicated) arceatur, et moriens Christiana careat during life and deprived of Christian

27 “Lateran Councils” in New Catholic Encyclopedia, 409. 28 Leonard E. Boyle, “The Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology,” Tennessee Studies in Literature 28 (1985):30–43, at 31. 147

sepultura. Unde hoc salutare statutum burial in death. Wherefore, let this frequenter in ecclesiis publicetur, ne salutary decree be published frequently in quisquam ignorantiae caecitate velamen the churches, that no one may find in the excusationis assumat. Si quis autem plea of ignorance a shadow of excuse. But alieno sacerdoti voluerit justa de causa if anyone for a good reason should wish sua confiteri peccata, licentiam prius to confess his sins to another priest, let postulet et obtineat a proprio sacerdote, him first seek and obtain permission from cum aliter ille ipse non possit solvere, vel his own (parish) priest, since otherwise he ligare. (the other priest) cannot loose or bind him.

Sacerdos autem sit discretus et cantus, ut Let the priest be discreet and cautious that more periti medici superinsundant he may pour wine and oil into the vinum et oleum vulneribus fauciati; wounds of the one injured after the diligenter inquirens et peccatoris manner of a skillful physician, carefully circumstantias et peccati, per quas inquiring into the circumstances of the prudenter intelligat, quale illi consilium sinner and the sin, from the nature of debeat exhibere, et cujusmodi remedium which he may understand what kind of adhibere, diversis experimentis utendo advice to give and what remedy to apply, ad sanandum aegrotum. making use of different experiments to heal the sick one.

Caveat autem omnino, ne verbo, vel But let him exercise the greatest signo, vel alio quovis modo prodat precaution that he does not in any degree aliquatenus peccatorem; sed si by word, sign, or any other manner make prudentiori consilio indiguerit, illud known the sinner, but should he need abique ulla expressione personae caute more prudent counsel, let him seek it requirat: quoniam qui peccatum in cautiously without any mention of the poenitentiali judicio sibi detectum person. He who dares to reveal a sin praesumpserit revelare, non solum a confided to him in the tribunal of sacerdotali officio deponendum penance, we decree that he be not only decernimus, verum etiam ad agendam deposed from the sacerdotal office but perpetuam poenitentiam, in arctum also relegated to a monastery of strict monasterium detrudendum.29 observance to do penance for the remainder of his life.30

29 Mansi 22:1007–1010. 30 Translation from H.J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation, and Commentary (St. Louis: B. Herder, 1937), 236–396; access from Fordham University Medieval Sourcebook: Twelfth Ecumenical Council: Lateran IV, 1215 . 148

In commenting on the significance of Omnis Utriusque, Leonard Boyle writes that the application of “medicine” to the souls of sinners was not new; rather, the novelty was that, for the first time, the role of confessor was set as a church office, outside of a monastic context. Boyle concludes, “Now, officially, the confessor must not only be a dispenser of penances but also a counsellor of souls. He had to know something more than the old canones poenitnetiales and their lists of appropriate penances. He had to know the ins and outs of sins, vices, and virtues. In other words, he had to have a broad education in order to be the competent confessor envisaged by the council.”31This canon further deepened the connection between faith and morality; right actions needed a foundation of right faith.

4.2.3 Teaching the Creed in England

The episcopal directives that followed in the wake of Lateran IV in England reflect the importance for the Christian’s life of a right faith as well as of sound morals.”32 England is particularly notable because of the specificity of 13th-century episcopal directives: between 1215 and 1281 a number of directives in England placed emphasis on knowing the Creed and the Articles of Faith. One of the earliest is the 1222

Oxford conciliar canon, stating that the parish congregation are to “receive the nourishment of God’s word.”33 Reeves notes several important canons and decrees in

England between 1222 and 1281 which highlight the teaching of the Creed and its

31 Boyle, “The Fourth Lateran Council,” 32 32 Reeves, “Teaching the Creed and Articles of Faith in England: Lateran IV to Ignorantia Sacredotum,” 12. 33 Ibid., 57–58. 149

separation into Articles of Faith. Ignorantia sacredotum, the landmark canon of the 1281

Lambeth Council, was very clear in its expectations for parish clergy to teach the Creed and the Ten Commandments, as well as other “numerical” aspects of Catholic belief

(like the Seven Deadly Sins).

4.2.3.1 Oculus Sacerdotis

One of the most popular books of instruction for clergy in the wake of Lateran IV and the later 13th-century decrees of the English church was the Oculus Sacerdotis of

William of Pagula, written around 1320.34 Divided into three sections, the Oculus provided a framework for priests and confessors in parishes using memorable numerical schemes and patterns. The first part of the Oculus is a confession manual based on the seven deadly sins, with different examinations for different occupations, states of life, and predilections of sin. The second part offers a program, modeled on the pattern of the creed, of instruction in the faith for laypeople, followed by expositions of the seven sacraments, seven works of mercy, seven virtues, Ten Commandments, and the seven deadly sins.35 Leonard Boyle, explaining the significance of this section, writes that “[The] simple purpose [of the exposition of the Creed] is to suggest matters of theological or legal import which a parish priest would find useful when faced with the quarterly problem of expanding Pecham’s Syllabus for the instruction of his

34 Leonard E. Boyle, “The Oculus Sacerdotis and some other works of William of Pagula,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5 (1955):81–110, at 83. 35 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c.1400–c.1580, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 55. 150

parishioners.”36 The third part of the Oculus provides instruction for the priest on administering sacraments to the laity.

This manual proved to be one of the most popular theological works of the 13th century, inspiring several other priestly manuals such as the Instructions for Parish Priests by John Mirk and Manipulus Curatorum, written in the 14th century and printed in 1498.

Eamon Duffy points to a number of vernacular manuals in 15th-century England which were aimed at educating priests in the rudiments of church doctrine. William Caxton, the first English printer, translated the Doctrinal of Sapyence from French in 1489, with one edition oriented to priests and another (omitting the sections on accidents during the mass) for laypeople; the Ordynarye of Cyrsten Men and the Floure of the Commandments were both printed in the early 16th century, and an edition of Stella Clericorum followed in 1531. These confessional guidelines were directed at priests who had to hear confessions, possibly by the hundreds, mostly during the Lenten season. Indeed, during

Lent it was probably the pastor’s primary occupation to hear confessions, at least until the practice of individual spiritual advisors and confessors became vogue for the wealthy classes in the 15th century.

The art of hearing confession and counseling the penitent was “closely linked” with the “preaching programme of the English Church in the fifteenth century.”37 Duffy points out a number of expository manuals on the Lord’s Prayer, for example, as well as literature “designed to instruct and edify the laity and to provide simple clergy with

36 Boyle, “The Oculus Sacredotis,” 90. 37 Duffy, 61. 151

material for their preaching and teaching.”38 Much of this literature was written either at the behest of bishops for their parochial clergy or produced by religious orders. Duffy writes, “As all this suggests, the original modest aims of the thirteenth-century Church, to equip the laity with basic prayers, the means of examining their consciences, and the bare essentials of belief, had expanded by the fifteenth century.” This 15th-century expansion included devotion to and meditation on the Passion, a fixation on the sufferings of Jesus, the desire for a more structured prayer life—all devotional aspects of religious life which emerged from the success of the catechetical project connected to the

Creed.39 Eventually an entire industry of religious literature developed around the teaching of the Creed, and this devotional aspect will be considered in the next chapter.

4.2.4 Teaching the Creed in France

This emphasis on teaching the Creed was certainly not limited to England. For example, a 1205 statute from Paris recommends that, on Sundays, “in some part of the sermon, let [the priest] faithfully present to the people the symbol of faith. And let them diligently distinguish the Articles of Faith and confirm the people in each of them.”40

Jean Longère points to another canon from the same Statuts which dictates “the priests will incessantly urge the people to recite the Lord’s Prayer, the ‘I believe in God,’ and the salutation of the Blessed Virgin.”41 Longère points to several other important

38 Duffy, 62. 39 Duffy, 62. 40 Reeves, “Teaching the Creed and Articles of Faith in England: Lateran IV to Ignorantia Sacerdotum,” 73, quoting Les statuts synodaux 1:84; Longère 316 41 Jean Longère, “Enseignement du Credo: Conciles, Synodes et Canonistes médiévaux jusqu’au XIIIe siècle,” Sacris erudiri 32 (1991):309–341, at 316. Citing Canon 62 of the statutes of Eudes de Sully, bishop of 152

conciliar statutes which direct the teaching of the Creed, such as the directions of

Guillaume de Beaumont, bishop of Angers, statutes from Cambrai, the council of

Bordeaux (1233), Sisteron (1225–1235 and 1249), and the work of several canon lawyers.

4.2.5 Teaching the Creed in Italy

The teaching of the Creed in Italy was not enforced with the same insistence from regional councils, synods, and bishops, but it did develop as a preaching device, especially among the Mendicant orders. In his overview of the Mendicant orders, C.H.

Lawrence observes that the Mendicants represented the fault lines of a confrontation between older, traditional assumptions about Christian life and newer, urban, secular culture dominated by commerce.42 Within the rapidly changing cultural world of the 12th and 13th centuries, the Mendicant orders attempted to demonstrate and live a radical vision of the Christian gospel. This radical vision, however, remained rooted in the fundamentals of traditional Catholic belief. For Francis of Assisi and his followers, the

Creed was necessary knowledge.

Francis petitioned Pope Innocent III to bless his rule of life in 1209 or 1210; the

“Earlier Rule,” or “Regula non bullata,” derives from that initial propositium to the pope.

The section on the actual rule for the office is probably a later (1220/21) addition. In it,

Francis sets forth the requirements for the brothers in keeping a rule of prayer:

The Lord says: This kind of devil cannot come out except through fasting and prayer; and again: When you fast do not become

Paris (1197–1208). 42 C.H. Lawrence, The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2013 [1994]), 1. 153

gloomy like the hypocrites. For this reason let all the brothers, whether clerical or lay, recite the Divine Office, the praises and prayers, as is required of them.

Let the clerical brothers recite the Office and say it for the living and the dead according to the custom of clerics. Every day let them say the Have mercy on me, O God with the Our Father for the failings and negligence of the brothers; and let them say the Out of the depths with the Our Father for the deceased brothers. They may have only the books necessary to fulfill their office.

The lay brothers who know how to read the psalter may have one. Those who do not know how to read, however, may not be permitted to have any book. Let the lay brothers say the Creed and twenty-four Our Fathers with the Glory to the Father for Matins; for Lauds, let them say five; for Prime, the Creed and seven Our Fathers with the Glory to the Father; for each of the hours, Terce, Sext and None, seven; for Vespers, twelve; for Compline, the Creed and seven Our Fathers with the Glory to the Father; for the deceased, seven Our Fathers with the Eternal Rest; and for the failings and negligence of the brothers three Our Fathers each day… .43

The idea of substituting repetitions of prayers for aspects of the office is not unique to

Francis. The rosary, for example, developed between the 12th and 15th centuries as

“poor man’s breviary” substitute, composed of 150 short prayers in three groups of fifty, an organization similar to that of the 150 psalms.44 Francis’s rule circumvents the normal requirements for literacy and, like the rosary, allows a set number of prayers to substitute for the typical office.

43 “The Earlier Rule,” in Francis of Assisi: Early Documents, ed. William J. Short and Wayne J. Hellmann (New York; New City, 1999), Volume I, 65-66. 44 See Anne Winston-Allen, Stories of the Rose: The Making of the Rosary in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). 154

The rising importance of the Creed in Italy can be observed in the sermons dedicated to its explication by mendicant preachers. One of the most famous sermon cycles on the Creed was preached by the Dominican Giordano da Pisa in Florence during Lent of 1305.45 Giordano’s preaching follows that of Thomas Aquinas, who also preached a series of Lenten sermons on the Creed in 1273. Like Aquinas, Giordano divides the Apostles’ Creed into fourteen articles—seven articles on “the Godhead” and seven articles on the humanity of Christ, though Giordano does not proceed in as systematic a fashion as Aquinas. Giordano’s preaching is typical of medieval preaching on the Credo. He does discuss its being sung in liturgical services but does not enforce any sort of memorization scheme. Instead, over the course of forty sermons, he proceeds from speaking about the Creed generally to specifically handling each article and its implications for believers.

Carlo Delcorno, a historian of medieval Italian preaching, writes, “In reality, all medieval preaching, and in particular the ‘new word’ of the Mendicants, is committed to educating the faithful, introduced to the deeper and more secure knowledge of the fundamental prayers (the Credo and Our Father) and of the commandments.”46

Delcorno notes several examples of Mendicant preaching on the Creed—most famously, the sermons of Thomas Aquinas, a Dominican, along with those of Hugo da Prato (d.

45 See Aléssio Alonso Alves, “Sermons, Preaching, and Liturgy: Practices, Research Methods, and the Case of Giordano da Pisa,” Medieval Sermon Studies 62 (2018):3–16, at 9–12. 46 “In realtà tutta la predicazione medievale, e in modo particolare la ‘parola nuova’ dei Mendicanti, è impegnata nell'istruzione dei fedeli, introdotti alla conoscenza più sicura e profonda delle preghiere fondamentali (Il Credo e il Padrenostro) e dei Comandamenti.” Carlo Delcorno, “La fede spiegata ai fiorentini. Le prediche sul ‘Credo’ di Giordano da Pisa,” Lettere Italiane 65 (2013): 318–352, at 319. 155

1322; sermons of uncertain date) and Aldobrandino da Toscanella (1280).47 These preachers—all members of Mendicant orders—focused on the creed article by article, explaining each subsequent topic of faith. Giordano da Pisa did not proceed article by article, but perhaps reflecting his education in the universities in Paris and Bologna, he kept an academic focus on the meaning of faith signified by the first statement of the creed (“I believe…”), shifting to the crucifixion as the focus for Holy Week.

Thus we see that in Italy, even without the benefit of the canonical and statutory tradition enforcing knowledge of the Creed, the Creed became a focus of education and catechesis because of the Mendicant preaching tradition. Like the canonical tradition, the preaching of the Mendicant friars was heavily influenced by university discourse and education, especially among the educated Order of Preachers. Franciscan education and preaching also flourished, especially from such luminaries as Roger Bacon and Anthony of Padua. Bernt Roest observes that, in addition to sermon collections from these famous

Franciscan preachers, Franciscans in training would have had access to specialized literature on the Bible, collections of saints’ lives, and basic instructive literature on the

Our Father, the Hail Mary, and the Creed.48

4.3 The success of the project of teaching the Creed

Duffy summarizes the impact of the catechetical project by stating that “the ubiquity of the catechetical preoccupations of the late medieval Church in the

47 Ibid., 320. 48 Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210–1517) (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 288. 156

imaginative world of the laity is testified to in a range of types of evidence.”49 He points to a number of artistic depictions in churches—on walls, in stained glass, around baptismal fonts, in plays, and in lay didactic and devotional collections. Duffy’s point is that this type of lay religion—lacking the “introspection and interiority encouraged by monastic and mystical” writers—flourished in its simplicity. “Somewhere near the heart of their religion was a sober and conformist reality, encouraged no doubt by the clergy’s concentration of their catechetical endeavours on the confessional, and the location of instruction on the Creed within a more elaborate scheme which put as much or more emphasis on the Commandments, the virtues, the sins.”50 The success of the catechetical project initiated by 13th-century church authorities is readily evident in the artwork and collections Duffy points to, but also particularly in literature of the 14th and 15th centuries. By the time of Chaucer, knowing the Creed was a common trope of claiming sure knowledge.

4.3.1 Chaucer and Dante

One of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, the “Canon’s Yeoman’s Tale,” tells the story of a deceitful canon who claims he has the secret of alchemy and attempts to sell the recipe to a gullible priest. The canon borrows money from the priest, and returns it in order to persuade him of his honesty. When the priest receives back his initial loan to the

49 Duffy, 63. 50 Duffy, 75. 157

huckster, he claims that it is no annoyance to lend money to an honest man, knowing he will be repaid. The canon feigns surprise by the intimation of dishonesty:

“What!” quod this chanoun, “sholde I be “What!” said this canon, “should I be untrue? untrewe? No, that would be a thing completely without Nay, that were thyng yfallen al of newe. precedent. Trouthe is a thyng that I wol evere kepe My pledged word is a thing that I will always keep Unto that day in which that I shal crepe Until that day in which I shall creep Into my grave, and ellis God forbede. Into my grave, and God forbid it be otherwise. Bileveth this as siker as your Crede. Believe this as true as your Creed. God thanke I, and in good tyme be it sayd, I thank God, and rightly it may be said, That there was nevere man yet yvele apayd That there was never man yet suffered evil For gold ne silver that he to me lente, For gold or silver that he lent to me, Ne nevere falshede in myn herte I mente. Nor did I ever intend falsehood in my heart.51

The Creed, in this instance, signifies the swindler’s surety—faith in his word is as good as faith in the Creed.

Writing a generation before Chaucer, Dante uses a type of vernacular Creed to proclaim a straightforward statement of belief in Paradiso 24, a scene in which the pilgrim faces questioning from St Peter.

E quel baron che sì di ramo in ramo, And that nobleman who now had led me thus Essaminando, già tratto m’avea, From branch to branch in his examination Che a l’ultime fronde appressavamo, So that we neared the highest boughs, Ricominciò: “La Grazia, che donnea Began again: “The grace that woos your mind Con la tua mente, la bocca t’aperse Has until this moment opened your lips Infino a qui come aprir si dovea, And made your mouth say what it should, Sì ch’io approvo ciò che fuori emerse ; so that I approve what has come forth from it. Ma or convien espremer quell che credi, But now you must declare what you believe E onde a la credenza tua s’offerse.” And through what means you came to such belief.” « O santo padre, e spirito che vedi “O holy father, spirit who now can see Ciò che credesti sì, che tu vincesti That which you once believed with such conviction Ver’ lo sepulcro più giovani piedi, » You outstripped younger feet to reach the sepulcher,’ Comincia’ io, « tu vuo’ ch’io manifesti I began, ‘you would have me here declare La forma qui del pronto creder moi, The substance of my ready faith, E anche la cagion di lui chiedesti. And also tell the source of it, the reason why I hold it dear.

51 Geoffrey Chaucer, “The Canon Yeoman’s Tale,” ll. 489–498. 158

E io rispondo : Io credo in uno Dio ‘and I reply: I believe in one God, Solo ed etterno, che tutto ‘l ciel move, One and eternal, who, Himself unmoved, moves Non moto, con amore e con disio; All the heavens with his love and their desire. e a tal creder non ho io pur prove 'In defense of this belief I do have proof, not only fisice e metafisice, ma dalmi physical and metaphysical, but offered anche la verità che quinci piove also by the truth that pours like rain from here per Moïsè, per profeti e per salmi, ‘through Moses and the Prophets and the Psalms, per l'Evangelio e per voi che scriveste through what the Gospel says and what you wrote poi che l'ardente Spirto vi fé almi; once the burning Spirit made you holy. e credo in tre persone etterne, e queste 'I believe in three eternal Persons. I believe credo una essenza sì una e sì trina, these are a single Essence, at once threefold and one che soffera congiunto 'sono' ed 'este.' so as to allow agreement both with "are" and "is." De la profonda condizion divina 'The profound truth of God's own state of which I speak ch'io tocco mo, la mente mi sigilla is many times imprinted in my mind più volte l'evangelica dottrina. by the true instructions of the Gospel. Quest' è 'l principio, quest' è la favilla 'This is the beginning, this the living spark che si dilata in fiamma poi vivace, that swells into a living flame e come stella in cielo in me scintilla." and shines within me like a star in heaven.' Come 'l segnor ch'ascolta quel che i piace, As the master to whom a servant brings good news a indi abbraccia il servo, gratulando rejoices when he hears it, and puts his arms around per la novella, tosto ch'el si tace; the speaker just as soon as he has finished, così, benedicendomi cantando, thus, blessing me as he sang, tre volte cinse me, sì com' io tacqui, the apostolic light, at whose command I spoke, l'appostolico lume al cui comando encircled me three times once I was silent, io avea detto: sì nel dir li piacqui! because my words had brought him such delight.52

This statement comes at the conclusion of a long rhetorical disquisition in the university style. Teodolinda Barolini describes Paradiso 24 as “written under the sign of intelletto, devoted to handling the great irrational leap that is faith in eminently rational fashion.”53

Its markers of academic dialog are obvious, using the verb “silogizzar” (24.77) and the noun “silogismo” (24.94); the overall effect is one of “differentiation.”

52 Paradiso XXIV, 115–154. Trans. from Paradiso: A Verse Translation, trans. Robert and Jean Hollander (New York: Anchor Books, 2008). 53 Teodolinda Barolini, The Undivine Comedy: Detheologizing Dante (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 229. 159

This academic foreground makes Dante’s “Credo” stand out for its simplicity. St

Peter interrogates the poet for his faith, and the poet responds “in words unexcelled in the whole of ‘Paradiso’ for beauty and sublimity,” with the ultimate affect that Dante’s

Creed pleases St Peter.54 The Creed of Paradiso 24, which is written in Italian, bears the imprint of the creed of the church, evident in his tying the fundamentals of his belief back to scripture, as well as his explication of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity. The use of this formula shows the degree to which the Creed was inculcated as a summary of doctrine for Catholic faithful from the 13th century onward.

4.3.2 Piers Plowman

Perhaps the greatest testimony to the catechetical impact of the Creed is William

Langland’s Piers Plowman (begun 1370s) and two other works written in response to it— the anonymous “Chorister’s Lament” (uncertain date) and “Pierce the Ploughman’s

Crede,” (1390s). Piers Plowman as a poem seems to malign academic theology as well as its mendicant teachers; commenting on a passage from Piers Plowman Passus XI of Piers

Plowman, David Aers notes that the poem presents, at once, a parody and imitation of

Latin academic theology, albeit in vernacular English.55 Langland, in Aers’ reading, highlights the divorce of academic Latin theology from the actual scriptural narrative, going so far as to legitimize a theology in which the narratives of the bible are subordinated to Aristotelian terms and logic. In other words, Langland is making fun of

54 Henry A. Brann, “The ‘Credo’ of Dante,” America 4.22 (1911), 521–22, at 521. 55 Specifically commenting on the C-Text of Piers Plowman. 160

the academic theology that grew as a discipline in the 12th century, which I explored above. In Piers Plowman, theologians, especially represented by friars, “are lured to invent theological truth as suprahistorical or nonhistorical, quite autonomous of the stories on which the church depends and acknowledges in the liturgy.”56

Aers exposes the theological and academic debates surrounding Langland’s narrative poem—an abandonment of the narrative and history of the scriptural stories in favor of abstracted logical/philosophical debates of theologians dating to Lombard’s

Sentences. The Creed, for Langland, becomes a way of uncovering both the philosophical background of the academic theologians—especially the moderni—and of restating the narrative-historical demands of Christianity as known through the scriptural story.

One of Langland’s main enemies in Piers Plowman is the friars, especially

Franciscans, representative of corruption in the church. It is not, however, their learning and education which is the object Langland’s contempt, but rather their visible misdeeds of material gain.57 On the other hand, learning, and particularly catechetical learning, is seen as good throughout the poem. Dorothy Jacobs refers to the appearance of Trajan in

Passus 11 to determine that “learning is judged valueless unless inspired by the love of

God,” representing an anti-academic strain consistently heard throughout the poem.58

To quote Passus 11:

56 Aers, Beyond Reformation?:An Essay on William Langland’s Piers Plowman and the End of Constantinian Christianity (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2015), 17–18. 57 cf. Pearsall’s introduction to the C-text, in Piers Plowman: A New Annotated Edition of the C-Text, ed. Derek Pearsall (Exeter: University of Exeter Press 2008), 22. 22. 58 Dorothy Jacobs, “The Thematic Importance of Learning in ‘Piers Plowman,’” Aevum 57 (1983), 282–287, at 161

Lawe with-outen loue quod troianus [·] leye þere a bene “Without love,” continued Trajan, Or any science vnder sonne · þe seuene artz and alle “law isn’t worth a straw! Nor is But þei ben lerned for owre lordes loue · loste is alle þe any body of knowledge, if it tyme comes to that—including all the For no cause to cacche siluer þere-by · ne to be called a seven liberal arts. All the time mayster you spend on them is an utter But al for loue of owre lorde · and þe bet to loue þe peple waste, unless your motive for For seynte Iohan seyde it · and soth aren his wordes studying these things is love of Qui non diligit manet in morte.59 God, not desire to earn money or academic titles. Their whole purpose is to enable us to love God, and to love other people better, as a result. It was St. John who said it (and his words are the truth): “The man who does not love remains dead.”60

In fact, Jews and Muslims already “know” the beginning of the Creed in one sense, and only need to be taught the rest of the Creed by clergy:

Ac pharesewes and sarasenes · Scribes & Grekis Nevertheless, it remains true that all of Aren folke of on faith · þe fader god þei honouren them—Pharisees and Scribes, all the And sitthen þat þe sarasenes · and also þe iewes adherents of the Jewish faith, and of Konne þe firste clause of owre bileue · credo in Islam, too, hold together in one single deum patrem omnipotentem faith: they all of them worship God the Prelates of crystene prouynces · shulde preue if þei Father. So both Moslem and Jew are myȝte familiar with the first sentence of the Lere hem litlum & lytlum [·] & in ihesum cristum Christian creed: “I believe in God the filium Father Almighty.” Surely, then, the Tyl þei couthe speke and spelle · et in spiritum bishops of Christian lands should strain sanctum every nerve to teach them, stage by And re[d]en it & recorden it · with remissionem stage, the second?—“And in Jesus peccatorum Christ, his only Son.” After that, they Carnis resurreccionem · et vitam eternam amen.61 can go on to articulate the words—“And in the Holy Spirit”—and come out and affirm “the forgiveness of sins“—yes, and eventually tell it out to the end: “the

285. 59 B.11.171–176a 60 Trans. A.V.C Schmidt, Piers Plowman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 117. 61 B.15.605–613 162

resurrection of the body, and the life everlasting. Amen!”62

Other specific references to the Creed within the poem highlight how important the actual text was for believers.

“He shal haue my soule that alle soules made He shall have my soul who made all souls And defenden hit as fro the fende, and so is And defend it from the Fiend, and so is my my beleue, belief, Til Y come til his acountes as my crede telleth Till I come to his account as my creed tells To haue a remissioun and a relees on that To have remission and release on the rent I rental Y leue.63 still owe.64

Piers, dictating his will, states his belief in the coming judgment and resurrection proclaimed in the Creed, and includes the bequest of his body and bones in his will.

Mixing legal and theological images, Piers expresses his trust in the credal formula he has learned by forsaking his ownership on the “rental” of his life.

On a larger scale, the structure of Piers Plowman is modeled on the structure of the Creed. As the poem reaches its climax, Langland traces the broad recapitulation of all of Christian history in the life of the individual believer’s soul. The poem ends with a narrative depiction of the Creed’s ending, with Christ’s death, descent to hell, and resurrection, followed by the establishment of Christ’s Church on earth. The Creed serves as the vehicle for Will’s ultimate solidarity with sinners and, thus, salvation.65

62 Trans. A.V.C. Schmidt. 63 C.8:96-99 64 Trans. George Economou, William Langland’s Piers Plowman: The C-Version: A Verse Translation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996). 65 A.V.C. Schmidt, “Introduction,” in Piers Plowman: A New Translation of the B-Text, xiii. 163

The later satire “Pierce the Ploughman’s Crede” is a further acidic complaint against the mendicant orders, as the narrator seeks someone to teach him the Creed.

A and all myn A-B-C after have I lerned, I have learned my ABCs And patred in my Pater Noster iche poynt after and can repeat my Pater Noster each point after the other, other, And after all myn Ave Marie almost to the ende. and after all my Ave Maria almost to the end. But al my kare is to comen, for I can nohght my But all my care is to come, for I do not know my Crede. Creed.

Searching for a religious friar to teach him the Creed, the narrator finds only

Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians and Carmelites bickering about the faults of the other groups. Finally, an emaciated, poor plowman teaches him the Creed. With an accent similar to the Piers Plowman poem, “Pierce the Ploughman’s Crede” strikes a negative stance toward the institutions of religion. The climax of the poem, the recitation of the Creed, is performed in vernacular English by a simple, unlearned ploughman, a

“lewed” man as described in the poem; Helen Barr notes that he is not standing in a church, but ankle-deep in a muddy field. Every aspect of his profession of faith stands in contrast to the clerics of the orders who speak eloquently, wearing churchly garb.66 Barr cites a passage from the poem’s end, in which “authentic faith” is wrested away from the official churchmen and proclaimed by unlearned people:

‘…all that euer I haue seyd soth it me semeth And all that euer I haue written is soth, as I trowe, And for amending of thise men is most that I write.’ (836–8)

66 Helen Barr, Signes and Sothe: Language in the Piers Plowman Tradition (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1994), 48–49. 164

Barr concludes that “[a]lliterative poetry and the speech of a ploughman exceed the discursive practices of the established church.” Indeed, the Creed in “Pierce the

Ploughman’s Crede” is at once the pinnacle of “learning” for the narrator—the object of his desire and the proof that he has achieved the religious knowledge necessary of a

Christian—and a tool to separate true from false religion.

The anonymous “Chorister’s Lament” may have been composed in reaction to

Langland’s Piers Plowman, as Bruce Holsinger argues on the basis of potential allusions to the B-text of Piers.67 Holsinger sees Piers Plowman as exploring the intersection of law and liturgy, a relationship which “paradoxically corrodes the authoritative bond between juridical ideology of liturgical obedience and the social practice of liturgical performance.”68 Furthermore, he draws ties between the critique of singing in the

Lament and the Lollardy and anti-liturgical emphasis present in Piers Plowman. William, one of the young choristers of the Lament, complains to his choir mate:

Thanne is Water so wo that wol ner wil he blede, Then is Walter so sad that he’s ready to burst a blood- And wendis him til William and bit him wel to vessel, spede. and he goes to William, and bids him God speed. “God it wot,” seys William, “thereof had I nede. “God knows,” says William, “I need your good will. Now wot I qwuo Iudicare was set in the crede. Now I know how Iudicare was set in the creed. Me is wo so is the be that belles in the walmes, I’m as sorrowful as the bee that buzzes (half-drowned) I donke vpon dauid til me tonge talmes. in the well. I ne rendrede nowt sithen men beren palmes. I hammer away at the Psalms until my tongue falters. Is it also mikel sorwe in song so is in salmes? (25– I have repeated no lesson since Palm Sunday. 32) Is there as great sorrow in song as in psalm-chant?”69

67 Bruce W. Holsinger, “Langland’s Musical Reader: Liturgy, Law, and the Constraints of Performance,” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 21 (1999):99–141. 68 Holsinger, 109. 69 Francis Lee Utley “The Chorister’s Lament,” Speculum 21 (1946):194–202, at 197. 165

William is using his knowledge of the text of the Creed—or of how the words of the

Creed were “set”—to highlight his lack of patience.70 Several of the allusions of the

“Chorister’s Lament” are obscure, but it seems that this phrase of “knowing how the

Iudicare was set” was a somewhat frequent trope in middle English poetry; Francis Lee

Utley notes 7 instances of the phrase between the 14th and 16th centuries. It could mean to

“receive sudden instruction in the obvious,” as a sort of preview of Christ’s coming to judge.

4.3.3 The Pearl Poem

The Pearl Poem, another important Middle English work from the 14th century, also uses the Creed as an object of knowledge. The dreamer, who has lost his “Pearl,” falls asleep and encounters a woman who identifies herself as Pearl; the bulk of the poem is instruction in Christian doctrine from Pearl to the dreamer. About halfway through the poem, the Dreamer states,

“That cortaysé is to fre of dede, “Our gentle Lord acts too generously Yyf hyt be soth that thou coney saye. if what you say is actually so. thou lyfed not two yer in oure thede; You lived for less than two years in our world, thou cowthey neuer God nauther plese knew neither your creed nor your paternoster ne pray, nor how to pray or to please God, Ne neuer nawther Pater ne Crede; And quen mad on the fyrst day! but were dubbed a queen on your first day! I may not traw, so God me spede, My Lord excuse me, but I cannot believe that God wolde wrythe so wrange away. that God would make such a great mistake. Of countes, damysel, par ma fay, On my word, young woman, it would be one thing Wer fayr in heuen to halde asstate, If you were counted a countess of heaven Other elley a lady of lasse aray; Or allotted the role of a lower lady. Bot a quene! Hit is to dere a date.' But a queen no less—that exceeds the limit.”71

70 See Francis Lee Utley, “How Judicare Came Into the Creed,” Medieval Studies 8 (1946):303–309. 71 Pearl 481–492. Translation and text from Simon Armitage, Pearl: A New Verse Translation (New York: Liveright, 2016), 69. 166

The dreamer is surprised that his Pearl, who did not even reach the age of learning the

Creed or Our Father, could be made queen upon her ascent into heaven. While the religious implications call to mind the Lollard debates—the necessity, or lack thereof, of prescribed Credal formulae for salvation—it is the fact that he is surprised by her salvation despite being ignorant of the Creed that is interesting in the context of the 14th- century development of the Creed.

4.3.4 Literary evidence from later centuries

Jumping to the 15th and 16th centuries, we can see that the Credo became a major pedagogical tool, not just for religious instruction but for literacy instruction. The Credo became a major tool for literacy primers by the 16th century. Kate van Orden notes how students in France around 1600 learned first the letters of the alphabet, and then moved to “syllabaries printed in large letters and containing the Pater Noster, Ave Maria,

Confiteor, and the Benedicte, all in Latin and all part of the catechism of Christian doctrine.”72 Vernacular translations became more popular in the later 16th century, as books of hours became one of the most commonly found books in French houses.

Pamphlets, usually eight folios long, containing the “ABC of Christians” were frequently bound into family books of hours; these frequently contained the alphabet, the Our

Father, Hail Mary, and Credo, a table blessing, prayers, and responses for the mass,

72 Kate van Orden, Materialities: Books, Readers, and the Chanson in Sixteenth-Century Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 118. 167

followed by translations of the Our Father, Ave Maria, and Credo, with the Credo frequently in rhymes.73

I have traced the development of the Credo as a catechetical requirement across four centuries—from the academic and inchoate university debates of the 11th century to the flowering of the Credo as an assumed point of knowledge in the 14th and 15th centuries. Beginning with Lateran IV in 1215 and progressing throughout the 13th century, the Credo was increasingly required as an object of preaching, catechism, and knowledge. With this status in mind, it is helpful to examine the liturgical music that was being used within the mass to see if these theological ideas were being incorporated into the music.

4.4 The Credo Cardinalis

I have already introduced the music of the Credo Cardinalis in chapter three, and will discuss the origin of its name in chapter six. A discussion of its musical features perhaps fits best here, in noticing how it might fit into this broader project of teaching and learning the Creed. The music—especially the form—of Credo Cardinalis is more intricate than the music of the earlier Credo I, discussed in chapter three.

The most striking feature upon first hearing the Credo Cardinalis is how different it is from the traditional Gregorian chant repertoire. In the Cantus Index, which catalogs over 106,000 chants, only three chants are indexed with an opening downward fifth-upward fifth motion.

73 van Orden, 134. 168

1. An alleluia in a late 11th -/early 12th-century gradual, Modena O.I.13.

Figure 14: Modena O.I.13, f. 114v, "Alleluia"

Figure 15: Transcription of the Modena Alleluia74

This Alleluia and verse (“Exivi a Patre”), for the Fifth Sunday after Easter, begins on a d-

G-d motion, and this is preserved in modern chant books (cf. LU 831). According to the

Cantus Index, this is the only example in the entire Vatican Edition which preserves a downward fifth/upward fifth opening.

2. A hymn, “O nata lux de lumine Jesu,” found in a 15th-century antiphoner from the

Marchiennes Abbey (Douai 116). It is a hymn for the office of Lauds on the feast of

Transfiguration (August 6).

74 From Karlheinz Schlagel, Thematischer Katalog der ältesten Alleluia-Melodien aus Handschriften des 10. und 11. Jh (München: Ricke, 1965), no. 408. 169

Figure 16: Transcription of "O nata lux," from cantusindex.org, Melody mSTA263

3. A contrafact hymn of number two, “Quem terra pontus aethera,” found in a 15th- century psalter-antiphoner-hymnary from the diocese of Lisieux (Paris, Ste. Genevieve

113, f. 162r). It is an office hymn for the common of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

Figure 17: Transcription of “Quem terra,” from cantusindex.org, Melody mSTA205

Numbers 2 and 3 present the same melody with a downward-fifth/upward-fifth introduction, just like Cardinalis, but these are the only instances of these hymn texts with this melody. They are both found in other sources with different melodic openings, with a common hymn melody used with other texts. In the LU it appears for the feast of the Immaculate Conception (December 8):

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Figure 18: "O gloriosa Virginum," Liber Usualis 1314

The melodies in Figure 16 and Figure 17 are substantially different from that of Figure

18, but the opening gesture is remarkably similar; the melody of Figure 18 fills in the bald leap of a fifth with passing tones, reducing the intervals sung.

This comparison shows how different the opening phrase and melody of Credo

Cardinalis is from the bulk of the Gregorian repertoire. Interestingly, the other popular cantus fractus Credo melody, Credo Regis, also features a downward 5th/upward 5th motion in its opening line:

Figure 19: Transcription of Credo Regis from the 1500 Giunta Graduale, 352r

Additionally, as pointed out in chapter three, many hymns from the middle Byzantine corpus analyzed by Egon Wellesz begin on the D-A upward fifth, and this fifth is

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conspicuous in other late medieval music that is purposely imitating Greek music (like

Obrecht’s Missa Graecorum, or the Greek polyhonic music preserved in Faenza 117).

While it is not likely that there is any Greek influence on Credo Cardinalis, it is interesting to point out that much of this early monophonic and polyphonic mass music circulates around southern France and the Avignon Papal court. There was a Greek

émigré there, Barlaam of Seminara, who fled the Greek Church for the Roman Catholic

Church in the wake of a theological dispute. He did have knowledge of both Greek and

Western music and translated ancient Greek musical texts into Latin with commentary.75

Beyond the opening melodic gesture, the most salient feature that defines Credo

Cardinalis as outside the Gregorian corpus is its rhythm. The rhythm generally follows the accentuation of the Latin text, but unlike rhythmic presentation of other monophonic melodies the rhythm of Cardinalis is square and prosaic. Hymns written in meter provide a clear counterexample to the rather staid quality of Credo Cardinalis; Dufay’s setting of “Creator alme siderum,” for example, adds a lilting quality of perfect tempus to the chant melody based on the iambic meter of the text.

75 See Andrew Hughes, “Barlaam,” in Grove Music Online, and Thomas Brothers, “Contenance angloise and accidentals in some motets by Du Fay,” Plainsong and Medieval Music 6 (1997):21–51, at 26, fn.14. 172

Figure 20: Hymn, "Creator alme siderum," Liber Usualis 324–5

Figure 21: Dufay, "Conditor Alme Siderum," in Bologna Q.15, f. 314v (image courtesy DIAMM)

Figure 22: Transcription of Dufay's "Conditor Alme Siderum," top line

Dufay’s treatment here no doubt reflects an oral tradition of rhythmic interpretation, probably common to the rhyming and rhythmic hymn texts.

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The Credo text presents a very different problem, especially because of its lack of rhythmic regularity. Interestingly, some Hussite Czech examples do exist from the early

15th-century giving the Credo in a repeated hymn-like strophic melody, thus treating the

Credo text as a strict psalm-tone text.76

When comparing the melodies of Credo I and cardinalis, we recall that the lengthy melody of Credo I is actually made up of only four melodic phrases, heard in different sequences. Three of them function as psalm-tone like phrases, and the fourth is a liaison connecting them. Credo Cardinalis, on the other hand, is more subtle and complex in its structure. Three downward fifth motions introduce the three persons of the Trinity, acting as an announcement of the three main sections of the Credo—“God the Father Almighty” (Patrem omnipotentem) (mm.1–2); “And in one Lord Jesus Christ”

(Et in unum dominum Jesum Christum) (mm.18–19); “And in the Holy Spirit” (Et in

Spiritum Sanctum) (mm.116–17). (Two other downward fifths are found, but without the hold on the “A”—m.81 and m.139.) (see full transcription in Figure 23 below)

The musical form does not carry the discernible repetitive form or recitational pattern of the Gregorian Credo. Nonetheless there are definite melodic motifs, or cells, which constitute the music. Broadly speaking, the Credo Cardinalis is in two halves. The first half (mm.1–95) is dominated by a cadence gesture first heard in mm.3–5. The cadence is heard nine times in the first half, and then completely disappears. Other

76 Lenka Hlávková has been conducting research on the Canticum boemicale Otep myry containing a strophic Credo and Pater Noster and presented preliminary findings at the conference “Rhythm in Music and the Arts in the Late Middle Ages,” organized by the Czech Academy of Sciences, in November 2020. 174

melodic gestures are confined to the first half. There is a rising-falling gesture (or

“cento”) in mm.19–21 which recurs several times (mm.34–35, 44–45, 46–47, 61,65-66, 82–

83), but is only seen three times in the second half (mm.153, 157, 160–1). Like the Credo I, there is a “liaison” gesture which links various phrases (mm.6–8, 24–26) but that also occurs only in the beginning.77

The Credo Cardinalis is primarily text-based in its musical setting and form.

Instances of word painting can be found—most notably, the descent of mm.84–86,

“passus et sepultus est,” followed by the dramatic octave leap of m.87, “et resurrexit.”

The only other octave leap is at mm.142, in the final clause of the Creed articulating the concomitant beliefs after the three persons of the Holy Trinity (“Et unam sanctum”).

Through a combination of its rhythm and its musical details, the Credo

Cardinalis is a more dramatic musical setting of the text of the Creed than the Credo I.

Some aspects of the rhythm remain unclear—the earliest manuscripts preserve different notations for the rhythm, and there is some indication that this was originally composed in perfect tempus, rather than imperfect. Additionally, many of the earliest manuscripts also preserve a second voice, though in each of those manuscripts a different second voice is preserved.78 This may indicate that the origins of the Credo Cardinalis are tied up with polyphonic and improvisational practices.

77 Geoffrey Chew and James W. McKinnon define centonization as “composition by the synthesis of preexisting musical units,” which are called “centos.” “Centonization,” in Grove Music Online. 78 Cf. Gozzi, “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto.” 175

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Figure 23: Transcription with annotations of Credo Cardinalis

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4.5 Conclusion

It is difficult to definitively connect the composition of Credo melodies like

Cardinalis to any direct intervention of the catechetical project outlined in the first part of this chapter. There are certainly enough pieces to suggest a possible connection—as the Credo text became more important in the lives of believers, clergy and church musicians had a great impetus to set it to memorable music. Indeed, it is likely that the non-strophic and non-recitational nature of Credo Cardinalis makes it more memorable or memorizable than the repetitive and psalm-tone-like Credo I; the heavy-handed emphasis on multiple syllables on one reciting pitch in Credo I makes memorization by association with a melody difficult.

Credo Cardinalis, on the other hand, offers a dramatic setting of the Credo text, dividing the text into two roughly equal halves, offering possibility for improvised or composed simple polyphony, and re-using a number of stock musical motifs throughout. The articulation of several sentences with the downward fifth solidifies that motif as introductory, allowing the singer to recall the various phrases of the Credo text.

On the other hand, the frequent formulaic cadences of the Credo Cardinalis music perhaps insinuate a more learned audience or musical performance, using a musical motif common in 14th- and 15th-century polyphony; the occasional melismas are not easy to sing, and are more intricate than anything in the syllabic Credo I music.

Ultimately, it is difficult to make an argument from any of the extant literary or musical sources other than to note the possibility of the cultural, catechetical background of the composition of Credo Cardinalis.

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5. The Credo and Devotion

In this chapter I examine late medieval devotional practices in their relation to the Creed. I argue that the Credo’s growth as a devotional tool led to the association of various musical parts of the Credo with devotional practices. In order to better understand these musical devotional practices, I first address the question of a definition of late medieval devotional practice; while the contours of devotion are multi-faceted, we can point to at least four broad devotional practices which focused on the Credo.

The first devotional practice I address is the Credo in artwork, particularly in paintings, tapestries, and woodcuts. Several surviving examples of Credo paintings and other artworks show how important it was an object of meditation for medieval

Christians. The second devotional practice is that of literary meditations on the Credo. I highlight four different examples from the 13th to the 16th centuries which present the

Credo as an object of devotion and reflection, including as a deathbed meditation. The third example is that of canonical commentaries, which show the degree to which the

Credo was understood as a hex against superstition. Finally, I address performative aspects of Credo devotion in liturgy and music. Liturgically, the Credo featured a moment of genuflection, a rite that became especially valued in Papal masses. I conclude the chapter by examining musical points of devotion within polyphonic and monophonic Credos, focusing on musical and notational gestures like homophony and fermatas.

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Like the chapters on catechism and liturgy, this chapter attempts to draw together various themes from several different genres, time periods, and locales.

Ultimately, I argue that understanding this devotional background helps to explain both the rise in popularity of monophonic Credos after 1300, as well as the numerous strange practices that developed in polyphonic Credos in the 15th century. Taking this devotional cultural background into consideration, we can no longer say that the rise in monophonic Credos from 1300 onward was unexpected or unexplained; indeed, the musical practice fits perfectly with the broader cultural context of devotion to the text of the Credo.1

5.1 A definition of medieval religious devotion

Devotion was perhaps the broadest category and most salient feature of medieval religious life. Devotion includes all popular forms of religious expression, from pilgrimage to the rosary to paraliturgical devotional songs; it encompasses the

“extreme saturation of the religious atmosphere” described by Johan Huizinga.2

Huizinga’s 1919 The Waning of the Middle Ages (Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen) explains the two dominant factors of late medieval religious life as a posture of devotion and an iconic tendency within thought—the tendency of the medieval mind toward images.3

1 Contra Richard Sherr’s statement that “It is not clear why, after approximately 500 years, there was this need to have new musical settings to replace the standard ‘Credo I.’” In Richard Sherr, “The Performance of Chant,” 189, fn.25. 2 Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages: A Study in the Forms of Life, Thought, and Art in France and the Netherlands in the XIVth and XVth Centuries, trans. F. Hopman (Garden City: Doubleday, 1954 [1924, original 1919]), 153. 3 ibid. 180

Huizinga saw a conflict between the popular aspects of devotional religion and the more stringent demands of official catechism; the multiplication of religious orders, of special devotions, and of superstitions led to a wariness of the ease with which dogma and

Catholic doctrine was eroded by “facile beliefs.”4 Huizinga writes that the “highest mysteries of the creed became covered with a crust of superficial piety,” but I argue that the Creed conveniently bridged aspects of piety and official doctrine—it was simultaneously devotional and catechetical. Later readers have revised Huizinga’s skeptical reading of medieval devotion, but his observation and description of the saturation of culture with religious devotion is still regarded as accurate.5 Despite the opposition Huizinga sets up between piety and dogma, his description of the

“saturation” of religious culture with devotional imagery remains accurate.

In a further attempt to explain medieval religious devotion, Richard Kieckhefer notes that these practices preclude easy definition. He places devotion “on a conceptual map between the liturgical and contemplative elements in religion.”6 That is, it is not bound in the strict order of medieval liturgy, nor is it associated with the unmediated experience of God held by mystics; rather, devotional religion is the individual’s response to God. Kieckhefer provides three major categories of forms which manifest devotional practice—literary expression, artistic expression, and performance. The first

4 Huizinga, 156. 5 Edward Peters and Walter P. Simons, “The New Huizinga and the Old Middle Ages,” Speculum 74 (1999), 587–620, at 617. 6 Richard Kieckhefer, “Major Currents in Medieval Devotion,” in Christian Spirituality: High Middle Ages and Reformation, ed. Jill Raitt, John Meyendorff, and Bernard McGinn (New York: Crossroad, 1987), 75–108, at 76. 181

two categories provide many surviving examples to study, because public and private works of art and texts proliferate from the period. On the other hand, devotional performance, like music and liturgy, is only found in the vestiges of the texts and materials associated with it.

Kieckhefer further delineates several varieties of devotional literature. Meditative works appealed to private use; texts for public delivery, like drama and lyrics and songs, were another important genre; sermons, the third category, were perhaps the most important of the literary categories because they constituted the genre most frequently encountered by laypeople. In addition to serving as textual devotion, sermons also were devotional events. The fourth category Kieckhefer identifies is that of compilation or florilegia of patristic commentaries, used primarily by preachers in preparing sermons and also by educated laypeople in interpreting a text. Art and performance, of course, proliferated in this time period with significant public and private examples.

In addition to the forms and genres of devotion, there were recurring devotional themes. Kieckhefer identifies the Passion of Christ, Marian devotion, cults of saints, and the eucharist as the main themes of devotion, with penance and confession as an underlying element to many of the devotional practices and themes. The ultimate goal of the various devotional themes, forms, and elements was the believer’s salvation. The unwieldiness of the contours of “devotion” is exposed by the attempts by both Huizinga and Kieckhefer to define it; it exists in many varieties, forms, and genres, and concentrates on many religious themes, but ultimately it is more helpful to concentrate on individual examples which can be considered devotional.

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The Credo is a unique form of devotion in that it simultaneously straddles many of the genres described by Kieckhefer. The Credo served as a text, the subject of artwork, and a liturgical and performative subject for medieval believers. Devotions surrounding the Credo frequently invoked the themes of the Passion of Christ and Marian devotion, and also held a strong liturgical and eucharistic emphasis because of its place within the mass.7 Furthermore, it is likely that as the Creed was taught by clergy and friars and learned by laypeople, it increasingly became an object of devotion in the late middle ages. The devotional and catechetical aspects of the Creed are inherently linked, with the catechesis providing the cultural and educational background for the devotional flowering around the Creed.

5.2 The Credo in Art

Hundreds of artistic depictions of the Credo survive from the Middle Ages, showing how it was received as a devotional text. Suzanna Simor has detailed the evolution of the various themes of Creed paintings, noting that, aside from a few detached attempts from the first millennium preceding what later became the primary convention, the paintings’ tropes evolved from traditions of depicting the apostles composing the Apostles’ Creed. The earliest Creed representations in art come from the

Carolingian period, but the depiction only became a common artistic subject in the

7 The Credo also featured in the office, particularly as the shorter Apostles’ Creed. One further devotional topic not covered in this chapter is the use of books of hours, which included the Creed (often richly illuminated) as a point of devotion during the office. 183

eleventh and twelfth centuries, with the peak of production in the late Middle Ages.8

The Credo representations of the Middle Ages actually served a dual function: they were important both as teaching aids for the explanation of the Credo and its history, and also as loci of devotion in their focus on Christ’s birth, crucifixion, and resurrection.

Simor affirms that Credo programs were “erudite and comprehensive,” demanding both an intellectual and emotional response. She writes that, “[a]s representation always requires interpretation, the decision to present the central text of the Christian dogma, however desirable it may have been as a tool for its dissemination, could never have been taken lightly.” The combination of intellectual and devotional demands provided ample social conditions for the spreading of Credo paintings in the high middle ages.9

Simor also postulates that the readiness of transalpine (mostly Parisian—see chapter four) academic theologians to offer public theological speculation gave the Creed more clout as an artistic subject in the northern lands, and indeed there are more surviving works of art from Northern Europe.10 But, in particular, the combination of learning and affect established the Creed as an enduring subject for artistic reflection in the late

Middle Ages. The most common image of the Apostles’ Creed depicted in art was that of the twelve apostles surrounding Christ, contributing their individual statements to the Creed.11

8 Suzanna Beatrice Simor, “‘I believe’: Images of the Credo from Charlemagne to Luther” (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1996), 34. 9 Simor, “I believe,” 37. 10 Simor, “I believe,” 38. 11 The belief that each of the twelve apostles contributed one of the twelve articles to the Apostles’ Creed dates to the fourth century, though it reached a high point in the fourteenth with sermons on the Creed 184

5.2.1 Painting as devotional

From a general perspective, it is not surprising that artwork could inspire and engender devotion. Here I lay out how artwork could serve as aids to, and seemingly even as objects of, prayer, as well as the sites of miraculous events. Understanding the devotional posture towards images in general illustrates devotional postures toward the

Credo.

Devotional artworks bridged the gap between private and public devotion, just as devotional activity could be structured either liturgically or spontaneously.12

Devotion was a significant factor in the production and viewing of art in medieval and early Renaissance Europe. Elizabeth Bailey recounts the diary of Giovanni Morelli and the manner in which his devotion was encouraged by images. Caring for his dying nine- year-old son, Alberto, Morelli recalls how the boy petitioned the Virgin Mary:

And he [Alberto] implored very many times God and his mother the Virgin Mary, having the panel with the Madonna brought before him, which he embraced with such humble devotion and such prayers and vows that there is no heart so hard that would not be moved to great pity on seeing it. Then, he commended himself to his father, to his mother, to his relatives, and to whoever was present with such humility and with such affection of words that it was a wondrous thing.13

disseminated under the name of Augustine (now called Pseudo-Augustine). See Curt F. Bühler, “The Apostles and the Creed,” Speculum 28 (1953):335–339. The most current and comprehensive study of the text of the Apostles’ Creed is Wolfram Kinzig, Neue Texte und Studien zu den antiken und Frühmittelalterlichen Glaubensbekenntnissen. 12 Beth Williamson, “Altarpieces, Liturgy, and Devotion,” Speculum 79 (2004):341–406, at 381: “Even individual, devotional prayer, which is so often understood as essentially private, sometimes took place in liturgical settings, even during or alongside liturgical services. The image that Ringbom used … actually shows that the duke has been in prayer in a semiprivate chapel and has turned his attention away from his own book and devotional image to observe the liturgical activity taking place at the adjacent altar.” 13 Cited and translated in Elizabeth Bailey, “Raising the Mind to God: The Sensual Journey of Giovanni Morelli (1371–1444) via Devotional Images,” Speculum 84 (2009):984–1008, at 990. Morelli’s diary was 185

Morelli himself offered words of humility before the image of the crucified Christ:

O most holy and sacred Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, whose majesty and divinity illuminate holy Paradise and the whole world, concede to your lowly servant and faithful Christian enough of your infinite grace that I will be able to say lauds to you and revere you with those words that are worthy to pass before your presence, making them, through your mercy, favorable to the blessed soul [of my son, Alberto], who by your grace I earlier received a gift and who, if you will, may be blessed in your presence.14

The intermingling of the posture of prayer in humility before these holy images was not unique to Morelli, as images were perhaps the most elemental access to religion for most medieval Christians.

For example, Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby details the sermons of the Dominican

Giovanni Dominici (1356–1419) and the Franciscan Bernardino da Siena (1380–1444) in late-medieval Florence; he points out that Dominici in particular offered visual images as a teaching method and recommended them as aids to prayer in the homes of faithful

Catholics. Debby cites Dominici’s statement, “If you do not open your eyes to read holy pictures and [do] good deeds, you will pick evil instead and acquire vanity.”15 Although these medieval authors are not directly referring to paintings of the Credo, the Credo developed into a particularly rich subject of art because it could stand either as a

published as Giovani di Pagolo Morelli, Mercanti scrittori: Ricordi nella Firenze tra medioevo e Rinascimento, ed. Vittore Branca (Milan: Rusconi, 1986). 14 Bailey, 991. 15 Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, Renaissance Florence in the rhetoric of two popular preachers: Giovanni Dominici (1356– 1419) and Bernardino di Siena (1380–1444) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 114. 186

compilation of narrative scenes or as static portraits; gatherings of both types of images were popular in the well-known polyptychs of medieval painting.16

The ubiquity of the devotional aspect of paintings from the twelfth through sixteenth centuries is well-known. Cults of miraculous images proliferated in many

Italian cities. For example, Megan Holmes has documented 21 image cults just in

Florence from the years 1292 to 1501.17 These image cults mainly focused on depictions of the Virgin Mary and the Crucifixion, with some cults honoring the Annunciation.

Holmes identifies Mircea Eliade’s concept of “hierophany” as the catalyzing

“manifestation of sacred immanence in … some kind of observable sign.”18 This sacred immanence was not limited to images with miraculous reputations in medieval and early modern Florence, but Florence remains one of the most well-documented areas of image cults.

5.2.2 Credo painting as devotional and catechetical

The uniqueness of paintings, tapestries, and woodcuts of the Credo lay in bridging the devotional and catechetical import of paintings. Many early images of the

Credo fulfilled a teaching function, showing in images the composition of the articles of the Apostles’ Creed, for example. Later images extended the catechetical orientation by showing in painting each of the narrative, and occasionally non-narrative, aspects of the

Creed—for example, the virgin birth, the crucifixion, the ascension into heaven.

16 Kieckhefer, 79. 17 Megan Holmes, “Miraculous Images in Renaissance Florence,” Art History 34 (2011):432–465, at 434. 18 Holmes, 439. 187

As mentioned above, the narrative features of the Creed in painting were set alongside more abstract features. Along with Simor, Roberto Mastacchi has further defined the so-called “typological” Credo in Italian art—that is, the Credo which portrays the twelve apostles with their contributions to the Creed, along with twelve prophets prefiguring Christ and Christian belief.19 The goal of this painting was not only to detail the apostolic origins of the creed, but to signify the one-to-one correspondence between the twelve prophets of the Old Testament and the twelve apostles in the new.

Mastacchi in fact argues that a “Prophets’ Creed” emerges from an examination of the

Old Testament citations used in typologically explaining the statements of the Creed.

These typological motifs were embellished and developed in their artistic emphases to include narrative scenes illustrating the Creed. As Ryszard Knapinski writes, “An artist, carrying out a scene—for example the Nativity—does not need to explicitly disclose that in this work he wants to illustrate the article ‘Natus de Maria

Virgine,’ because for him the scene of the ‘Nativity of Christ’ can be like all the others, without dogmatic emphasis. At this point the doctrinal interpretation of the iconography is not applied by the artist, but by the interpreter of the work, by the observer.” There were many ways of depicting the Creed, and many different responses from Christian observers.20

19 Roberto Mastacchi, “L’iconografia tipologica del Credo in alcuni cicli italiani,” Arte Cristiana 46 (2008):449– 458. 20 Ryszard Knapinski, “L’iconografia del ‘Collegio degli Apostoli’ come illustrazione del Credo nell’arte europea,” in Figura Fidei: strategie di ricerca nel medioevo, ed. T. Rossi (Rome: Angelicum University Press, 2004), 11–40, at 13. My translation, from the Italian: “Un artista, eseguendo una scena, ad esempio il ‘Natale’, non deve esplicitamente rendere noto che in quest’opera vuole illustrare l’articolo Natus de Maria Virgine, 188

The crossover between didactic and devotional art perhaps is predictable for a subject like the Credo, which transmits the content of the faith and offers a space for devotion on the means of salvation through the events it mentions. The Creed had something of a modifiable nature, able to be important in different ways for different purposes, most often devotional or catechetical. The initial impulse in the rise and proliferation of Credo paintings and visual depictions was undoubtedly spurred by the importance given to the Credo in the 13th century in the wake of Lateran IV, a historical impetus examined in chapter four.21 Simor states that “apostles with the creed were at home in many contexts, the object of a vast variety of commissions ranging from modest to lavish, public and private.”22 The Creed was ubiquitous in Christian life—public and private, in various artistic media, at rites of initiation and rites for the dying. This cross between catechetical and devotional, public and private is not unique to the Credo, but perhaps most pronounced with the Credo because of its complexity, its official status, and its doctrinal history. But the themes of the Credo developed into moments and aspects of devotion, especially by encouraging meditation on the events of Christ’s birth, death, and resurrection.

perché per lui la scena del ‘Natale di Cristo’ può essere come tutte le altre, senza sottolineatura dogmatica. A questo punto l’interpretazione dottrinale dell’iconografia non viene applicata dall’artista, ma dall’interprete dell’opera, dall’osservatore.” 21 Simor, “I believe,” 286–7. 22 Ibid. 189

5.2.2.1 Credo Tapestries and Woodcuts

While painting was the primary medium of depicting the Creed, a significant number of tapestries and woodcuts offered devotional objects in private homes. In discussing Agricola’s Credo Je ne vis oncques la pareille, M. Jennifer Bloxam points to several aspects of the Creed as a devotional object which overlap with and shed light on polyphonic settings of the Creed; she establishes artistic depictions, and particularly tapestries and woodcuts, of the Creed as a sign of connection between devotional aspects of the Creed and its representation in art and music. Bloxam argues that

Agricola’s manipulation of the chanson indicates a “deliberate effort to co-ordinate certain music events in the deployment of this love song with particular points in the text,” especially moments of narrative and moments of theological contemplation.

Further, she states that “polyphonic settings of the Credo, like Credo tapestries and woodcuts, generally evince a segmented structure, articulating each article by cadential placement as well as changes of texture and mensuration.”23 Bloxam’s observations describe much polyphonic music from Agricola’s time, but there is a possible connection between the segmented panel scenes of tapestries and the segmented phrases of polyphonic Credo settings.

D.T.B. Wood, in one of the earliest scholarly examinations of Credo tapestries, states that these tapestries—and, presumably, other similar works of art in other

23 M. Jennifer Bloxam, “‘I have never seen your equal’: Agricola, the Virgin, and the Creed,” Early Music 34 (2006):391–407, at 397. 190

media—have been confused under other titles like Scenes from the Life of Christ.24 Indeed, as indicated above, Credo paintings usually focused on such scenes. Wood identifies the collation of apostles and prophets with clauses from the Creed as the identifying feature of these Credo tapestries, as it was the “divisio symboli” (the act of dividing the Creed into clauses attributed to different apostles) which was most frequently used as an artistic theme, as stated above; he further advances at least six different tapestries commissioned between 1395 and 1503 by various noble families of Europe.25 The commissioning documents Wood identifies clearly specify the desire for tapestries of the

Credo; for example, a document from 1395 contains an order for three tapestries from

Louis, Duc d’Orleans, from Jacques Dourdin, “dont les deux sont de l’ystoire du Credo à doze prophètes et doze apostres.” A corresponding will from Louis’ widow, Valentine de Visconti, marks “ung des tappis de Credo” in addition to “un grant tappis … de l’istoire du grant Credo,” along with two more belonging to her son Charles, described as “grant Credo et petit Credo.” Although this artistic medium of the Creed has not received much scholarly attention, the number is probably higher than the six indicated in Wood’s research.

William H. Forsyth, updating Wood’s research in the 1960s while examining a tapestry in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum, details the rise of Credo woodcut prints as a related genre to the tapestries. As he writes, “The Credo was a logical theme

24 D.T.B. Wood, “‘Credo’ Tapestries,” in The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 24 (1914), 247–249, 252–254, at 247. 25 Wood, 248. He notes there may be more than six, because it is difficult to tell if some sources refer to the same tapestries. 191

for such didactic art, and although almost all prints representing it have disappeared, presumably worn out by hard use, those that remain usually show the customary division into twelve or more separate scenes, each so explicit in its imagery that its meaning can be conveyed, if necessary, without words.”26 But he also states that the images which composed the Credo woodcuts were such commonplace motifs that it is difficult to ascribe specific sources of these images to the woodcut carvers and tapestry weavers.27

The iconological relationship between tapestries and woodcuts is well established: both media used stock images derived from a variety of sources—

Byzantine-style iconography, artistic tropes of various scenes from the lives of Christ and Mary, pseudopatristic and pseudobiblical writings on events not recorded in scripture—in order to make the illustrated events memorable and meaningful. The relative abundance of these examples of woodcuts and tapestries—circulated mostly for private meditation—demonstrates the popularity of the Creed as an object of meditation in the lives of individual believers.

5.2.3 The Credo in Siena

Credo paintings followed a slightly different historical course from tapestries and woodcuts, however. One of the most interesting studies is of the city of Siena, which was singular in its devotion to the Credo in public works of art. Sienese Credo

26 William H. Forsyth, “A ‘Credo’ Tapestry: A Pictorial Interpretation of the Apostles’ Creed,” in The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, New Series, Vol. 21 (1963):240–251, at 242. 27 Forsyth, 245. 192

depictions show an excellent case of the intermingling of the devotional and catechetical nature of Credo artwork. Throughout most of northern Italy, artistic depictions of the

Creed spread in the fifteenth century in response to conciliar and catechetical activity disseminating from the transalpine north.28 The most common artistic motif of these regions was that of the collegium apostolorum mentioned above—the apostles contributing their unique statements to the Creed. In Siena, however, a number of political and ecclesial factors led to a unique devotion to Credos depicted with different themes. As Simor writes, “each Sienese rendition addressed its audience directly, and was conceived and employed for specific purposes in line with the aims and concerns of the city-state.”29

For example, the murals in the right-hand chapel in the sacristy of the Duomo probably surrounded a rare portrayal of the Nicene Creed (rather than the more commonly illustrated Apostles’ Creed). The Nicene Creed panels are now held in the

Museo dell’Opera del Duomo, but Simor and John Gregory both argue that their original place would have been in this chapel. These panels and the surrounding murals highlighted theological allegories emphasizing the transmission of doctrine through the generations of the church, and a scene from St Augustine’s life further helped to buttress support for the papacy and a conciliar solution to the 14th-century schism.30 Similarly,

28 Suzanna B. Simor, “The Credo in Siena: Art, Civic Religion and Politics in Sienese Images of the Christian Creeds,” in New Studies on Old Masters: Essays in Renaissance Art in Honour of Colin Eisner, ed. John Garton and Diane Wolfthal (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2011), 309–327, at 311. 29 Simor, “The Credo in Siena,” 312. 30 Simor, “The Credo in Siena,” 314. See also John Gregory, “The Credo of the Siena Cathedral Sacristy (1411– 12),” Renaissance Studies 12 (1998):206–227. 193

more visible panels in the Palazzo Pubblico stressed right doctrine, as well as themes of the Eucharist and ecclesiastical authority, in order to offer a “compelling visual lesson to the city officials.”31 The baptistry of Siena contains a ceiling mural of the Nicene Creed, emphasizing the connection with baptism and the recitation of the Creed. Taking these various public Credo representations into account, Simor argues that the purpose of each Credo cycle responded to its particular location and historical occasion within

Siena. Each of these Credo representations had a different audience in mind: in the sacristy panels, the audience was the clergy, whereas in the Palazzo Pubblico the panels were aimed at the elected officials of the city; the panels in the hospitals were aimed at residents and visitors, and those in the baptistery targeted all the Sienese who brought their infants to for baptism in the church.

[The] function [of these pictorial catechisms] was to instruct… . Mindful of the power of images to communicate and make memorable, their theological advisors and artists employed devices to effectively visualize the doctrinal message.32

The Creed imagery of Siena confirms a strong association between image, doctrine, and faith, motivated by current civic and ecclesial politics. That political association was most prominent in Siena, but images of the Creed proliferated in other cities in order to emphasize both doctrine and devotion.

31 Simor, “The Credo in Siena,” 315. 32 Simor, “The Credo in Siena,” 321. 194

5.2.4 Other themes in the Credo in Art

The Credo in art was associated with other themes beyond devotional scenes of the life of Christ and of the twelve apostles. Simor details three of them. First, the

Heavenly Jerusalem, found in frescoes probably dating to the 13th century, portrays the

“twelve apostles of the Lamb” from Revelation within the apocalyptic vision of that book.33 Second, the Throne of Wisdom, dating to the 14th century, shows the apostles with Creed banners around an enthroned lion. Third, the Tree of Life, dating to around

1400, portrays Christ as the true vine with his disciples as branches, often bearing the scrolls of the Creed. Additionally, the Credo often appears in iconographic depictions of the virtue of faith (Fides).34 The apostolicity of the Credo Apostolorum—its provenance believed to be directly from the twelve apostles—engendered a particular devotion to the apostles in their role as propagators of the faith.

The Credo also became a pictorial guide for ars moriendi, the art of dying.

Joinville’s Credo—which I will discuss later as a text—presents, according to Simor, images and words “rooted in a most profound Christian faith in the redemptive efficacy of the creed. Of all possible texts, the Credo was the one that itself would suffice in the gravest need.”35 The point of the Joinville’s Credo was to fill the eyes and ears with words of salvation—the words and images of the Creed—at the moment when the devil was most ready to seduce the infirm. The artwork of Joinville’s Credo is unique but

33 Simor, “I believe,” 190. 34 See especially Suzanna B. Simor, “The Tree of the Credo: Symbolism of the Tree in Medieval Images of the Christian Creed,” Analecta Husserliana 56 (2000):45–54. 35 Simor, “I believe,” 213. 195

plays on themes developed in other Credo illustrations, such as prophecies of Christ from pagan and Hebrew sources, the crucifixion, and the resurrection.

5.3 Literary witnesses of the Credo’s devotional use

Besides pictographic representations of the themes and events mentioned in the

Creed, literary meditations involving the Creed’s text abounded in the late middle ages.

In this section I focus on and describe a few examples of this literary meditation in several different genres. Joinville’s Credo is a combination of text and image offering a deathbed meditation on the Creed; the Lay-folks Mass Book provides a vernacular text for meditation during the Latin mass; English drama cycles give fully enacted representations of the composition and articles of the Creed; and medieval mystics recommended learning and meditating on the Creed as a means to holiness.

5.3.1 Joinville’s Credo

Joinville’s Credo (composed 1250–51) is an exceptional representation of the

Creed as a devotional totem. It combines the devotion of the Creed through text and image, “poez veoir ci aprés point et escrit les articles de nostre foi par letres et par ymages.”36 Lionel J. Friedman, the primary scholar of the text, writes that Joinville uses the basic Creed text to represent the “minimum required of the faithful for salvation.”

Going beyond the minimum, however, Joinville delves into each article in an effort to

36 Lionel J. Friedman, Text and Iconography for Joinville’s Credo (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Mediaeval Academy of America, 1958), 6. 196

extract the “point of faith” which that article contains; it serves as a meditation on the ultimate meaning for the believer of each article of the Creed.37

Joinville’s Credo was meant to be learned to prepare for death. As Joinville explains:

Or poons veoir que il covient avoir Now you can see that one should have ensamble ferme foi et bonnes huevres. Et together steady faith and good works; the pour nous oster ou de l’un ou de l’autre enemies fight us every day to remove us se combatent li anemi a nous touz les from one or the other; and they will jours; et plus s’an traveilleront au darrien attack us even more than they do now at jour qu’il ne font ore, ce est a antendre au the last day—that is to say the day of jour de la mort, la ou Diex et sa Mere, et si death—at which God and his mother, saint et ses saintes nous veillent aider. and the saints want to help us.

Au jours darrieins verra li fel qu’i nous ne At the last day, the evil one will see that porra tolir les biens que nous avrons fait he cannot take away the good things we et verra que nul mal ne nous porra faire, have done, he will see that he cannot pour ce que touz li pooir dou cors nous harm us, because all the power of the het faillis. Lors nous assaura d’autre part body will have failed us. Then he will et se traveillera et fera son pooir de nous assail us somewhere else, and will work metre en aucune temptation contre la foi and will make his power to put us in ou en autre maniere par quoi il nous some temptation against the faith, or in poissent faire morir en aucune malvaise another way, in order to make us die in volanté, dont Diex nous gart! some bad will from which God keeps us.

Et lors sera touz propre li Romans as And then the books with images of the ymages des poinz de nostre foi, jusques articles of our faith will be suitable, until enz enz la mort, pour ce que li anemis the moment of death, so that the enemy n’en apere par aucune malvaise avisions. cannot work through any evil visions.

Et devant lou malade façons lire le And in the face of the illness let us read romant qui devise et enseigne les poinz the roman which divides and teaches the de nostre foi, si que par les eux et les articles of our faith, so that by the eyes oreilles mete l’on lou cuer dou malade si and the ears we fill the heart of the plain de la verraie cognoissance que li invalid so full of the true knowledge that anemis ne la ne aillour ne puisse riens the enemy, neither here nor anywhere metre ou malade dou sien, douquel Diex else, cannot put into the invalid anything

37 Friedman, 7. 197

nous gart a celle jornee de la mort et of his own, from which God keeps us on aillors!38 this day of death and elsewhere!

Joinville encourages the reader to participate in meditating on the Creed through his text and images at the moment of death, in order to keep the devil’s wiles at bay and fill the eyes and ears of the reader with the articles of faith. Michael Curschmann has demonstrated that the original manuscript, and its earliest two copies, were designed so that the image on the observe of the text page could be displayed to the dying person while simultaneously a layman could read the description of the Creed in the vernacular. It became a “layman’s viaticum,” in Curschmann’s words.39

Joinville’s Credo is perhaps the most well-known example exhibiting the devotional aspect of the Creed, and the pinnacle of lay literary devotion. That Joinville’s goal is an exposition primarily through scripture—scripture most frequently encountered through the liturgy, not through theological treatises in Latin—helps to ground his devotion to and explication in words and images of the Creed in the daily experience of Catholic Christians in the 13th century.

5.3.2 Lay-folks Mass Book

The Lay-folks Mass Book, a primer written around 1400, provides simultaneous devotions for mass attendants in English as the priest fulfills the ritual requirements in Latin. The book offers a rhyming English paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer and Creed. Both are offered “in englishe” to accompany the audible Latin prayer of the priest. I have included the entire text of this Creed in

38 Friedman, 50–51. My translation. 39 Michael Curschmann, “The Performance of Joinville’s Credo,” in Medieval and Early Modern Performance in the Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Arzu Öztürkmen and Evelyn Birge Vitz (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 63–76, at 73–74. 198

Appendix D: The Text of the Vernacular Creed from the Lay Folks Mass Book.40

Reherse this oft in thi thoght, To tho gosple be don for-gete hit noght; Som-where bisyde, when hit is done, Thou make a cros, and kys hit sone. Men oen to saie tho crede som tyme, When thai saie hore, loke thou saie thine; This that folouse in englishe letter, I would thou sayde hit for tho better. Bot thai say hore, say thou non ellis, Bot do forthe after, als this boke tellis.41 Here to loke thou take gode hede, For here is wryten thin englyshe crede.

I trow in god, fader of might, That alle has wroght, Heuen & erthe, day & night, And alle of noght. …

While other Middle English translations of the Creed exist in poems and dramatic cycles, the Lay-Folks Mass Book example is notable for its instruction that the layperson recite his “englishe Crede” along with the priest’s Latin Creed.42 As the author writes:

Men oen to saie tho crede som tyme, When thai saie hore, loke thou saie thine; This that folouse in englishe letter, I would thou sayde hit for tho better. Bot thai say hore, say thou non ellis, Bot do forthe after, als this boke tellis.43

40 The Lay Folks Mass Book or The Manner of Hearing Mass, ed. Thomas Frederick Simmons (London: Published for the Early English Text Society by N. Trübner, 1879). 41 Lay Folks Mass Book 18, ll. 193ff. 42 See Peter W. Travis, “The Credal Design of the Chester Cycle,” Modern Philology 73 (1976):229–243 43 Lay Folks Mass Book 18, ll. 193ff. 199

When the priests recite their creed, you should recite yours; the author emends his statement, however, by saying that the lay believer should “say thou non ellis” as the priest recites in Latin, but only “do forthe after”—either after the manner prescribed in his book, or after the priest has finished his recitation in Latin.

This vernacular paraphrase of the Creed shows how important it was as a text for lay churchgoers to know. The text as presented in the Lay-folks Mass Book offers some artfully-crafted interpretations in order to preserve the rhyme scheme, but the English version does not stray from doctrinal orthodoxy.

5.3.3 The Creed in English drama cycles

Furthermore, the Creed was the subject of medieval English drama cycles, aimed at edifying the faith of the audience. Peter W. Travis has argued that the Chester

Mystery Plays (or Chester Cycle), dating to the 15th century, were revised sometime between the plays’ composition and 1575 to mirror the format of the Apostles’ Creed.44

In the play focusing on the Resurrection, for example, the apostle Peter is singled out as the first believer, and his repentance after his denial of Christ is especially highlighted; most of the other medieval English mystery plays focus on the Virgin Mary or Mary

Magdalene as the first believer.45 This emphasis on Peter reaches its fulfillment in the

Pentecost play, at which the apostles “have arrived at a full understanding of the

44 Travis, 241–42. Travis offers four possible dates for revision: 1) the cycle’s composition in the early 15th century, 2) a set of documented revisions between 1467–88, 3) 1519, when the week of the performance changed, 4) 1575, when pressures from the state urged changes to the cycle. 45 Travis, 232. 200

credenda of Christian faith and are ready now to preach the articles of their creed.”46 The movement from Resurrection to Pentecost and the composition and propagation of the

Creed is to be mirrored in the minds of the audience by recalling their own journey from

Resurrection to Pentecost; the narrative play thus serves to authenticate the purity of the apostles’ belief, based in their historical experiences, and the audience is invited into that experience and pure belief.

While the contents of another play, the York Creed Play, have not survived, scholars have made inferences about its shape and structure. M.D. Anderson suggests, based on the evidence of the illustrations of the Creed in the Arundel Psalter and the

Malvern Windows, that the York play proceeded through twelve scenes depicting each article of the Creed through either narrative (like the Nativity and Ascension) or hieratic pageantry.47 Alexandra F. Johnston writes that two plays, the York Creed play and the also-lost Pater Noster play, were “conceived as didactic instruments for the cure of souls.”48

That the Creed was important in these lay vernacular settings—plays and private prayers at Mass—distinguishes it as an object of devotion. On one level, these tools were functioning on the level of teaching and catechism. The Creed contains the fundaments of the Christian faith, and therefore must be learned by the faithful. But on another level,

46 Travis, 233. 47 M.D. Anderson, Drama and Imagery in English Medieval Churches (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), 37. See also Alexandra F. Johnston, “The Plays of the Religious Guilds of York: The Creed Play and the Pater Noster Play,” Speculum 50 (1975):55–90, at 66–67. 48 Johnston, 80. 201

the Creed served as a tool for contemplating the mysteries of that faith; therefore its articles could be developed into elaborate scenes of drama, dance, and song.

5.3.4 The Creed and mystical devotion

The Creed permeated the language of mystical writers from the 14th century onwards. Although mysticism and mystical theology can be traced to some of the earliest Christian writers, like Augustine in the fourth century and Pseudo-Dionysius in the sixth, mystical language reached a full flowering in 14th century Europe in the wake of the spiritual and social changes wrought by the mendicant movements. Late medieval mysticism was most popular in Germanic lands and England, where “mendicant spirituality with its great stress on poverty and the naked following of Christ experienced a specific radicalization in the direction of mysticism.”49 Many of the writings of these medieval mystics make specific use of the Creed in explicating the relation between faith and union with God.

5.3.4.1 Jan van Ruusbroec

Jan van Ruusbroec (Ruysbroeck) (1293–1381), a Flemish priest-turned-

Augustinian, wrote several volumes of treatises in Middle Dutch, though his works were translated into other vernaculars and Latin early on. One of his works was an exposition on the Creed, given the title “De Fide et Judicio” in its 16th-century Latin edition.50 Ruusbroec, similar to the university theologians of the 12th century examined

49 Alois Maria Haas, “Schools of Late Medieval Mysticism,” in Christian Spirituality: High Middle Ages and Reformation, 140–175, at 140. 50 On the manuscript, printing, and edition history of Ruusbroec, see Guido de Baere, “Ruusbroec in Edition: 202

in Chapter Four, comments on the intersection of faith and knowledge, offering the

Creed as a convenient shorthand for the knowledge necessary for salvation by faith:

Quisquis servari appetit, et ad aeternam Whoever desires to be protected, and to pervenire vitam, huic omnino come to eternal life, entirely with this it is necessarium est, ut ad supremum usq; necessary, that even to the last day of his vitae suae diem fidem catholicam retineat. life he uphold the Catholic faith.

Per fidem enim anima conjungitur Deo, despondeturque illi ceu sponsa suo Indeed, through faith the soul is joined to sponso. Fides vera animam eo perducit, God, and is betrothed to him like a bride ut considat Deo: felicemque ac salutarem to her bridegroom. True faith leads the ei praestat Dei rerumque aeternarum soul to him, that it may have confidence cognitionem. in God, and it excels the happy and saving thing to Him of God, the examination of eternal things. Et haec cognition hic incipit, et in vita aeterna perficitur, ubi DEUS facie ad And this examination begins here, and is faciem, it au test in seipso, in perenni completed in eternal life, where God is clasritate videtur. seen face to face, thus as in himself, in continual clarity.

Fides quoque Catholica docet nos uti Likewise, the Catholic faith teaches us vivendum nobis sit, et quid Deus ex that we ought to live properly, and that amore fecerit, ac deinceps in omnem that which God made from love, and aeternitatem facturus sit. hereafter that it be made in all eternity.

Atque eam ob rem sine vera fide nemo And therefore without true faith no one bene ac beate vivere, nec placer Deo, nec can have a happy and blessed life, and salvus effici potest, quicquid alioqui please God, and be able to effect bonorum agat operum. salvation, whatever other good works he does.

Itaque principio Christiana fides id nos And so in the beginning the Christian instituit, ut singulus quisque fidelis faith establishes us, that each faithful absque ulla haesitatione et formidine, without any hesitation and fear, freely, libero, syncero ac neutiquam ficto corde, sincerely and by no means from a false animo sentire et ore profiteri debeat in heart, ought to perceive and to declare by hunc modum: CREDO IN UNUM DEUM, mouth in this way: I believe in one God,

Manuscript and Print,” in A Companion to John of Ruusbroec, ed. John Arblaster and Rob Faesen (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 81–99. 203

PATREM OMNIPOTENTEM, FACTOREM CAELI Father almighty, Creator of heaven and ET TERRAE, VISIBLIUM OMNIUM ET earth, of all things visible and invisible… INVISIBILIUM…51

Ruusbroec is concerned with the “declaration by mouth,” appealing to Paul’s statement in Romans.52 In Ruusbroec’s estimation confession by faith is most succinctly offered in the Creed. Ruusbroec proceeds to examine the Creed article by article, offering an analysis of what the text says, in addition to a spiritual meditation on how those statements of belief apply to the lives of believers.

5.3.4.2 Julian of Norwich

Julian of Norwich (1343–d. after 1416) treats the Creed as an important safeguard against being led into false belief by the devil. Perhaps the most famous of 14th-century mystics, Julian received “revelations” or “shewings” from Jesus, which she wrote about at length in her Revelations of Divine Love—revised toward the end of her life into a longer version. One of Julian’s concerns is the temptations that arise through the experience of mystical prayer, especially temptations to pride and temptations brought by Satan disguised as an angel of light.

As Annie Sutherland notes, “throughout A Vision and A Revelation [i.e., the shorter and longer texts of Julian], we find sustained emphasis on the importance and efficacy of prayer.”53 At certain points, the “interly” prayer which Julian receives from

51 Doctor ecstaticus ex omnibus, iisque piissimis concinnatus opusculis altissima divinae contemplationis eructans mysteria (Coloniae Agrippinae: Friessem, 1692), 189. My translation. 52 Rom 10:10: “For man believes with his heart and so is justified, and he confesses with his lips and so is saved.” 53Annie Sutherland, “Julian of Norwich and the Liturgy,” in A Companion to Julian of Norwich, ed. Liz Herbert 204

Christ—that is, contemplative, or “living” prayer beyond words—is connected with liturgical practice.

For in this oure lorde lered me […] to hafe of Goddes gifte faith, hope, and charite, and kepe us therein to oure lives ende. And in this we say Pater noster, Ave, and Crede with devotion, as God wille giffe it. (Vision, 19.6–8)54

There is something of a tension between liturgical, spoken prayer and the inner gift of contemplation in Julian’s writings. Sutherland postulates that Norwich uses the liturgical prayers mentioned here—Pater noster, Ave, and the Creed—to comfort herself when beset by temptations in prayer. Julian writes that “my tunge I occupied with speche of Cristes passion and rehersinge of the faith of haly kyrke.” (Vision, 23.12–13)

This “rehersinge of the faith” is most probably a recitation of the Creed, a way of meditating on and staying devoted to the traditional beliefs of the Church.

Julian uses the Creed as a devotion, a way of mediating the space between the wordless prayer of contemplation and common worded prayer of liturgy and devotion; the Creed, along with the Our Father and Hail Mary, serves as a sign and insurance that such wordless prayer is orthodox and resistant to temptations of pride and visions from the devil.

McAvoy (Rochester: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), 88–100, at 89. 54 Julian of Norwich, The Writings of Julian of Norwich: A Vision Showed to a Devout Woman and A Revelation of Love, ed. Nicholas Watson and Jacqueline Jenkins (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Pres, 2006). 205

5.4 Evidence in canonical commentaries

Another use of the creed as a devotional tool is documented in canon law pronouncements and commentaries from the Middle Ages. Raymundus of Penyafort, a

Spanish Dominican in the 13th century, compiled and commented on a large body of canon laws that became normative in the medieval Catholic Church as a guide for religious cases judged by clergy. Later guides on preaching cited Raymundus as an authority as to what to teach in regard to propriety within church services and in leading a moral life. One such commentary, the Fasciculus Morum, written in the 14th century for English Dominicans, states:

But Raymundus says on this issue that if a man or woman gathers medicinal herbs or something of this kind and does so reciting the Creed or the Lord’s Prayer or writes these on a piece of paper which he places on the sick person, so that by doing this he only honors God, the Creator of all things, there is no reproach in this as long as nothing else of a superstitious character gets mixed in with it; thus in the Decretum, 26, question 5, Non liceat, and question 7, Non observetis.

And Raymundus says: “It is safe if the person who does this is discreet, tried in faith, of a good life and good reputation, and if in no way prayers of this kind are spoken over an apple, pear, belt, or the like, but only over the sickness, according to the words at the end of Matthew: ‘They shall lay their hands upon the sick,’ add: in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, ‘and they shall recover.”55

55 Siegfried Wenzel, Fasciculus Morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook (University Park : Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), 577. 206

The Dominican author quotes one of Raymundus’ commentaries on Gratian’s Decretum.

The cited text is actually found in several different medieval canonical commentators, such as William Peraldus’ (c.1200–c.1271) Summa and the trial for sorcery found from the reign of Edward II. 56 All of these texts—Raymundus, Peraldus, and the commentaries emanating from them—attempt to explain in which situations sorcery can be legitimate and effective; the Creed plays into this particularly, as it can be used as a sacramental totem to ensure that an action otherwise associated with witchcraft is in fact Christian.

Peraldus accounts for why sorcery can be effective at all; his text reads:

Unde maleficia et talia remedia habeant Whence sorceries and such cures have efficacy efficaciam.

Sed quaeri posset unde maleficia et talia But it is possible to be sought whence remedia efficaciam habeant frequenter, sorceries and such cures have efficacy sicut videtur. Ad hoc potest dici quod often, as is seen. To do this it can be said multa sunt quae faciunt ad hoc quod that there are many things which make maleficium efficaciam habeat. sorcery have efficacy.

Primum est hoc quod homines parvam First is this as far as men have little faith fidem in Deo habent, et ideo Dominus in God, and therefore God permits them permittit eos a daemonibus impediri. to be hindered by demons.

Secundum est error qui in hominibus est, Second is error which is in men, of which cuius poena frequenter est haec quod frequently the penalty is this which is creditur esse effectus maleficii. believed to have been brought about by sorcery.

Tertium est probatio fidei in bonis, sicut Third is the testing of faith in good ostensum est prius auctoritate people, as has been revealed in earlier Deuteronomii. times by the authority of Deuteronomy.

56 On Peraldus, see Richard G. Newhauser, Siegfried Wenzel, Bridget K. Balint, and Edwin Craun, William Peraldus, Summa on the Vices, . The sorcery trial proceedings are published in A Contemporary Narrative of the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Prosecuted for Sorcery in 1324, by Richard de Ledrede, Bishop of Ossory, ed. Thomas Wright (London: Printed for the Camden Society by John Bowyer Nichols and Son, 1843), xxiii ff.. 207

Quartum est pactum vel societas mala Fourth is the agreement or alliance of evil daemonum et hominum. Unde demons and of people. Whence Augustinus: “Omnes artes huiusmodi vel Augustine: “All arts of this sort are either nugatoriae vel noxiae superstitionis ex nullities or part of harmful superstition quadam pestifera societate daemonum et arising from some destructive alliance of hominum quasi pacta infidelis et dolosae demons and of men, and ought to be amicitiae constituta penitus sunt repudiated and fled from by Christians as repudiandae et fugiendae Christiano.” agreements of disloyal and crafty friendship.”58

Quintum est desiderium lucrandi animas Fifth is the desire of gain for the spirit quod diabolus habet. Ideo enim diabolus which the devil has. Therefore, in fact, he talia efficit quia tot animas occasione ista who does such things and applies belief lucrari se videt; qui enim talia facit, et qui to such things automatically gives himself talibus fidem adhibet, ipso facto diabolo to the devil. seipsum dat.

Hoc tamen notandum est quod si aliquis It should be noted, however, that if colligat herbam medicinalem cum anyone is to collect medicinal herb with symbolo divino vel oratione dominica, ut the divine Symbol [i.e., the Creed] or the scribat in charta symbolum vel Lord’s Prayer, that he write on paper the dominicam orationem, ut ponat super Symbol or the Lord’s Prayer, that he place aliquem infirmum, ut sic in istis tantum over someone sick, that thus, in such Deus creator omnium honoretur, non things, God, the creator of all, is honored, reprobatur dum nulla alia superstitio he is not condemned as long as he not admisceatur. mix in some other superstition.

Tria sunt quibus homines non There are three things which are not prohibentur uti ad remedium, scilicet prohibited for use for remedy, namely herbis et similibus, quae naturalem herbs and the like, which have a natural habent virtutem, de qua ratio secundum power, and the reason for this can be medicinam reddi potest. posited according to medicine.

Item ieiuniis, operationibus, et Also fasting, almsgiving, and acts of eleemosynis, et aliis operibus quae sunt mercies, and other acts that are of the de genere bonorum, quae certum est class of good things, which is certain to placere Deo, possunt homines uti ad please God, they can use to obtain healing obtinendum a Deo sanitatem et alia from God as well as other things they quibus indigent. Item possunt uti verbis need. Also they can use the sacred words

58 Citing here Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana 2.23 (PL 34; NPNF 1.2:547). 208

sacris quae alicuius auctoritatis sunt, et which are of some authority, and other aliis sacris rebus.57 sacred things.

Peraldus’ explanation of how sorcery and superstition can work is illuminating on a number of levels, but of immediate concern is his singling out of the Creed and Lord’s

Prayer for ensuring that a task like picking medicinal herbs is not superstitious. For these canonical commentators, the Creed is a safeguard against the illicit use of sorcery—a sort of litmus test for orthodoxy. Reciting the Creed while picking herbs or placing the Creed in writing over an ailing person is not considered sorcery, because it ensures adherence to the beliefs of the Church.

5.5 Summary of the Credo in Devotional culture

These myriad examples demonstrate how essential the Creed was to the devotional culture of late-medieval Europe. As shown in Chapter Four, the Creed was exalted as the primary catechetical text because of the theological and canonical efforts of 12th- and 13th-century churchmen, and was established as the primary proof of knowledge of faith. The examples put forth here show how the catechetical nature of the

Creed coincided with its devotional use. If it could be used as a text to establish the fundamental knowledge of Christian belief, it could also be used through various media to inspire devotion and generate reflection on the aspects of those texts.

57 Peraldus, Summa de vitiis, Tractatus VI: “De superbia”, Pars iii, caput 36. Text available on William Peraldus, Summa on the Vices, at http://www.public.asu.edu/~rnewhaus/peraldus/. 209

5.6 Musical examples of devotional uses of the Credo

5.6.1 Choreography of the Credo during Mass

Having considered examples from painting, art, and literature, we can observe how the Credo was treated in liturgical performance, both musically and in terms of worship. One primary point of this liturgical devotion is the act of kneeling during the

Creed. Kneeling at certain points in the Credo was an ancient tradition by the 15th century. As I will explain in the next chapter, several liturgical commentators from the

12th and 13th centuries mention it when describing the parts of the mass. Richard Sherr, in his description and analysis of the Papal chapel diaries of Paride de Grassis, offers a glimpse of how many customs had grown around the Credo in the early 16th century. De

Grassis usually refers to the singing of chant by the singers of the Papal Chapel, but occasionally he mentions performances of polyphony:

Credo cantatum fuit hodie nescio qualiter A Credo, I don’t know which one, was per cantores, ut dixerunt per XVI voces.59 sung today by the singers, and they sang it in xvi voices.

Sherr notes that de Grassis singles out the Credo because it was difficult to hear the words intelligibly, especially the “et incarnatus est,” which was the cue for everyone to kneel; de Grassis writes in a 1510 entry:

Cantores cantarunt cantum Gregorianum The singers sang in Gregorian chant except Credo quem sic confuse cantarunt except for the Credo, which they sang so confusedly that many did not understand

59 Richard Sherr, “The Papal Chapel ca.1492–1513 and its Polyphonic Sources” (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1975), 93; citing Vat. Lat. 12413, f. 156’. Entry for Saturday of Easter Week, 1507. Sherr’s translation. 210

ut multi non intellexerunt verba massime the words, especially, for example, “et ille videlicet et incarnatus est.60 incarnatus est.” Sherr offers further analysis of the complexities behind the Credo performance at the

Papal Chapel, describing the complicated actions surrounding the Credo.

The celebrant reads the Credo. At the words “Et incarnatus est … Et homo factus est,” he and his assistants kneel. When he has finished, he sits down. When the pope and cardinals get to ‘Et incarnatus est’ they kneel, but the celebrant does not. But when “Et incarnatus est” is sung, the celebrant inclines his head towards the altar. There is nothing in the chapter [from de Grassis] to indicate if the singing was entirely in chant or polyphony or any combination. What is clear, however, is that from a ceremonial and liturgical point of view it did not much matter whether the singers were there or not, the important thing being that the sacred words were said by the celebrant.61

It is possible that the Credo in this instance actually resembles the liturgical use of a motet, a paraliturgical ornament to the service. These traditions of kneeling, along with the fermata passages frequent in Credo settings, highlight a connection between local liturgical practice and polyphonic traditions. Additionally, the number of single- movement Credos—i.e., self-standing Credos not within a cyclic Mass—perhaps is related to de Grassis’ observation of a Mass sung in plainchant except for the Creed.

5.6.2 Homophonic moments in polyphonic Credos

Points of homophony are common in polyphonic Credo movements at the textual marks De Grassis points to—specifically, the “et homo factus est” or “et

60 Sherr, “The Papal Chapel,” 94. Sherr’s translation. Citing Vat. Lat. 12414, fol. 17. 61 Richard Sherr, “The Singers of the Papal Chapel and Liturgical Ceremonies in the Early Sixteenth Century: Some Documentary Evidence,” in Rome in the Renaissance, the City and the Myth: Papers of the Thirteenth Annual Conference of the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, ed. P.A. Ramsey (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1982), 249–64, at 254. 211

incarnatus est.” This pious practice has obvious implications for the polyphonic settings of the Credo, but these musical moments—frequently highlighted by fermatas in the

Masses of the fifteenth century—have not received extensive treatment.62 Bonnie

Blackburn and Felix Diergarten have examined extended moments of homophonic chords in Milanese motetti missales, a late 15th-century style which replaced the movements of the mass ordinary (and of some proper movements as well) with motets.

Several of those motetti missales have a motet for the Elevation written in four-part chords with long notes (breves, usually) and fermatas.

Blackburn points to a long history of using fermata chords to highlight significant words—long, held chords (though without fermatas) are used in the Gloria of

Machaut’s mass (at “Jesu Christe”) and in the Credo of the same mass (at “Ex Maria virgine”). Blackburn points to late 14th-century manuscripts like the Ivrea codex as the first to have fermatas, but observes that homophonic passages with fermatas became commonplace in the 15th century. She locates 253 passages in 177 compositions in modern editions; unedited works would surely enlarge both numbers.63 The most common words with fermatas in masses are “Jesu Christe” (33 times), “Amen” (30), “Et

62 The exceptions are Bonnie Blackburn, “The Dispute about Harmony c. 1500 and the Creation of a New Style,” in Théorie et analyse musicales 1450–1650: Music Theory and Analysis. Proceedings of the International Conference Louvain-la-Neuve, 23-25 September 1999, ed. Anne-Emmanuelle Ceulemans et Bonnie J. Blackburn (Louvain-la-Neuve: Publications d’Histoire de l’Art et d’Archéologie de l’Université Catholique de Louvain, 2001), 1–37; and Felix Diergarten, “‘Aut propter devotionem, aut propter sonorositatem’: Compositional Design of Late Fifteenth-Century Elevation Motets in Perspective,” Journal of the Alamire Foundation 9 (2017):61–86. 63 Blackburn, 17. 212

homo factus est” (11), “Et homo” (4), and “Ex Maria Virgine” (5). The texts paused on in motets are generally unique.

Blackburn and Diergarten have discovered and analyzed compositional formulae within these homophonic passages. Blackburn describes one harmonic movement as “a melodic-harmonic complex that becomes increasingly frequent as the century progresses.”64 She presents an excerpt from Dufay’s Gloria no.21 as representative:

Figure 24: Excerpt from Dufay, Gloria No. 21, mm. 53–8 (from Blackburn, 25)

In the “formula,” the superius and tenor descend in parallel sixths, and the lowest voice alternates thirds and fifths below the tenor. Blackburn further links this formula to passages from theorists like Guilielmus Monachus describing writing in four parts.

Felix Diergarten amplifies Blackburn’s analysis and applied it to a “devotional style” in Renaissance note-against-note music.65 He derives three categories describing note-against-note music based on sixteenth-century compositions and theoretical

64 Blackburn, 27. 65 Felix Diergarten, “‘Aut propter devotionem, aut propter sonorositatem’”, 62–3. 213

writings—clausulae (“cadences”), gymel progressions (“sequences”), and tabula naturalis

(four-part sonorities connected by a rule).66

In the polyphonic Credos I have examined, I have found 12 instances of paused or slowed-down movement in the Creed.67 These are all of different nature; some are homophonic, others have some independent motion of voices, but they bring out different themes of devotional moments in music. There are also examples of fermatas in monophonic Credos, which I will consider below. It is difficult to classify these devotional moments according to Diergarten’s categories; they generally align in the

“clausula” category, though without the harmonic (or formulaic) features he and

Blackburn describe.

Figure 25: "et homo factus est" from Clibano, Patrem de Vilage (VatS 51, f. 178v-180r)68

66 Diergarten, “Aut propter devotionem,” 64–5. 67 My intentions to search for more examples of devotional pauses in polyphonic Credos were altered by limited library access during the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020. These examples represent editions I already owned or had access to through electronic editions, covering about 50 examples from 15th-century composers. This includes all of the polyphonic Credos analyzed by Sherr in “The Performance of Chant,” table 7.12, 203. 68 Modern edition in An Editorial Transnotation of the Manuscript Capella Sistina 51: biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Città del Vaticano: Liber Missarum, vol. 1 ed. Rex Eakins (Ottawa: Institute of Medieval Music, 1999– 2005), 106–128. 214

Figure 26: from Ockeghem, Credo sine nomine69

Figure 27: from Josquin, Patrem Vilage 1; rhythmic values halved70

Figure 28: from Brumel, Missa de Beata Virgine71

69 Johannes Ockeghem: Collected Works 2:59–64. 70 New Josquin Edition 13, ed. Barton Hudson, 47–65. 71 CMM 5:4, 13–24. 215

Figure 29: from Martini, Missa Cucu72

Figure 30: from La Rue, Missa Nunca fué pena mayor73

Figure 31: from Pipelare, Missa Fors seulement74

72 Martini, Masses part 1, ed. Elaine Moohan and Murray Steib; Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, vol. 34, 77–134. 73 CMM 97:4, 128–152 74 CMM 34, 82–113. 216

Figure 32: from Josquin, Missa La sol fa re mi75

Figure 33: from La Rue, Missa Almana76

75 NJE 11, 34–67. 76 CMM 97:1, 46–84. 217

Figure 34: From Josquin, Missa Sine nomine77

These examples are obviously all of very different natures. Only four of them use fermatas, and several of them advance significantly on the pure homophony of

77 NJE 12:36–66. 218

Blackburn’s and Diergarten’s examples. All of them end on major chords, except for

Clibano’s, which does not have a third sonority.

We can extend these examples, in fact, to include other fringe “devotional” moments like in Josquin’s Missa Sine nomine (Figure 34). Josquin here is, perhaps, riffing on an already-established pattern of pausing for devotional gestures at this moment in the text; similar moments occur in other homophonic points in his music. For example, the famous motet “Ave Maria…virgo serena” contains a nearly homophonic moment at b.48, though with the tenor falling a beat behind the other three voice parts.

B.13–19 of the passage in Figure 34 does contain a “gymel” sequence noted by

Diergarten: parallel sixths between tenor (anticipating by one beat, thus avoiding parallel fifths with bassus) and superius; and the step-up, third-down motion in all four voice parts indicative of “sequence” writing.

Josquin’s Patrem Vilage 1 (Figure 27) is along the lines of Clibano’s “traditional” devotional pause with its limited bass movement (only four unique pitches). The superius actually appears in imitation of the tenor, delayed by two breves (compare superius b.177 and tenor b.175). The “Amen” from the Credo of Martini’s Misa Cucu

(Figure 29) is, similarly, in this traditional style, though one of the few examples which places the homophonic emphasis on the “Amen.” In many of the monophonic credos of the 15th century the Amen is the most elaborately melismatic moment, but this is unusual in polyphonic Credos. The superius line is nearly in parallel sixths with the tenor, with the exception of the second chord of the Amen, where the tenor remains on

C. La Rue’s “Et homo factus est” (Figure 30) from Missa nunc fue pena mayor does have

219

parallel sixths between superius and tenor. All of the above-mentioned examples contain prominent bass movement by fourth, as well—either on the first two chords, last two chords, or both.

Diergarten and Blackbrun fix the “devotional style” particularly on passages with fermatas, citing the Milanese composer Simon de Quercu’s 1509 Opusculum musices:

“In this sign [i.e., the fermata] all parts come together, be it for devotion, be it for sonority.”78 But Diergarten is willing to broaden the definition of “devotional” pieces to include works with few fermatas. The other examples without fermatas still fall within the “devotional” pattern.

The analytical goal of both Diergarten’s and Blackburn’s essays is to describe the chordal movements in contrapuntal rather than harmonic terms. Such contrapuntal motion has received much attention as the source of improvisation super librum, especially analyzed in the writings of Peter Schubert, Julie Cumming, and Philippe

Canguilhem.79 The lines between “successive-contrapuntal” and “simultaneous- harmonic” textures are blurred, and Blackburn and Diergarten seek to explain these

“simultaneous-harmonic” textures in terms of counterpoint rather than harmony.80 It seems unlikely, however, that these devotional movements arise from strictly improvised textures, but rather are informed by the homophonic devotional texture of

78 Diergarten, “Aut propter devotionem,” 73. “In isto signo omnes voces convenient aut propter devotionem aut propter sonorsitatem.” Citing Simon de Quercu, Opusculum musices (Vienna, 1509), sig. di-dii. 79 For a summary and bibliography, see most recently Peter Schubert, “Contrapunto Fugato: A First Step Toward Composing in the Mind,” Music Theory Spectrum 42 (2020):260–79. 80 Diergarten, “Aut propter devotionem,” 64. 220

other works. Indeed, in all of these musical examples the contrast of the homophonic excerpt to the contextual surrounding polyphonic texture is jarring and creates a dramatic musical effect. The concordant spot in Machaut’s Mass (b.67 of the Credo; see

Figure 35) is not as seemingly out-of-place because the texture of the entire Credo is homorhythmic.

Figure 35: From the Credo of Machaut's Mass (time values halved)81

If Figure 35 is one extreme of playful devotional moments in the Creed, the fermata passages in Figure 25, Figure 27, Figure 29, and Figure 30 provide another extreme.

Clibano’s “et homo factus” (Figure 25), from the Papal Chapel repertoire (VatS 51), moves entirely between two chords, D and G; the bassus only moves between D and G, while the Altus sings only one pitch, D. The nature of the fermatas in the superius is unclear. Clibano’s superius writing brings to mind some of the decorative ornamental

81 Daniel Leech-Wilkinson, Machaut’s Mass: An Introduction (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 194–203. 221

superius writing with fermatas of earlier composer—for example, the Amen from

Grossin’s “Gloria.”

Figure 36: "Amen" from Estienne Grossin's "Gloria"82

Diergarten also fixes upon Josquin as offering unique examples of devotional style in long notes but without fermatas, specifically in his Tu solus qui facis mirabilia. As

Diergarten writes, “This work has more rhythmic flexibility than the pieces discussed so far and the number of fermatas is—again—flexible in the transmission process.”83

5.6.3 Devotional moments in monophonic Credos

A handful of monophonic Credos also exhibit devotional gestures similar to these homophonic moments of polyphonic masses. The most relevant features in monophonic credos include fermatas, repeated text, and colored text.

82 From Timothy McGee, The Sound of Medieval Song (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 106. 83 Diergarten, “Aut propter devotionem,” 83. 222

5.6.3.1 Fermatas

Six Credos in two manuscripts I have examined use fermatas in monophonic textures at certain points in the Credo.

Table 5: Table of Monophonic Credos with Fermatas

Manuscript Date Folio Miazga Text with number fermatas Fribourg F3 14th 323r 113 Et homo factus century84 est Pisa Biblioteca 15th c.85 107v 192 (unicum) Patris; mortuo Cateriniana 219 Pisa 219 15th 150v 129 (unicum) Natum; dominum; vivificantem; simul adoratur; baptisma Pisa 219 15th 157v 667 (unicum) Et expecto Pisa 219 15th 140r 528 (unicum) Patrem; invisibilium; christum; unigenitum; secula; vero; sunt; celis; sancto; sepultus est; scripturas; celum; patris; finis; procedit; prophetas; ecclesiam; expecto; peccatorum; mortuorum; seculi Pisa 219 15th 143v 26 (unicum) Virgine; et homo factus

84 Reaney, Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music, RISM B/IV/2, 61–2 85 Cf. Paola Raffaelli, I manoscritti liturgico-musicali della Biblioteca Cateriniana e del Fondo Seminario Santa Caterina dell’Archivio Arcivescovile di Pisa (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1993), 33–35. 223

est;simul adoratur Pisa 219 15th 164v 258 (unicum) Celi

Credo 113 in Fribourg F3 is the only Credo listed here that is not an unicum from the

Pisa manuscript. Not surprisingly, it seems most conventional in its use of the fermata, using it to highlight a devotional text often highlighted in the polyphonic Credos.

Compared to other early manuscripts with the same melody, Fribourg is the only one that uses fermatas for “et homo factus est.” Compare these images from different manuscripts containing Credo 113.

Figure 37: Credo 113 from Erlangen 46486

Figure 38: Credo 113 from BSB Clm. 950887

86 Image from http://digital.bib-bvb.de 87 Image from http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de 224

Figure 39: Credo 113 from St Gall 54688

Figure 40: Credo 113 from Vat. Lat. 10769 (image from microfilm)89

Figure 41: Credo 113 from Rome, Angelica 142490

88 Image from http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/de/list/one/csg/0546 89 Image from the Knights of Columbus Vatican Film Library at St Louis University. 90 My own photograph. 225

Figure 42: Credo 113 from Fribourg F391

The sources in Figure 37 to Figure 41 are rhythmically prosaic in their presentation of the text, presenting a syllabic setting of “homo factus est” with minims, or with an expanded cadence rhythm in Figure 41. In Figure 42, someone has added fermatas to this text, and the music is slightly different from the other versions. It is difficult to discern if these fermatas were added by a different hand based on the microfilm facsimile available to me.

The examples available in the Pisa manuscript—all unica—seem to use the fermata as a rhythmic device rather than as a devotional signifier (see Figure 43). Credo

528 has a fermata at virtually every cadence within an otherwise unremarkable musical setting. Credo 26 seems to use the fermata in its more traditional role as highlighting an important devotional moment in the music. Several of the Credos in Pisa 219 are in two- part simple polyphony, and the manuscript as a whole deserves in-depth study as a sort of Credo omnibus with several unica. It is strange to accept that these fermatas mean the

91 Image from microfilm held at the UCLA library, under the title “A 14th century Gradual containing polyphonic compositions located in the Fribourg Bibliothèque des cordeliers, Mss. F. 3” 226

same as modern fermatas, as the holds they indicate frequently lie on syllables that would not be accented in Latin. They might indicate some other feature, such as ornamentation.

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Figure 43: Pisa 219, 89v

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5.6.3.2 Repeated text

Repetition of the words of the Credo seems odd in a monophonic context but is encountered surprisingly frequently.

Table 6: Table of Monophonic Credos with repeated text

Manuscript Date Folio Miazga Repeated text number Erlangen 464 15th 28v 628 Maria Fribourg F3 14th 326v 33 Facta sunt; maria Fribourg F3 14th 327v n/a Vero; genitum BSB Clm. 9508 1452 286v 450 Maria virgine BSB Clm.23286 15th 36v 602 Cuius regni non erit finis BSB Clm.23286 15th 38r 531 Ex maria vigine Pistoia B.8 15th 54r 194 Amen. Rome Angelica 14th 109v 450 Ex maria 1424 virgine St Gall 546 1507 26r 450 Maria virgine St Gall 546 1507 27r 33 Confiteor Vienna 15501 1509–1516 53v 628 Maria Vienna 15501 1509–1516 56r 615 Et sepultus est Wroclaw R 3067 15th 17r 450 Maria virgine

Clearly, Credo 450 appears to be the most subject to these devotional expansions, with

“Maria virgine” repeated in four manuscripts (which also represents all the manuscripts with this Credo I was able to examine; Miazga records 17 manuscripts, the latest from

1692). Of the thirteen Credos with repetitions recorded in this table, eight of them have

Marian repetitions, reflecting the strong emphasis on Marian devotion in the 14th and

15th centuries. Interestingly, “ex Maria virgine” is not as popular a pausing point in polyphonic masses.

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Why would there be any need to repeat text in monophonic music? Such a phenomenon is generally not known in any traditional Gregorian chant books, and this is probably one of the “hopeless corruptions” of later chant Richard Sherr refers to in his essay on chant in the Renaissance.92 It is possible that, along with other Credos mentioned in this dissertation (like Credo Cardinalis), the above Credos had some relationship with polyphony—either improvised or written. This is most likely in the case of the Pisa 219 Credos discussed above, especially because several of those Credos are written in two parts. It is difficult to make the case for these Credos which all survive in one-voice versions.

5.6.3.3 Colored Text

There are 10 monophonic Credos which have rubricked text at special moments.

Table 7: Table of Monophonic Credos with Colored Text

Manuscript Date Folio Miazga Colored text number Arezozo D 15th c? 2r Uncatalogued “et homo Pieve factus est” Erlangen 464 15th 30v 123 Amen Perugia San 15th a.f. 238 Ex Maria Pietro B Virgine et homo factus est; Amen Perugia San 15th 48v 319 Ex Maria Pietro B Virgine et homo factus est Perugia San 15th 179r 374 Et incarnatus Pietro B est de spiritu sancto ex

92 Sherr, “The Performance of Chant,” 178. 230

Maria Virgine et homo factus est Perugia San 15th 187r 252 Et homo factus Pietro B est Perugia San 15th 197r 503 Et incarnatus Pietro B est de spiritu sancto ex Maria Virgine et homo factus est Pistoia B.8 15th 53v 319 Et homo factus est Roma 1514 170v 279 Et homo factus Biblioteca est Nazionale Farf. 33

Perugia San Pietro B—the manuscript with five entries in this table—contains six

Credos, many of them apparently added later. Thus, the 15th-century date attested by

Miazga and others is probably not accurate for those Credos, though it is difficult to determine the date of these additions. In any event, the manuscript tradition is nearly unanimous (except for Erlangen 464) in rubrickating the text “et homo factus est” and often the preceding Marian statement. Though it has been beyond the scope of my research, I would suspect that polyphonic Credo manuscripts—especially presentation manuscripts such as those of Alamire—would have similar text highlights for important words in the Credo and Gloria.

There is little unique in the monophonic creeds about the musical moments of those texts. Some of them also contain colored notes, though assumedly without any

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mensural change implied. The excerpt of Credo 374 from Perugia San Pietro B, for example, begins in an imperfect prolation and tempus, and seems to move to perfection:

Figure 44: Perugia San Pietro B, f. 180v–181r

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There seems to be little other explanation for the red ink other than highlighting these words as a particular totem of devotion, possibly (as with the other highlights already examined) linked with the act of kneeling at these words.

5.7 Conclusion

This chapter has offered a broad survey of the medieval phenomenon of religious devotion with the Credo as devotional object specifically in mind. As with the other late medieval religious-cultural markers examined in this dissertation—catechism and liturgy—the Credo figures prominently within the wide boundaries of devotion. In a way, its devotional stature is linked to the success of the Catholic Church’s catechetical project of the 13th century, especially in the wake of Lateran IV: the Credo became an important text to know, a text by which one could verify her or his faith as existing within the boundaries of Catholicism. Around that text grew florid devotional motions and postures. Devotional painting was one way of exhorting viewers to those devotional pauses, but polyphonic and monophonic music also shared in that task of calling believers to cultivate reverence in line with the intellectual assent they had already proclaimed.

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6. The Credo and the Liturgy

In order to recognize the liturgical changes surrounding the Credo in the late medieval period, it must be set in relief against the liturgical changes of the rest of the

Ordinary, and the changing liturgical ethos in general. In this chapter, I investigate several aspects of the Credo within its medieval liturgical context, with an eye toward further elucidating the proliferation of new Credo melodies and toward contextualizing polyphonic Credos in the late 13th through 15th centuries. The liturgical context I investigate includes medieval liturgical commentaries explaining the status and purpose of the Creed in the mass; the evolution of the mass ordinary as a “cycle” of movements; the rubrical designation of monophonic Credos ensuant to the collecting of the ordinary movements; and the possible influence these rubrical designations had on naming

Credos.

6.1 Liturgical Commentaries

A topic of great concern for medieval liturgical commentators was the appropriate times and days for singing the Credo at the mass. In this section I examine the work of three medieval liturgical commentators—William Durandus, Sicardo, and

Innocent III—specifically in how they determine the times for adding the Credo to the mass. Their commentaries on the Creed show that it was treated primarily as an ornament for highlighting the festivity of a mass celebration, and secondarily as a reenactment of the history of the church and the life of Christ. 234

William Durandus (also called Durand), bishop of Mende, France from 1285–

1296 and member of the papal curia, wrote his Rationale divinorum officiorum around

1286, and it quickly became regarded as “the definitive medieval liturgical treatise.”1

Comprising eight books of commentary on different aspects of the mass and offices— from architecture and vestments to the concrete sources, rites, and interpretation of liturgy—Durand’s treatise was remarkably successful in its attempt to educate clergy about the meaning of what they were performing.

Dom Prosper Guéranger, founder of the Solesmes monastery, declared the

Rationale to be “the final word from the Middle Ages on the mystery of the Divine

Services.”2 The Rationale has the distinction of being the second non-Biblical book printed at Gutenberg’s press (preceded only by a second-century Latin grammar), and it saw another 104 printings between 1459 and 1859.3 Durand’s commentary has endured through centuries; an excerpt of book one was even translated by John Mason Neale and published as The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments in 1842 in an effort to buttress the high church aesthetic of the Anglo-Catholic Oxford Movement writers.4

1 Timothy Thibodeau, “From Durande of Mende to St. Thomas More,” in Ritual, Text and Law: Studies in Medieval Canon Law and Liturgy Presented to Roger E. Reynolds, ed. Kathleen Grace Cushing and Richard Francis Gyug (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 83–94, at 84. 2 Prosper Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques, 3 vols (Paris: Sagnier et Bray, 1840–51), I, 355. The three volumes and extracts thereof have been reprinted several times. 3 Thibodeau, “From Durande,” 84 4 William Durandus, The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments: A Translation of the First Book of the Ratioanle Divinorum Officiorum (Leeds: T.W. Green, 1843). 235

Durand, however, was not the only medieval commentator on the mass. His work borrows much material from the earlier commentaries of Sicardo of Cremona (the

Mitrale of the 1180s) and Innocent III (De Sacro Altaris Mysterio of the 1190s). All three works treat the Creed nearly identically, giving the same explanation of the text of the

Creed and reasoning for days when it can and cannot be sung.5

Durand’s commentary on the Creed in book four of the Rationale begins with an exposition of its history and liturgical significance. He covers the Apostles’ Creed which, like all medieval writers, he believes was composed in twelve clauses by the twelve apostles at Pentecost. He also discusses the non-liturgical Athanasian Creed before covering the Nicene Creed. Durand states that the Nicene Creed was “decreed [to] be sung openly at Mass” by Pope Damasus (r.366–384), “although Pope Mark I had already decreed that it be sung in a raised voice.” There is, however, no evidence from the fourth century supporting this.6

While discussing the individual articles of the Creed, Durand notes moments of devotion. For example, “and when we say in that place, ‘And became man,’ we must genuflect, because we adore Christ becoming man for us and being crucified for us.”7

Durand also details the occasions on which the Nicene Creed is sung, namely “on the

5 Sicardo’s Mitrale is in PL 213; the portion on the Creed is col. 112B–113D. Innocent’s De Sacro Altaris Mysterio is in PL 217; the portion on the Creed is col. 827B–830B. 6 Durand 4.25.7. Translation from William Durand, Rationale Book Four: On the Mass and Each Action Pertaining to It, trans. Timothy M. Thibodeau (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), 219 7 Durand 4.25.10 (Thibodeau, 220). 236

feasts of those who composed it, and in feasts where some mention of them is made.”8

This again assumes a devotional position, honoring those mentioned in the Creed with its singing; some exceptions have to be explained, such as the fact that the Creed is not sung for the birth of John the Baptist (June 24) and the feast of St Lawrence (August 10), but it is sung on their octaves, which occur during the octaves of the Apostles and of the

Assumption, respectively. Some churches, however, do sing the Creed on feasts of John the Baptist because he was “more than a Prophet,” and prophets are mentioned in the

Creed; Durand deems this an acceptable practice.9 St. Mary Magdalene and St. Martin also can be accorded Creeds in their masses, because Mary is considered “apostle to the apostles” and Martin an “equal to the apostles.” Sicardo and Innocent similarly give lists of appropriate days for including the Creed at mass, and the reasoning, examples, and exceptions accord with each other: if a saint is mentioned in the text of the Creed, even tangentially, the sanctoral mass in commemoration of that saint will feature a sung

Creed.

In another common motif of medieval liturgical commentary, Durand writes that

“In some places, after the Creed is sung or while it is sung, the people sing: ‘Kyrie eleison,’ because after Christ and the Apostles taught the faithful, having received the

8 Durand 4.25.13 (Thibodeau, 222). 9 Durand 4.25.13 (Thibodeau, 223). Furthermore, John the Baptist was “sent from God,” (missus a Deo, John 1:16), the same word used for Apostles, and he was the first to perform baptisms, and baptisms are mentioned in the Creed. 237

faith, they offered praises to God, which, perhaps, the very sweet melody of the Creed represents.” 10

Durand interprets another layer of spiritual meaning in regard to the singing and relates a curious practice in the singing of the Creed in the papal liturgy. Assuming what would now probably be called a supercessionist theological viewpoint, he treats the clergy and altar servers as representing the Jews in the gospel, whereas the choir (and assumedly other laity) represent the gentiles. Thus, referring to Jesus’ statement in

Matthew 10:5, “Do not go in the direction of the Gentiles,” Durand writes that the choir does not sing the Creed at a Papal mass. Instead, the Creed is sung by the subdeacons, representing the Jews. The choir and lay faithful can rejoin in the responses only after

“Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum,” which represents the moment of Resurrection, and thus symbolizes the extension of the gospel beyond the Jews to the gentiles.11

There is no other record of this musical practice in the 13th century. At a non- papal mass, following the reading of the gospel “the choir sings the Creed, because between the passion and its preaching, the Gentiles sang, offering a vow of faith to

God.” Understanding the choir representing the gentiles, Durand appeals to the story in

Matthew 15 of the Canaanite woman whose faith was commended by Jesus.

10 Durand 4.25.14 (Thibodeau, 224). 11 Ibid. 238

Durand’s normal mode is to illustrate aspects of the mass with scriptural basis and to give a mystical interpretation of what is occurring at each moment of worship.

The essential mode of this commentary is called “mystagogy,” defined by Enrico Mazza as “the oral or written explanation of the mystery hidden in the Scriptures and celebrated in the liturgy.”12 This style of interpretation was the normative mode of understanding of explaining the liturgy of the Catholic Church for centuries, dating to the fourth-century Greek church fathers and extending at least to the Council of Trent.

For Durand there is no concern that the interpretation he offers might not be authentic; rather, he is expositing the nature of the liturgy as it was composed and as it is understood by Catholic Christians.

Durand ends by explaining “how the Apostles’ Creed, like a compendium, briefly contains everything.” For example, the first phrase, “I believe in God, the Father

Almighty,” offers both an exposition on the nature of belief and the hierarchy of the trinity, with “Father” and “Almighty” referring to the essence and substance of the divinity, respectively.13 Durand’s explanation of each phrase of the Apostles’ Creed is primarily a recounting of the scriptural text which supports the statement. For example, in explaining “From there He will come to judge the living and the dead,” Durand proceeds to call this one of the “signs” (sacramenta) of Christ. “He shall come manifestly

12 Enrico Mazza, Mystagogy: A Theology of Liturgy in the Patristic Age, trans. Matthew J. O’Connell (New York: Pueblo, 1989), 2. 13 Durand 4.25.16 (Thibodeau, 226). 239

as a King, to whom the Father has given judgment, and just as David says: ‘He has prepared His throne in judgment: and He shall judge the world in equity, He shall judge the people in justice’ (Psalm 9:8–9); and in another place: ‘God shall come manifestly: our God shall come, and shall not keep silence’ (Ps 49:3); and Luke: ‘He shall so come as you have seen Him going into heaven’ (Acts 1:11); and Micah: ‘The Lord will enter into judgment with His people’ (Mic 6:2).”14

One liturgical point of interest described by the three writers that did not survive to the present is the reference to a dance during the Creed, a tripudium. Durand writes,

“To avoid having that celestial musician [i.e., Christ] say: We sang you a tune and you did not dance (Lk 7:32), the chorus responds in one harmonious voice of evangelical teaching, and professes the Catholic faith with solemn dancing, saying “Father,” etc., while in a papal Mass, there are sometimes other observances, as will soon be observed.”15 The three commentators quote the same text from Luke, that such joy and dance is required for the Creed lest they receive the dominical censure. They specifically use the term tripudium, a term which Constance J. Mews demonstrates has resonance with both classical and patristic Latin authors. Jerome and Ambrose both used the term in their commentaries on books of the Bible, though the “three-step” only appears in Jerome’s

Vulgate once.16 Mews concludes that the ritual dance described here (and there are

14 Durand 4.25.23 (Thibodeau, 229). 15 Durand, 4.25.3 (Thibodeau, 217). 16 Constant J. Mews, “Liturgists and Dance in the Twelfth Century: The Witness of John Beleth and Sicard of 240

others mentioned in these commentaries at different points in the liturgy) were pagan agricultural traditions that were Christianized and survived. The tripudium in particular was a dance for men only and, at least in its 17th-century form, involved a row of men taking three steps forward and one back, processing behind the altar, and carrying portraits of the twelve apostles.17 It is difficult to imagine a rhythmic dance to a plainchant like the Credo I, even in its later rhythmic variants as analyzed in Chapter

Three. It is possible that the three commentators are borrowing from each other, following one claim that the recitation of the Creed was “like a dance.” But it is also possible, because of the consistent use of the word tripudium, that there is some ancient custom attested to that fell out of favor with liturgical reforms in later centuries.

Durand’s exposition of the creed in the context of the mass offers a devotional tone. His primary concern is interpreting the actions of the mass surrounding the Creed as a commemoration of the history of the church and life of Christ, which is why he often buttresses his allegorical interpretations with quotations from the gospels.

6.2 Evolution of the Mass Ordinary Cycles

In this section I detail the coalescence of mass ordinary movements into so-called

“plainchant cycles” or formularies. A series of reforms in the 13th century led by

Cremona,” Church History 78 (2009):512–548, at 522–525. The sole usage in the Vulgate is Esther 8:16, translated in the Douay-Rheims version as “dancing.” 17 Mews, 547. 241

mendicant liturgists solidified the medieval tradition of associating mass ordinary chants with particular feast days. In other words, this reform process extended the celebration of the proper feast day to the ordinary chants. These “plainchant cycles,” however, consisted of only four movements and omitted the Credo because of the paucity of musical choices for the Credo. The 13th-century ordinary organization I explain here provides the liturgical background for rubrics that are given to newly- composed monophonic Credos in the 14th and 15th centuries. The compilers of those later chant books extended the impulse of the 13th-century reformers to the Credo, attaching different Credo melodies with different feast days.

First, I examine the rise of ordinary chants in the context of the disappearance of troping in the 12th century; as troping fell out of popularity as a liturgical ornament, musicians and liturgists turned to the ordinary chants themselves as a way of extending a sanctoral commemoration. Second, I detail the liturgical reforms of the mendicant orders in the 13th century. The books compiled in the wake of these reforms are the first to preserve “plainchant cycles,” associating one group of ordinary chants with particular festal rubrics. Finally, I examine the new organization of the Kyriale, which emerged as a self-standing book out of these reforms, particularly looking at the earliest example of the “cyclic” Kyriale, the 13th-century Santa Sabina gradual.

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6.2.1 Disappearance of Troping and the Rise of the Ordinary

As tropes declined as a popular liturgical genre in the later middle ages, musicians looked for other methods to connect the movements of the mass ordinary to the festal celebration of the day. One example of a new method was the rise of the sequence, which Margot Fassler links to the decline of troping as a tool for embellishment.18 Geoffrey Chew similarly proposes a connection between the decline of tropes and the use of cantus fermi in polyphonic masses; he writes, “With the decline and eventual disappearance of tropes the musical link became stronger, and I believe that it is in this light that the use of canti fermi [sic] is to be seen: they are in effect, at least in the earliest period of their use, substitutes for tropes, and their use, consequently, like that of tropes, tends to blur the distinction between Ordinary and Proper even though no text foreign to the Ordinary may be sung in them.”19 Indeed the full flowering of this musical unity of the ordinary was the displacement of the text of the propers as a musical focus, replaced by a focus on the ordinary chants for mass. John Harper observes that the unity of musical concepts and materials is endemic both to polyphonic cyclic masses and plainsong masses.20

18 Margot Fassler, “The Disappearance of the Proper Tropes and the Rise of the Late Sequence: New Evidence from Chartres,” in Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting, Pécs, Hungary, 3–8 September 1990, ed. Laszlo Dobszay (Budapest: Hungary Academy of Sciences, Institute for Musicology, 1992), 319-335. 19 Chew, “The Early Cyclic Mass as an Expression of Royal and Papal Supremacy,” Music & Letters 53(1972):254–269, at 255. 20 John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century: A Historical Introduction and Guide for Students and Musicians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 162–63. 243

The disappearance of troping as a common technique is associated with the rise of the mass ordinary cycle in the 13th century. Peter Wagner observed that the trope originally filled a gap in the liturgical connection of the ordinary with the festal day; this eventually led to the domination of mass ordinary chants by troped melodies:

The 10th century opens the Age of the Trope, that liturgical direction which aimed at filling the gaps in the sung mass with textual and melodic insertions. The Trope Movement gave a great boost to the composition of new kyrie etc.; many of them have been handed down only troped at first, by dissolving all their tonal figures into syllabic melody or by inserting new text between their individual movements with their own singing style, as was usual for the kyrie or gloria. Recently, the Kyrie's singing melodies etc. have been named after their troped texts, according to the Vatican Gradual.21

Yet by the 12th century tropes were falling out of favor, especially because of pressure from conservative orders like the Cluniacs, Cistercians, and Augustinians, who strove for a liturgical purity.22

Medieval liturgical musicians had an impulse to extend the celebration of particular feasts beyond the music and text of the propers to other liturgical and musical

21 Wagner, Einführung in die Gregorianischen Melodien, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1921), 436. “Das 10. Jahrhundert eröffnet das Zeitalter der Tropen, jener liturgischen Richtung, welche darauf hinauslief, die Lücken der gesungenen Messe mit textlichen und melodischen Einschaltungen auszufüllen. Die Tropenbewegung verhalf der Komposition neuer Kyrie usw. zu großem Aufschwung; viele sind überhaupt zuerst nur tropiert überliefert, indem alle ihre Tonfiguren in syllabische Melodik aufgelöst oder auch zwischen ihre einzelnen Sätze neuer Text mit eigener Singweise eingelassen wurde, wie er für die Kyrie bzw. Gloria üblich war. Nicht mit nrecht benennt man neuerdings die Singweisen des Kyrie usw. nach ihren Tropentexten, so das Graduale Vaticanum.” 22 See Alejandro Enrique Planchart, “Trope,” in Grove Music Online. 244

aspects of the feast day. Pierre Marie Gy points to the nascent “spirit of the liturgy in the

West,” coalescing around the argument about tropes. The practice of troping grew out of the Cluniac reforms of the early 10th century, and were conceived with the impulse of expanding the ceremony of the mass (and, less frequently, of the office).23 Gy argues that troping is actually an extension of the patristic practice of typological reading of scripture: by applying a specific passage from the Old Testament to an understanding of

Christ’s presence in the New Testament, early Christian writers saw all of scripture as a combined whole pointing to Christ. Christ’s presence in the Old Testament is anticipated in terms of “types,” thus giving the name “typology.” In Gy’s view, the practice of troping extends the typological reading by further commenting on the relation of the Old Testament to the specific liturgical celebration at hand.24 Bruno

Stäblein goes further than Gy, arguing that the trope solved two issues at the same time, educating listeners on the “temporally and geographically distant world” of the Old

Testament and simultaneously providing a way to better make sense of the Gregorian melismas.25

23 Cf. Hiley, Western Plainchant, 197. Pierre Marie Gy, “Les tropes dans l’histoire de la liturgie et de la théologie,” in Research on Tropes: Proceedings of a Symposium Organized by the Royal Academy of Literature, History, and Antiquities and the Corpus Troporum, Stockholm, June 1–3, 1981, ed. Gunilla Iversen (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1983), 7–16, at 10-11. 24 Gy, 12. 25 Bruno Stäblein, “Tropus,” MGG Online. 245

Gy also argues that the tropes change the focus from declamation of the word to praise and contemplation. He writes that the “liturgy of the Word”—the first part of the mass including the readings—was brought into the contemplative frame of the “liturgy of the eucharist,” the second part of the mass including the consecration and distribution of communion.26 Such a flexibility with the contours of the mass—not only within its hymnody but within the structure and theological designations of its component parts— is a hallmark of medieval Catholic liturgy. Gy identifies this as the “spirit of the liturgy in the West”—this combination of Gregorian centralization and an emphasis on fidelity to the Roman liturgy as it was received.

It is unclear whether those tropes for ordinary movements postdate the older ordinary music or whether the trope-ordinary combination was an original composition.27 It is possible that many of the ordinary chants with troped titles in modern graduals were composed specifically to accommodate those troped texts.

Stäblein asserts that there is a connection between the troped mass ordinary movements—specifically troped Kyries—and the earliest polyphonic ordinary settings; while some of them survived with the troped words intact, the numerical preponderance of troped kyries, with and without the troped texts, and their newer

26 Gy, 15. 27 Hiley, Western Plainchant, 211. 246

melody style, led to a greater number of polyphonic Kyries based on their troped forebears.28

In any event, troping developed as a tool to associate ordinary chants with the festal celebration of the day. As troping died out as a method of highlighting these festal associations, organizations of ordinary movements in festal-associated groups became normative. The motivating force in promoting a new organization of ordinary chants in the 13th century were mendicant liturgical reforms.

6.2.2 Liturgical Reforms of the Mendicants

Scholars have long noted the influence of the 13th-century mendicant movements on the codification of liturgy: the Dominicans and, especially, the Franciscans developed notations and rubrics which standardized the liturgy in most chant books.29 The Kyriale as a self-standing book grew out of these reforms. While the mass movements of these new Kyriales did not share musical material, they were organized in a new way and shared rubrical and festal denotations. In this section I investigate the historical background of these early chant ordinary cycles, showing how this new organization

28 Stäblein: “Das numerische Übergewicht der tropierten Kyrie von der übrigen Ordinariumsgesänge wirkt sich bis in die mehrstimigen Ordinariumskompositionen des 14. Jh. Aus.” MGG Online, “tropus”. It is important to note that Planchart divides “tropes,” which is a general and sometimes imprecise term, into two periods, with the second period (after the Cluniac and Cistercian responses) focusing on mass ordinary tropes; Kyrie tropes, falling in the second period, are not tropes in the strict sense but mostly prosulae, or text additions. “The distinction is important because most of the medieval Kyries that survive seem to have begun not as melismatic Kyries nor yet as tropes but as elaborate compositions where Latin invocations preceded (or followed) the melismatic ones.” Planchart, “Trope,” Grove Music Online. 29 Cf. David Hiley, Western Plainchant, 611–13; Kirkman, The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass, 170–76. 247

brought together chants which did not have a previous association with each other. Yet these new cycles omitted the Credo and consisted of only four movements, because of the paucity of musical choices for the Credo.

Andrew Kirkman observes that the goal of liturgical unity had one of its first flowerings in the Cistercian movement of the 12th century. The Charter of the Cistercians states:

And because we receive all monks coming from other monasteries into ours, and they in like manner receive ours, it seems proper to us, that all our monasteries should have the same usages in chanting, and the same books for the divine office day and night and the celebration of the holy sacrifice of the Mass, as we have in the New Monastery [i.e., Cîteaux]; that there may be no discord in our daily actions, but that we may all live together in the bond of charity under one rule, and in the practice of the same observances.30

The Cistercians attempted to enforce liturgical uniformity across their hundreds of dependent houses, providing a model for later liturgical reforms in the Catholic church.

Another consequential liturgical reform occurred under the auspices of the mendicant orders in the 13th century. The Franciscan and Dominican orders were engaged in a sort of rubrical competition, each attempting to preserve and propagate its own rite.

Franciscan missionaries transmitted their office across Europe, and its relative simplicity

30 Archdale A. King, Liturgies of the Religious Orders (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1955), 68. Quoted in Kirkman, 326, n.9. 248

proved attractive for clergy and laypeople. William Bonniwell states that “comparisons with other breviaries (including the Dominican) were inevitable,” and the Dominicans sought to improve their liturgy as a matter of competition. A Dominican pronouncement from 1244 ordered all Dominican provinces to bring their liturgical books to the general meeting to eliminate differences and institute a liturgical reform.31

One result of the Mendicant feud was a confluence of interests between the Papal curia and the Franciscan liturgical reforms. The modifications of the Franciscan liturgy were in optimum agreement with the aims of the Papal curia at the time: while the friars desired an easily-modifiable service which could suit their itinerant preachers, non- mendicant parish clergy quickly took up a service order which was more easily comprehended and flexible. Andrew Kirkman writes that “the remarkable success of

Haymo’s [the lead Franciscan reformer] codification derived neither from a perceived authority of the curial liturgy, nor from that of Franciscan practice per se, but rather from the clarity of its presentation, and hence the easy comprehension it offered to celebrating clergy.”32

Indeed, Haymo of Faversham, the Franciscan who initiated his order’s reforms, provided more than sixty different votive masses in his ordinals of the 1240s.33 The

31 William R. Bonniwell, A History of the Dominican Liturgy 1215–1945 (New York: Joseph F. Wagner, Inc., 1945), 76–77. 32 Kirkman, 171. 33 Sources of the modern Roman liturgy; the ordinals by Haymo of Faversham and related documents (1243-1307), ed. S.J.P. Van Dijk (London: Brill, 1963), 318–27. In fact, for private devotional masses, the propers were freely 249

Mendicant reforms assumed an inherent flexibility in the mass, and Haymo provided different instructions for private masses. For each mass Haymo gives the incipits of three prayers—the opening collect (“oratio”), the secret prayer at the canon of the eucharist

(“secreta”), and the prayer after communion (“postcommunio”). For some masses he provides greater specificity. For example, for a mass commemorating the cross:

Missa in honore sancta crucis. Intr. Nos Mass in honor of the holy cross. Introit: autem gloriari … Ps. Deus misereatur nostri Nos autem gloriari.34 Introit verse: Deus … Oratio. Deus qui unigeniti tui ~ Per. misereatur nostri [Psalm 66:2] … Collect. [epistola] Ad phylippenses. Fratres. Deus qui unigeniti tui.35 ~ for the epistle, Christus factus est. ~ in Gloria est Dei patris. Philippians [2:5–11]. Brethren: Christ was Grad. Christus factus est … ℣ Dicite in made… to the glory of God the Father.36 gentibus … [euangelium] secundum Gradual: Christus factus est. ℣ Dicite in matheum. In illo tempore. Assumpsit iesus gentibus. [Psalm 95:10].37 … [gospel] duodecim discipulos suos secreto ~ Et tertia according to Matthew. At that time. And on die resurgat. Offert. Protégé domine plebem the third day rise. [Matthew 20:17–19].38 … Secr. Hec oblatio nos quesumus ~ Per. Offertory. Protégé domine plebem [tuam].39 Com. Per signum crucis … Postcom. Secret prayer. Hec oblatio nos quesumus.40 Adesto nobis domine ~ Per. For Communion. Per signum crucis.41 Postcommunion. Adesto nobis domine.42

selectable from among a set of formulas. Kirkman sees this flexibility for private masses as presaging the later festal distinguishing markers of the cantus firmus in the polyphonic mass; that is, the license to choose liturgical items to suit one’s private purpose (rather than to follow the liturgical order from a rulebook) was a step in the direction of personal devotions and liturgical choices which enabled cantus firmus polyphonic masses to flourish. See Kirkman, 171. 34 Introit of Maundy Thursday and Exaltation of the Holy Cross, LU 1454. 35 The modern Liber Usualis gives a different collect: “Deus, qui in praeclara salutiferae Crucis Inventione…” 1455. 36 The pericope in both the Liber Usualis (593) and the Vulgate has a different incipit. 37 LU (669) gives a different verse for this gradual: “Propter quod et Deus exaltavit illum…” 38 LU (1456) gives a different pericope for the feast of the cross (John 3:1–15) 39 Offertory for September 14, LU 1630. 40 Different secret given in LU (1457) 41 LU 1457. 42 LU 1630, for September 14. 250

In Haymo’s ordinal instructions, these changeable parts can be substituted in for any feast of the cross. As Kirkman avers, “Another reason for its [i.e., the Mendicant liturgical practices] popularity may have been its inherent flexibility, and in particular the opportunities for individuation offered by its stipulations for private observances.”43

One legacy of these efforts of uniformity was a greater specificity in the organization of the Kyriale.44 If liturgies were to follow the specificity of proper texts given in the example above, musicians benefited from a similar clear organization for the ordinary chants. In the wake of the Franciscan rubrical reforms, the Kyriale was eventually pulled out as a separate group of chants. Kurt von Fischer bears witness to this in a discussion of Mass ordinary manuscripts from the 13th and 14th centuries.

Ordinary cycles in the 13th and 14th centuries were included in larger choral manuscripts of graduals and missals, usually at the end; in the 15th century they were compiled as independent Kyriale manuscripts. Von Fischer points to Paris BN Itl. 568, compiled around 1400, as one of the earliest independent Kyriale manuscripts.45 These self- standing Kyriale manuscripts had their origins in these Franciscan reforms of the 13th century.

43 Kirkman, 171. 44 A second important legacy was the standardization of the easier-to-read French-style chant notation, replacing the earlier Gothic notation. See Kirkman 171–172, and Michel Huglo, “Notated Performance Practices in Parisian Chant Manuscripts of the Thirteenth Century,” in Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. Thomas Forrest Kelly (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991): 32-44. 45 Kurt von Fischer, “Neue Quellen zum einstimmigen Ordinariumszyklus des 14. Und 15. Jahrhunderts aus Italien,” in Liber Amicorum Charles van den Borren (Anvers: Lloyd Anversois, 1964), 60–68, at 67–8. 251

6.2.3 New Organization of the Kyriale

The Kyriales that emerged from the mendicant reforms revolutionized the organization of ordinary chants by grouping them into “cycles” of Kyrie-Gloria-Sanctus-

Agnus chants. Older books organized these chants in groups—Kyries followed by

Glorias followed by Sanctus chants. The reformed graduals and Kyriales further extended the celebration of a festal day by associating all of the ordinary chants with a specific sanctoral commemoration as well.

What was the impetus for this new organization? As noted above, on the one hand it coincided with the disappearance of troping as a method of connecting the ordinary to the festal commemoration. The new organization is most effectively placed within the devotional context of medieval Catholicism. Pierre Salmon notes the changes of the office under the Franciscans and other mendicant orders. These changes altered the nature of the Office liturgy. These substantial changes, including revising when psalms were recited, which psalms, and adding occasional devotional offices like the

“Office of the Virgin” to the daily cursus, were made official by the Franciscans in 1251 and by the Dominicans in 1256.46 When offering a reason for these structural changes,

Salmon writes,

It is enough to enumerate them and add to them the lengthening of the lessons to see immediately that the goal was not the

46 On the Franciscans, see S.J.P. van Dijk and J.H. Walker, The Origins of the Modern Roman Liturgy: The Liturgy of the Papal Court and the Franciscan Order in the Thirteenth Century (Westminster, MD: Newman, 1960), 280–319. On the Dominicans, see Bonniwell, 83–97. 252

abbreviation of the Office: on the contrary, it was considerably increased, even if it no longer reached the length it once had. The introduction into the Office of all these new elements is explained by an evolution of spirituality, by the development of the cult of the Blessed Virgin and the saints, of piety towards the dead, by the search for more living or devotional prayer formulas, which foster more personal piety.47 This was, he says, an organic liturgical change arising from renewals of devotional postures. Salmon sees these 13th-century expansions, under the auspices of the mendicant orders, as an “evolution of spirituality.”48

Leo Schrade sought in these earliest plainchant “cycles” a precursor to the musical integration of the polyphonic cyclic mass. He points to the tradition of the eucharistic celebrant’s private recitation of the public ordinary hymns as an antecedent which prepared the way for the exalted status of the mass ordinary.49 An early visible

47 Pierre Salmon, L’Office Divin au Moyen Age Histoire de la Formation du Bréviaire du IXe au XVIe siècle (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967), 168; Kirkman, 173. 48 Salmon, 166; cf. Kirkman, 173. Salmon writes, “Il suffit de les énumérer et d'y ajouter l'allongement des leconş pour voir immédiatement que le but recherché n'a pas été l'abréviation de l'office : celui-ci était, au contraire, considérablement augmenté, memê s'il n'atteignait plus la longueur qu'il avait eue autrefois. L'introduction dans l'office de tous ces éléments nouveaux s'explique par une évolution de la spiritualité, par le développement du culte de la Sainte Vierge et des saints, de la piété envers les morts, par la recherche de formules de prières plus vivantes ou dévotes, entretenant davantage la piété personnelle.” The nascent polyphonic mass of the 14th century, and its full flowering in the 15th, fit well into this epoch of pious devotionalism, despite changes in the official shape of the mass and office. 49 Leo Schrade, “News on the Chant Cycle of the Ordinarium Missae,” JAMS 8 (1955):66–69, at 68. See also Leo Schrade, “The Cycle of the Ordinarium Missae,” in In Memoriam Jacques Handschin, ed. Higinio Anglés (Argentorati: P.H. Heitz, 1962), 87–96; and James Monti, A Sense of the Sacred (San Francisco: Ignatius, 2012), 72: “The custom of having the priest always recite every word of the Mass from beginning to end not only at Low Mass but also at High Mass, requiring him to repeat to himself even the words assigned to others, such as the Introit sung by the choir and the Gospel chanted by the deacon, had begun to develop by the twelfth century. This practice can be understood as manifesting that the Mass in its entirety is celebrated and offered to God the Father by Christ himself through the priest acting in persona Christi. As for the often-repeated criticism that the medieval Church placed too exclusive an emphasis upon the unique role of the priest in the celebration of the sacred liturgy, it should be noted that this emphasis stems from the very nature of our redemption.” 253

sign of this tradition is evident in the Lateran ordinal of 1140, edited and published by

Ludwig Fischer in 1916.50 Schrade shows evidence of several late-medieval manuscripts which contain musically integrated plainchant ordinary cycles—particularly in the manuscript Torino Ms. J.II.9 and in Toulouse Ms. 94, the source of the so-called Mass of

Toulouse.51 Both of these manuscripts are known for their polyphonic repertoire, but also contain plainchant mass ordinary settings.52

Schrade’s argument for the origin of the “mass cycle” within these early plainchant cycles has been greatly disputed. Bruno Stäblein, Dominique Catta, and

Richard Hoppin all argued against the idea that these plainchant cycles are in any way connected to the 14th- and 15th-century phenomenon of the polyphonic cyclic mass.53

Hoppin is probably right in viewing these plainchant cycles as the earliest recorded plainchant mass cycles which were composed as a unit and have some sort of musical interconnection, though that connection is tenuous—it is modal and liturgical, not melodic or motivic.54 Hoppin sees any semblance of unity within the earliest plainchant

“cycles” as random: “By their very nature the traditional plainchant Ordinaries can

50 Bernhardi Cardinalis et Lateranensis Ecclesiae Prioris: Ordo Officiorum Ecclesiae Lateranensis, ed. Ludwig Fischer. Historische Forschungen und Quellen, vols. 2 and 3 (München und Freising, Dr. F.P. Datterer, 1916). 51 Schrade, “News on the Chant Cycle,” 67. 52 See most recently Karl Kügle, “Glorious Sounds for a Holy Warrior: New Light on Codex Turin J.II.9,” JAMS 65 (2012):637–690. Kügle does not discuss the plainchant cycles in depth. 53 Dominique Catta, “Aux origines du Kyriale,” Revue Grégorienne 34 (1955):175–182; Bruno Stäblein, “Messe A. Die lat. Messe,” in MGG Bd. 9 (1949–1986), c.148–158; Richard Hoppin, “Reflections on the Origin of the Cyclic Mass,” in Liber Amicorum Charles van den Borren, 85–92. 54 Hoppin, 89. 254

never be more than mere formulas, arbitrary and variable compilations of disparate chants.”55

Regardless of the connection these plainchant cycles had to later polyphonic cyclic masses, their appearance in the 13th century was indeed remarkable for clarifying and solidifying a new method of organizing chants for the ordinary. The earliest manuscripts containing a new organization scheme were compiled in the 12th century.

Dominique Catta points to two manuscripts which contain plainchant Kyrie-Gloria pairings, followed by Sanctus-Agnus pairings.56 One of these manuscripts, Berlin Ms.

Lat. Qu. 664, is probably from the 12th or 13th century, while the other, the “Gradual of the Thomaskirche,” (Leipzig 391) is 14th century.57 Catta, Schrade, and Stäblein observe the advent of rubrics in the 13th and 14th centuries to organize the nascent ordinary

“cycles” or formularies (Stäblein’s preferred term), but the motivation of these rubrics is unclear. In Catta’s view, the reason for the new ordinary organization is related to the newness of the orders which made those liturgical changes:

But this disposition [i.e., that of the early rubric organization of ordinary movements], similar to that of our present Ordinary, is far from being the same everywhere. And this organization appears first of all in the Graduals of certain religious,

55 Hoppin, 87. 56 Catta, 176. 57 On the Berlin MS, see, Andreas Fingernagel, Die illuminierten lat. Handschriften deutscher Provenienz der Staatsbibliothek PK Berlin, 8.–12. Jahrhundert, (Weisbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), Vol. 1, 137. The Thomaskirche Gradual was partially published in facsimile as Das Graduale der St. Thomaskirhce zu Leipzig (XIV. Jahrhundert) als Zeuge deutscher Choralüberlieferung (Hildesheim: Olms, 1967), which was a reprint of Peter Wagner’s facsimile edition of 1930. 255

Premonstratensian, Dominican and Franciscan Orders which, not having the liturgical traditions of the former Orders, organized Masses according to certain formulas. Finally, the generally recent books which have composed Masses give almost always the same melodies.58

Catta’s explanation does not appear to be accurate. Although the new orders exerted influence in the flexibility of liturgical order, they did not completely invent a new rite or liturgical tradition to fit their needs.

The paired ordinary collections noted above may have acted as some early bridge to cyclic organization, but their organization remained regional. David Hiley notes that northern French books from the 11th to 14th centuries would bookend a body of proses with a collection of Kyries and Glorias before the proses and Sanctus and

Agnus chants after. German books from the 12th century organize groups of Kyrie-

Glorias and groups of Sanctus-Agnus chants.59 This paired organization eventually gave way to the newer cyclic organization of the 13th century, though the French examples show that the regional organizational structures endured for about a century after the cyclic reorganization. Those early paired movements, however, forecast the organization that became standardized in the 13th century, thus hinting that the later organization was

58 Catta, 176. “Mais cette disposition, semblable à celle de notre Ordinaire actuel, est loin d’être partout la même. Et cette organization apparaît d’abord dans les Graduels de certains Ordres religieux, prémontrés, dominicains, franciscains, qui, n’ayant pas les traditions liturgiques des anciens Ordres, organisèrent des Messes selon des formules déterminées. Enfin, les livres généralement récents qui ont des Messes composes donnent à peu près toujours les mêmes melodies.” 59 David Hiley, “Kyriale,” Grove Music Online. 256

building on existing traditions. One of the pairs of Berlin Lat. Qu. 664 anticipates Mass I of the modern Vatican editions, and its three other pairs at least bear similar movements

(for example, “mixing” the modern Mass 3 Kyrie with the Mass 12 Gloria, and Kyrie 4 with Gloria 3). Two other early manuscripts (both 13th-century) provide similar pairs as well.60

The Santa Sabina gradual, as mentioned, was among the earliest of the 13th- century reformed chant books with the new cyclic organization. Though not in complete concord with the modern Vatican edition, the six masses of the Santa Sabina gradual are probably the first attempt to organize mass ordinary “cycles” by rubric. Of course, within the gradual, the masses are not numbered. The following table lists the masses and their concordance with the ordinary masses of the modern Liber Usualis.61

Table 8: Mass Ordinary Cycles in the Santa Sabina Gradual

Mass Folio rubric Kyrie Gloria Credo Sanctus Agnus within in concordance Santa Santa to modern Sabina Sabina edition 1 361v [BVM]62 9 9 none 2 9 2 362r In toto duplia 4 4 1 4 4 et duplia 3 362v In festis 14 2 none 17 2 semiduplicibus

60 Trèves 2254 and Lainz VIII. 61 Liber Usualis, 16–63; Missa pro defunctis in LU 1807–1815. 62 The mass ordinary of this first mass follows from the office for the Virgin, so the mass itself is not given any introductory rubric. 257

4 363r In Dominicis et 12 11 none 15 15 festis simplicibus 5 363r In missa 16 15 none 15 15 matutitanlibus et missa octavis 6 363v In profestis n/a none none 18 18 diebus

The only other 13th-century manuscript with a comparable number of mass ordinary cycles rubrically arranged is Bari 7, a liturgical calendar from Paris dated to 1220 by

Barbara Haggh-Huglo.63 According to Catta’s tables, the Bari manuscript contains 15 ordinary cycles. Nevertheless, the Santa Sabina gradual is significant for its early and authoritative collation of mass cycles.

As indicated in the table, these Mass cycles were arranged by feast day, much as in the modern-day Vatican edition and Liber Usualis, and the festal association most often arose from the tropes of that chant, which probably had not been preserved along with the melody. This new organization of mass ordinary cycles standardized much of

Catholic liturgy, as seen by the high degree of concordance with modern editions.64

Furthermore, the Credo was thereafter regularly included, even if it was as an appendix

63 Bari, Archivio della Chiesa di San Nicolao, Ms. 7; cf. Barbara Haggh and Michel Huglo, “Magnus liber: Maius munus. Origine et destinée du manuscript F,” Revue de Musicologie, T. 90 (2004), 193–230, at 216. See also Barbara Haggh–Huglo’s presentation for the Ghent Autumn School 2014 on medieval chant and liturgy, available at , 118. 64 Catta’s table, on 177, lists seven mass cycles which became “standardized.” 258

to the main body of KGSA cycles. As noted in Chapter Three, Credo I is unambiguously notated in chantbooks beginning in the 13th century. Although the earliest source, Reims

264, is a gradual for a parish church of St Thierry, it is possible that Credo I gained status as the “standard” Credo variant because of the revised chant books propagated by the mendicants.65 The square-note notation favored by the Franciscans and Dominicans also would have aided in notating and disseminating the Credo I chant clearly.

6.3 Rubrics and the Credo

The Franciscan and Dominican books which organized the earliest cycles described those cycles by liturgical function. In this section, I describe how those same organizational principles were applied to Credo melodies in chant books in the 14th and

15th centuries. Liturgically and rubrically, the typification of Credo melodies in 14th- century chant books continued the process of “paring down and rationalization of the standard components of the liturgy.”66 These Credo melodies thus become a further object of liturgical emphasis, and this change in the mass ordinary helps to set the stage for the polyphonic cycles of the 15th century.

The earliest instances of the new canto fratto Credos—starting in the early 14th century—extend the impulse of the Dominicans to associate ordinary chants with

65 See Anne Walters Robertson, “The Mass of Guillaume de Machaut in the Cathedral of Reims,” in Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, 100–139, at 138. 66 Kirkman, 173. 259

specific feast days. By the 15th century, various Credos were given festal associations and rubrics, such as the Credo Apostolorum and Credos associated with feasts of Mary.

A number of early manuscripts clearly give rubric or title indications for the new canto fratto Credos therein.

Table 9: Rubrics for Monophonic Credos

Miazga Rubric Manuscript Folio Date Order or number Provenance 32 Feria secunda St Gall 546 27v 1507 aliud 32 Symbolum. BSB Clm.9508 285v 1452 33 Breve dota St Gall 546 27r 1507 alias 34 Symbolum. BSB Clm.9508 283v 1452 84 Feria festia St Gall 546 27v 1507 aliud bonum; pulchrum aliud breve 113 De B.V.M. Fribourg F3 323r 14th Franciscan? 113 Item collemp. BSB Clm.9508 284v 1452 113 Ad natum de St Gall 546 20v 1507 festi; aliud consuetum valde 113 Aliud patrem Erlangen 464 27r (22r 15th cxiii new) Aliud novum 123 nt (?) St Gall 546 25v 1507 marginal note 41v (new 123 "aliud patrem" Erlangen 464 30v) 15th 194 hispanos Pistoia B.8 54r 15th later Parish of addition Santa Credo quinti to a 13th- Maria, 194 toni Arezzo D Pieve 14v c. MS Arezzo

260

aliud pulchrum ad 232 beneplacitum St Gall 546 21r 1507 1491– Perugia San 1510 238 De Dominica Pietro B a.f. (Baroffio) aliud pulchrum ad 250 nutum (?) St Gall 546 22r 1507 1491– Perugia San 1510 252 S. Spiritus Pietro B 187r (?) (Baroffio) Bologna Museo 279 "Cardinalium" Civico lit. 12 32r 15th "In Dominicis Olivetan Diebus; Vulgo Bologna Museo 279 Bianco (?)" Medievale 537 113r 14th "In duplicibus Bologna 14th Franciscan 279 maioribus" University 2893 431r (Baroffio) Credo Perugia San 1491– 279 sollemnis Pietro B 44r 1510 In mags~ Rome BAV Lat. Dominican 279 festivita 9214 95r 15th Rome Biblioteca 170v Benedictine In maioribus Nazionale Farf. (new 279 duplicibus 33 foliation) 1514 13th c; Parish later 279 Credo maior Arezzo D Pieve 5r addition Modena Lat. Olivetan 279 Solemne 1009 37v 14th-15th Bologna Museo 319 "Apostolorum" Civico lit. 12 35r 15th "in communi Dominican apostolorum of." (preceding 15th-16th 319 page) Lucca 2645 163r (14th?) Credo in festis apostolis et Perugia San 319 evangelistis Pietro B 48v 15th 261

de apostolis

in dom(inibus? 319 — at end) Pistoia B.8 53v 15th? P(ro) Olivetan Apostolis

in duplicibus Modena Lat. 319 minoribus 1009 42r 14th-15th 13th c.; Parish (?) In festis later 319 duplicibus Arezzo Cesa 1 103v addition Credo Parish 319 apostolorum Arezzo D Pieve 8r Se. Jacobi petamum (?) pulchrum feria 339 quarta (?) St Gall 546 28r 1507 450 "Item coll.e" (?) BSB Clm. 9508 286v 1452 Benedictine "Supra Perugia San 503 laudib'cives" Pietro B 197r 15th "dup" darkly Franciscan? 512 written Fribourg F3 325r 14th Aliud bonum breve palys (?) 512 Sabbatis St Gall 546 29r 1507 518 "Scapino" Bologna 537 119r Olivetan "quartum (?) (Moosburg 531 Patrem) BSB 23286 38r 15th Abbey) Aliud pulchrum. 531 Feria sexta. St Gall 546 29r 1507 Aliud bonum pro situm (?) a festem Jacobo Schupff (?) guetuale (?) S Galle 549 g(?)enoby (?) St Gall 546 23v 1507 262

aliud; aliud 591 quando vis (?) St Gall 546 23r 1507 Aliud notum 603 ex ungria St Gall 546 24v 1507 "quintum 615 patrem" BSB 23286 39r 15th Aliud feria 628 quinta (?) St Gall 546 28v 1507 no; marginal note "aliud 34v (new 628 patrem" Erlangen 464 28v) 15th 319 (fragment) De apostolis Arezzo E 139r ? Bologna Museo Credo I "In Dominica" Civico lit. 12 28v 15th Rome Biblioteca Angelica 1424 (olim T.7.11)/Graduale Credo I Dominicale di Bamberg 108r 14th Dominicale, Credo I aliud usuale St Gall 546 19v 1507 In dominicis Olivetan Credo I diebus Moden Lat. 1009 46r 14th-15th Duomo di Credo I Symbolum Cividale 56 245v ? Cividale no ("Hic cantent omnium" written in at "Et Credo I incarnatus") BSB 23027 170r 15th Simbolum Credo I fidei Lucca 1465 90v 15th long rubric, difficult to read; Credo I? "Dominicale"? St Gall 546 19r ~1507

263

This table indicates that, unsurprisingly, the most commonly rubricked Credos are 279

(Cardinalis) and 319 (Apostolis/Regis)—also the two most popular Credos in the manuscripts. Furthermore, while the impulse of rubricking Credos is certainly persistent, it appears to become most prevalent in the 15th century, and even then it is not consistent.

6.3.1 Bologna Lit. 12

The manuscript Bologna Lit.12 serves as a convenient emblem of the developing liturgical significance of the monophonic Credos.67 A 15th-century cantorinus, it is a collection of chants for the mass and office. The codex’s beginning is ordered according to the liturgical year—Christmas and related feast days taking up the first two fascicles.68

The third and fourth fascicles contain four plainchant mass ordinary “cycles,” omitting the Credo (i.e., Kyrie-Gloria-Sanctus-Agnus cycles). Each cycle features rubrics denoting liturgical usage, and the rubrics are consistent both with earlier plainchant cycles from the 14th century and with the cycles in the current Vatican Edition.

Table 10: Ordinary Cycles in Bologna Lit. 12 (no Credos)

Folios Rubric in Kyrie Gloria Sanctus Agnus LU rubric Kyrie trope MS (modern edition) 13r– In Missis 4 4 4 4 For feasts Cunctipotens 16r Minoribus of the II genitor deus Duplic. Class I

67 The manuscript is viewable online at 68 The second fascicle (f.8r–11v) does contain a Credo unicum (Miazga No. 11) in a different hand. 264

16v– In 11 11 11 11 For Kyrie Orbis 19v Dominicis Sundays Factor Diebus throughout the year 20r– Missa 9 9 9 17 Missa Cum jubilo 24r Beate Beata Virginis Virginis 25r– In missis 12 n/a 12 14 For Feasts Pater cuncta 28v votivis et of the III simpl. Class I

This table displays the chant cycles and concordances of Bologna Lit. 12. This arrangement is by no means unusual among 15th-century manuscripts; many codices with mass chants contain these four mass cycles as an offering of music for the whole church year— Sundays, major feasts, minor feasts, and Marian feasts.

The interesting feature of this manuscript, however, is that, beginning in the same fascicle, it arranges a series of monophonic Credos after the KGSA cycles with a similar set of rubrics in mind.

Table 11: Credos and Rubrics in Bologna Lit. 12

Folios Miazga Number Rubric 28v—31v Credo I In Dominica 32r—34v 279 Cardinalium 35r—38v 319 Apostolorum These are in addition to the Miazga 11 stray Credo on f.8r–11v. The rhythm of the Credo

I on f.28v is not identical with other rhythmicized Credo I chants, appearing to be unique in its rhythm.

265

By the time this manuscript was compiled, the Ordinary “KGSA” plainchant cycles were set in their rubrics; Bologna Lit.12 brings clarity to the liturgical situation of the Credos by organizing them in a manner similar to that of the Ordinary cycles, though admittedly without as much precision as the four KGSA masses. This manuscript offers a glimpse into the liturgical function of these melodies, suggesting a way of approaching the analysis of liturgical function in a highly varied landscape of

Credo practice in the 15th century. As new compositions of the Credo proliferated, their liturgical associations were unstable; whereas the association of the mass Ordinary

“KGSA” cycles with certain ranks of feasts was established by the 14th century, the relative novelty and profusion of the new Credo melodies led to an order not quite as clear, a situation observable in other manuscripts of the 14th and 15th centuries. The organization of MS Bologna Lit.12 suggests that there was attempted or inchoate clarity about how these Credos were used.

As shown in the following table, at least 23 manuscripts contain these “groups” of Credos, many of these in a relative position to a group of KGSA cycles. Dating these manuscripts precisely is difficult, but the trend toward grouping Credos similar to grouping KGSA cycles is evident beginning in the 14th century. Table 12 shows some representative manuscripts which have some sort of relation between a Credo and an ordinary set.

266

Table 12: Manuscripts Containing Ordinary “Cycles” and Credos

Manuscript Date Order or No. of Credo rubrics Mass Provenance Credos Ordinary in MS contents Barcelona 15th n/a 2 None 7 S with 911 rubrics; 9 A with rubrics Barcelona 16th n/a 1 None KGSA x2, 1325 with rubrics Bologna 15th n/a 3 “In dominica”; KGSA x4 Lit.12 “Cardinalium”; with rubrics “Apostolorum” Bologna 15th Dominican 1 None G Museo (incomplete) Medievale 614 Munich BSB 15th St Emmeram 2 None KGSA x9, Clm. 4013 with rubrics;

SA x14, with rubrics Munich BSB 15th n/a 5 None K x2 Clm. 23286 KG x10, with rubrics

SA x20, with rubrics Munich BSB 1452 n/a 4 None KG x10, Clm. 9508 with rubrics

SA x15, with rubrics Munch BSB 15th n/a 2 None KGSA x10, Clm. 23027 with rubrics (some cycles missing different movements)

267

Cividale 14th–15th Cividale 1 None KG x12, 35bis with rubrics

S x5

A x5 Cividale 79 15th Aquileian 3 None K, G Erlangen 15th n/a 4 Marginal notes KG x1, with 464 pointing folia rubrics of other Credos K x1

SA x7, with rubrics Fribourg F3 14th n/a 4 None K x2

KG x1 with rubrics

Gx2, with rubrics London 15th n/a 1 None A x2, with 24687 rubrics (limited images) Lucca 1061 1391–1410 n/a 1 None K x1

GA x1 Lucca 1465 15th n/a 1 None KG with rubrics

GSA C Lucca 2645 15th Dominican 2 In co. KGSA x2 apostolorum of. Lucca 2690 14th Carmelite 1 None KGSA x4, with rubrics

K x1, with rubrics 268

Perugia 13th–14th Franciscan 2 None KGSA x11, Archivio with rubrics Capitolare (missing 16 various movements) Perugia San 15th n/a 6 “De KGSA x16 Pietro B Dominica,” with rubrics “Sollemnes,” (missing “Credo in festis various apostolis et movements) evangelistas” Pisa s.s. 6 16th n/a 2 None GSA x1 KG x1, rubrics

G x1 Pistoia 100 1326–1350 Church of 1 None KGSA x10, San Pietro, rubrics Pistoia (missing various movements) Pistoia 1391– Collegial 3 None KGSA x1 486/100 1400; Church of with rubrics Ordinary San Giovanni section Forcivitas, later Pistoia (17th?) Pistoia B.8 15th n/a 6 De apostolis, KGSA x12, hispanos, in rubrics dominibus SA x2, rubrics

S x1, rubrics Rome 14th n/a 3 None KG x12, Angelica rubrics 1424 SA x7, rubrics

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Rome BAV 1351–1375 South Italy 3 None KGSA x5, Barb. Lat.65 rubrics

SA x1

Kx1 Rome BAV 16th Dominican 1 None K, rubrics Lat.9214 and tropes Rome BAV 14th n/a 1 None SA x1, Lat.10654 rubrics

G x1 Rome BAV 14th Dominican 1 None K Lat. 10769 Rome Bib. 1391–1400 Franciscan 1 None KGSA x11, Nazionale rubrics Mss. Varia (missing 290 various movements) Siena H.I.10 15th n/a 3 None KGSA x10, rubrics (missing various movements) Vienna 1509–1516 Kuttenberg 6 None K with 15501 tropes

KG x4, rubrics

SA x11, tropes Wroclaw 15th Elizabetkirche 2 None K tropes 3067 KG x6, rubrics

SA x8, rubrics

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This table of 32 manuscripts shows a preference for grouping movements of the ordinary together in cycles, and for offering many different options to musicians for heightening the solemnity of feasts. Eleven of these manuscripts have at least five KGSA options in cycle form with clearly interpreted rubrics for application. Six others offer paired groups of distinct KG and SA options, with the Credo as a freestanding option.

Seven of them come from Dominican or Franciscan houses, and others might have close links. It is difficult to establish a chronology for these inclinations of manuscript organization, but there is a clear development to offer several different festal options.

I also highlight here the manuscript I call the “Credo omnibus.” A few manuscripts survive which seem to offer some sort of compilation of Credo chants. The most prominent examples recorded in Miazga’s catalog are Pisa Biblioteca Cateriniana

219 (15th c., 32 Credos), St Gall 546 (1507, 17 Credos), and Prague National Museum

XIII.A.2 (15th c., 15 Credos). While I have not been able to view the Prague MS in person or in reproduction, the Pisa and St Gall mss. reflect an impulse to collect and present as many Credo chants as possible. Notes and marginalia in other manuscripts show a similar motivation to record different Credo options. A note reproduced in Figure 45, from Munich BSB Clm. 23286 on f.35v, reads, “Pronotatu aliquot “Pronotatu aliquot patrem mea cum diligentia ad notarii”—“For the record I have written down a few

‘Patrem’ by my own industry.” Five different uncommon Credo chants follow this note.

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Figure 45: Marginal note in BSB Clm. 23286, f. 35v

All of these omnibus collections tend to focus on uncommon Credo chants. 18 of the 32 Credos collected in Pisa 219 are unica in Miazga’s catalog, and many of the others with multiple versions are duplicated only in manuscripts from much later. 10 of the

Credos collected in St Gall 546 are abbreviated, ending after “Et homo factus est.” The function of these manuscripts is difficult to determine, but they do seem to localize the anomalies which surround the Credo. Many of the manuscripts mentioned in Table 12 seem to be designed for standard liturgical use, functioning for many different eucharistic liturgies by virtue of their different collections of ordinary cycles. These

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omnibus manuscripts, on the other hand, appear as outliers, preserving a large number of rare canto fratto Credos in various styles for a still-undiscovered reason.

There are also attempts in the manuscripts to further this musical and liturgical association by organizing the Credos in a similar manner to the organization of the Mass ordinary chants. Although a level of specificity for the rubrics of Credo Chant like that of Bologna Lit. 12 is not evident in the earliest sources of canto fratto Credos, the inclination to connect melodies with specific events in the liturgical calendar remains the same.

This is only one example of the Credo being treated as an object of liturgy. I also point to books of hours, which frequently contain the Creed. These books provided a way for laypeople to participate in the monastic office through recitation and meditation on the Creed. Another liturgical phenomenon is the abbreviation of the Credo in many musical sources—both polyphonic and monophonic. It is possible that these truncations are connected to liturgical devotion of a particular feast day, especially when the truncated Credos end at liturgically significant words (like “Ex Maria Virgine” or “Et

Homo Factus Est.”).

6.4 Named Credos

As briefly mentioned above, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries there was likewise a surge in the naming of Credos. We can distinguish at least two different kinds of Credo naming: some Credos were named for liturgical function, while others were

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non-liturgical in their naming. Furthermore, some Credos carried both liturgical and non-liturgical names, depending on the manuscript. I argue that these names are best explained as a result of the devotional expansion of Credos explored in chapter three, along with the expanded liturgical emphasis placed on new Credo melodies as they were written and circulated in the 14th century. Specifically, I analyze one of the most popular of the canto fratto Credos, the Credo “Cardinalis.” While in most early manuscripts it bears a liturgically descriptive title, it eventually became known as

“Cardinalis.” I examine the available evidence and offer four potential reasons for its name.

6.4.1 Credo Cardinalis

The so-called Credo Cardinalis was either the first- or second-most popular

Credo melody of the 1300s and 1400s. Miazga’s catalog records thirty-nine manuscripts between 1300 and 1500 which preserve this melody; the only other Credo melody with similar manuscript prevalence is the Credo Regis, present in thirty-seven manuscripts from the same period. The number in both cases is almost certainly higher, as Marco

Gozzi’s has written about several more in his articles. The Cardinalis is also in the

Vatican Edition and Liber Usualis as Credo IV, though preserved in that instance as equal-note plainchant without its typical rhythm.

The name cardinalis is explained neither by liturgical nor devotional function, at least not directly. In much of the secondary literature and in polyphonic settings of the

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15th century it is usually called cardinalis, though the early manuscript evidence reflects different traditions. Of the 20 manuscripts I have been able to view which contain Credo

Cardinalis, only one—Bologna Lit.12—refers to it as “Cardinalium.” Miazga records 14 more manuscripts with this melody which refer to it as Cardinal or some variation, though I have not viewed those other manuscripts.69 In its polyphonic settings it is frequently called “Cardinalis,” as in Petrucci’s Fragmenta Missarum of 1505.

Miazga does provide an index of titles and names for the Credos. I have added some manuscripts from my own research, and assembled Table 13, which lists them by approximate date:

Table 13: Titles for Credo “Cardinalis” in Manuscripts

Title Century Manuscript Regis c. 1400 Padua A.20 Simbolum 1408 Piacenza D Credo maior 15th Arezzo D Pieve Solemnis 15th Perugia San Pietro B Solenne 15th Modena lat.1009 In magni festivitatibus 15th BAV lat.9214 In festis duplicibus ii cl. 15th Arezzo H In duplicibus maioribus 15th Bologna Universitaria 2893 Pro festis BVM 15th Pistoia B.8 Cardinale c. 1480 (later addition?)70 Kraków Biblioteka Cz. 2827

69 Miazga, 156. 70 Images of this MS are viewable at https://cyfrowe.mnk.pl/dlibra/publication/12143 . Folio 25r (the folios are numbered on both recto and verso) appears to be a later addition to a 15th-century MS; the hand is clearly different from the early Kyriale, and the number of lines on the staff is different (4 in the addition, 5 in the older Kyriale). The capitals and colors are also different. Judging by comparison with other manuscripts, it is probably a late-16th or early-17th c. addition. 275

Cardinale 15th Bologna San Pietro V71 Magne 15th–16th Czerwinsk Archiwum s.n. In summis festis c. 1500 Münster Bistumsarchiv 235 symbolum Solenne 1505 Padua Seminario 359 In duplicibus maioribus 1514 Rome Bib. Naz. Farf. 33 Credo maior 1572 Giunta gradual, Venezia In festis duplicibus i. cl. 1593 Monserrat 755 Solenne 16th–17th Lucca 2673 Włoskie72 1608 Kraków Biblioteka Cz. 3615 Simbolum maius 1619 Barcelona 1673 Cardinale 17th Brno Universitni R.1b Cardinale 17th Brno Universitni R.3 Cardinale 17th Brno Universitni R.25 Cardinalium 17th? Bologna lit.12 Cardinalium sive 17th Brno Universitni R.1d secundum De Beata dei genitrices 17th Kraków Karmelitów 5m maria In solemnibus festis 17th (addition to 15th c. MS) Reims 266 Kardynalskie 17th (2nd half) Kraków Prowincji 42 Pro toto duplici 17th (addition to 15th c. MS) Münster Bistumsarchiv 16 Italicum 17th (add. to MS from 1475) Sandomierz 174 Solemne włoskie 17th (add. to MS from 1343) Imbrambowice 3 Pielgrzymkie 1650 Kraków Klarysek89a Mazoviticum 1695–98 Kraków Dominiksnów 139 Kardynalskie 1698 Kraków Biblioteka Cz. 1038 Cardinale 17th–18th Brno Universitni R.27 Cardinale 17th–18th Brno Universitni R.5–6 De Cardinale 1703 Lucca 2687 Cardinalium sive 1721 Brno Universitni r.14 secundum Solenne 1720 Kraków Biblioteka Cz.1040

71 According to a conversation in 2018 with the San Petronio librarian, deacon Mauro Pernici, this manuscript is too damaged for viewing, and I have not been able to find a reproduction to inspect its contents; I would suspect that, based on the same title used in similar manuscripts described in Miazga’s catalog, it is a later addition. 72 Polish for “Italian” 276

Major 18th Barcelona 12.VII.2 Kardynalskie 18th Kraków Prowincji 82 Pro 4 ecclesiae doctoribus 18th Modena lat.1183 Pro 4 ecclesiae doctoribus 18th Modena lat.1184 Pro 4 ecclesiae doctoribus 18th Reims mus.49 Cardinale 18th Kraków Prowincji 70 Cardinale 18th Brno Universitni R.21 Cardinale 1765 Brno Universitni R.15 Cardinale 18th Bologna San Pietro 16 Cardinal Major 18th Bologna San Pietro 37

By observing the naming trend in this table, it is likely that the title “Cardinale” or

“Cardinalis” was only firmly attached to this Credo in later centuries. The earlier manuscripts show a more fluid naming convention for this music.

The titles of the polyphonic settings of Credo Cardinalis do not provide much more information; only a few sources bear the title “Cardinalis,” if there is any title at all.

Table 14: Polyphonic Sources and Titles Using Credo “Cardinalis” as a Cantus Firmus

Manuscript or folio Date Composer Title in print manuscript or print Trent 87 235v 1430–40 Anonymous None VatS 51 190v 1472–91 Vacqueras None VatS 35 200v 1487–90 De Orto none VatS 23 176v 1492–1512 Brumel none Jena 22 22v c. 1500 De la Rue None; mass is titled “Missa Beate Virgine” Petruci 6r (Superius) 1505 Van Weerbeke Patrem Fragmenta cardinale (TOC); Gaspar Cardinale

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Petrucci Misse 1505 De Orto “Missa de Orto dominicalis” Cappella Giulia 164r 1512–13 Brumel none Pal. Lat. 1982 Munich BSB 123v 1520 Brumel None Mus. 65 Bologna San 23v 1527 De La Rue (not able to Pietro 38 access images of MS) Bologna San 8v 1527 Anonymous Patrem Pietro 29 Cardinalis73

Though the title “Cardinal,” “Cardinalis,” or “Cardineo” is affixed to this Credo melody at some point, is difficult to discern the origin of that naming convention. The earliest reference to the “Cardinalis” Credo from a theoretical source comes from

Gaffurius, writing in Milan around 1480, who refences it as “Cardineo”:

Sunt et qui notulas huiusmodi plani There are also those who write these cantus aeque describunt et commensurant notes of the plain chant all alike, and at figuris mensurabilis consideration sit u[t] the same time, count them in mensurable longas, breves ac semibreves, ut constat in dimensions as longs, breves, and Symbolo cardineo et nonnullis prosis semibreves. This is evident in the atque hymnis: quod Galli potissime ad Symbolum cardineum and in several ornationem modulorum pronunciatonem sequences and hymns. Quite frequently ipsa diversitate concipiendam celeberrime this technique is followed by Gallic prosequuntur. musicians especially for the purpose of expressing a more ornate articulation of their music by this very diversity.74

73 As recorded in Frank Tirro, Renaissance Musical Sources in the Archive of San Petronio in Bologna (Neuhausen Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology, 1986), 138. 74 Translation from Sherr, “The Performance of Chant,” 184. 278

Other theoreticians from the 15th and 16th centuries refer to this title or some variation thereof. Pietro Aaron, in De institutione harmonica of 1516, writes:

Igitur cantus planus dicitur, cuius notae It is therefore called “cantus planus,” the aequali mensura, et pari tempore one whose notes are pronounced with the pronunciantur, Cuius legem mutare same value and with the same time; the solum in Patrem omnipotentem, quem law of which can be changed only in the cardineum uocant, permittitur, sicut in Creed which is called "cardinal", as we libris apparet ecclesiasticis. In quo, see in ecclesiastical books. In which, just quemadmodum Augustino, et post illum as Augustine, and after him Gregory we Gregroio placuisse accepimus, quinque obeyed to please, five orders of this sort ordines ad huiusmodi cantum pertinentes were instituted pertaining to chant, of instituti sunt, De quibus particula (ut which a small part (as they say) is born in uocant) omnis ecclesiastica gignitur.75 every church.

The third early theoretical witness to the title is Biagio Rossetti (d. after 1547), writing in Verona in his only published treatise, Libellus de rudimentis musices (1529).76

Rossetti was a priest and organist at the cathedral of Verona, and in charge of the training of choristers. His book served as an introduction to proper choral technique and also offers theological explanations of the mass and office. Writing about plainchant, he states:

Caeteris autem, scilicet, notulis, aequales But equal to the others—namely, to the sunt istae mediocres in pronunciatione et notulae—are those medium in delivery temporis mensura, licet nonnulli eas, and measure of time, although some scilicet, mediocres notas, duplo strictius people measure them—namely, the medium notes—more strictly equal to

75 Petrus Aaron, Libri tres de institutione harmonica, liber primus. https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/16th/AARIHCOR 76 Biagio Rossetti, Libellus de rudimentis musices: Compendium musicae. https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/16th/ROSLIB1 279

caeteris commensurent, quod non fit double the others, a thing which happens ratione sed cantoris arbitrio. not by a rule, but by the choice of the singer.

For there are some who equally divide Sunt enim aliqui qui notas aeque notes and measure songs in describunt et commensurant figuris measurable figures—as longs, breves, and cantus mensurabilis, ut longas, breves ac semibreves—as is evident in the Cardinal semibreves, ut constat in symbolo or Patriarchino Symbol [i.e., Creed], both Cardineo vel Patriarchino, et in prosis et in prose works and in hymns, a thing the hymnis, quod Galli potissime ornatiorem French most famously pursue, chiefly as a modulorum pronunciationem pro ipsa more ornate pronunciation of little diversitate concinnenda celeberrime measures, for the sake of the very prosequuntur, sed multis in locis, et diversity of what must be sung; but in maxime hic in Italia, sunt multi qui many places, and especially here in Italy, omnes notulas cantant aequales ad there are many who sing all notes equal to modum brevium quando cantant festive, the measure of breves, when they sing vel ad modum semibrevium quando festively, or to the measure of a strictius cantant, et tam ligaturas quam semibreve, when they are singing more longas et mediocres, id est, semibreves, strictly, and so the ligatures as longs and omnes in eadem mensura. the medium notes, that is, the semibreves, are all in the same measure.

And they do this because they do not all Et hoc faciunt quia omnes cantum non understand the cantus figuratus, and they intelligunt figuratum, et non habent are not acquainted with the quantity of cognitionem de quantitate valoris values of notes. But if the song is notarum. Sed si cantus pronunciatur pronounced according to the value of its secundum suum valorem notarum, ita notes, so that a breve would be of one quod brevis esset unius temporis et tempus and medium and the mediocris, et ligaturae prolatae essent pro ligatures brought forward would be for medietate valoris, illi quid caneret levior the middle of the value, for him anything labor in cantando haberetur, et maxime he would sing would be considered a in responsoriis et gradualibus. lighter labor in singing, and especially in the responsories and graduals.

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Rossetti is clearly concerned with the lack of instruction in the singing of notes according to their proper values. As evidence that there are some ecclesial chants that do use rhythm, he raises the example of the “symbolo Cardineo vel Patriarchino.”

Later authors include Giovanni Lanfranco (1490–1545) and Gioseffo Zarlino

(1517–1590). Lanfranco writes in 1533:

Delle note mezzane Of the intermediary notes La Nota chiamata mezzana e quella: che si The note called intermediary is that parte con la sua forma dalla semplice: et which is separated from the simple and dalla composita: perciò che essa si forma compound, since it is made in the shape in figura di Semibreve: et non mai sola. of a Semibreve and is never alone. For Per il che o due: o più se ne figura in which reason, either two or more of them questo modo Le quali medesimamente are represented in this way. The which, nella misura del tempo alle altre sono similarly, are equal to the others in the eguali: a benché alcuni i proporzione measurement of time; although some dupla: contra le altre le mandano: come people in duple proportion, set them nel Credo cardinale: et in altri luoghi si against the others, as contained in the comprende: il qual uso non e buono per lo cardinal Credo and other places, this contrappuntista: ne e secondo la mente usage is not good for the performer, nor del primo conduttore del canto fermo. is it according to the intention of the originator of plainsong.77 Teaching how to read ligatures, Lanfranco warns about the rhythmic interpretation of the Credo Cardinalis because it uses intermediary notes. Apparently Lanfranco is referring to the cadential figure of the Credo Cardinalis, as shown here from a 15th- century Franciscan gradual:

77 Lanfranco, Scintille di musica, (Brescia, 1553) Parte Primo, 33. Translation taken from Barbara Lee, “Giovanni Maria Lanfranco’s “Scintille di Musica” and Its Relation to 16th-Century Music Theory,” (Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1961), 105–106. 281

Figure 46: Bologna University 2839, f. 481r

The difficulty Lanfranco encounters is that he is describing the reading of plainchant but has to account for canto fratto Credo chants that follow the rules of mensural, not canto plano, music. Lanfranco provides this figure to illustrate the note mezzane.

Figure 47: Note mezzane illustration from Lanfranco, 33.

Despite the notational problems he encounters, Lanfranco’s reference to the Credo called

“Cardinalis” ensures its tradition as a name by the 16th century. He provides one more reference to the Credo Cardinalis in another section, on text placement.

Modo di mettere le parole sotto a i canti How to put the words under the music Or e da sapere, che le distinzioni delle Now one must know that the articulation parole si fanno nel canto misurato: ma of the words is made in measured music non come nel Fermo: perché in questo la but not as in plainsong, because in the 282

distinzione si fa secondo la sentenza delle latter the articulation is made according parole: et in quello, secondo che porta to the sense of the words, and in the l’ordine del contrappunto, e la necessita former, according to the order of the delle Pause, benché il Compositore de counterpoint and the necessity of rests, auertire di far la cadenza, oueto though the composer ought to take care distinzione generale secondo la sentenza, to make the cadence or general separation e distinzione delle parole. according to the sense and articulation of the words.

Nel canto Misurato adunque ogni nota In measured music, then, every separate distinta (eccettuando quasi sempre la note (excepting almost always the Semiminima) porta la sua sillaba, come fa Semiminim) carries a syllable, as does quella del Fermo. that in plainsong.

Ma nel Fermo solamente sopra le quadre But in plainsong syllables are placed on si pone la sillaba, eccetto alcuna volta: square notes [puncta, virgae] only, except dove l’usanza porta di mandare le at times where custom permits their mezzane in Dupla proporzione: come ne i delivery in half time on the middle ones Credo: et in altri canti si vede. [of a conjunctura], as may be seen in the chants of the Credo and in others.78

Et ogni legatura o del Fermo, o del And ever ligature of both plainsong and Figurato non porta più di una sillaba, figured music carries no more than one come già fu detto. syllable, as we said already.

Because of the proliferation of Credo chants in canto fratto, Lanfranco is probably referring to the canto fratto Credos in general—that is, the example of “plainsong”

78 Giovanni Maria Lanfranco, Scintille di Musica (Brescia: Lodovico Britanico, 1533), Parte Secondo, 68. Translation taken from Lee and from Don Harrán, Word-Tone Relations (Neuhausen–Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology, 1986), 416, No. 196. 283

writing that includes notes of varying length which treats syllables in different ways from other plainsong.

Gioseffo Zarlino, writing two decades later, observes a similar difficulty in describing the canto fratto notation of the Cardinalis. In a section with a title similar to that of Lanfranco’s, he refers to the Cardinalis:

Il modo, che si hà da tenere, nel porro le The manner to be followed in placing the Figure cantabile sotto le Parole. musical figures under the words

La Prima Regola adunque sarà, di porre The first rule, then, will be always to sempre sotto la sillaba longa, o breve una place under a long or a short syllable a figura conveniente, di maniera, che non si corresponding figure so that no odi alcuno, Barbarismo: percioche nel barbarism will be heard; for in figurated Canto figurato ogni figura cantabile, che music each musical figure which is sia destinta, e non legata (da la Seminima separated not in ligature [except] the et tutte quelle che sono di lei minori in semiminim and all those that are smaller fuori) porta seco la sua sillaba; il che si than the semiminim carries with itself its osserva etiandio nel Canto fermo: own syllable. This rule is observed in essendo che in ogni figura quadrata si plainsong, too: for every square note has accomoda la sua sillaba; eccettuando its own syllable adapted to it, except alcune volte le mezzane, che si mandano sometimes the medial notes that are come le Minime; et anche come le performed as minims and also as Semiminime; come si comprende in molte semiminims, as may be discerned in cantilena, et massimamente nel Credo in many pieces, especially in that Credo in unum Deum, il quale chiamano unum Deum they call the “Credo Cardinalesco. Cardinale [or, Cardinalesco].”79

79 Zarlino, Le istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1573), 421–22(IV.33). Translation from Vered Cohen, “Zarlino on Modes: An Annotated, Indexed Translation, with Introduction and Commentary, of Part IV of Le Istitutioni harmoniche,” (PhD. Dissertation, City University of New York, 1977), 214, and in Harrán, 416. 284

Zarlino is facing a problem similar to that of Lanfranco: if the rule of text placement is to be followed in plainsong, how does the strange situation of the Credo Cardinalis fit in?

The cadence of the Cardinalis, as observed in Figure 46, is usually notated as having a melisma over multiple semiminims, clearly breaking the rule set forth by Lanfranco and

Zarlino that every differentiated note aligns with one syllable.

These multiple manuscript, print, and theoretical references to the Credo

Cardinalis show that it did have a title well-established as early as the late fifteenth century, though that title seems to apply most commonly when it is being treated as a special case. Gaffurius and the 1505 Petrucci print are the earliest confirmed references giving the title “Cardinalis” to this Credo. It is possible that the manuscripts Kraków

Biblioteka Cz. 2827 (dated to 1480) and Bologna San Petronio V (15th century) are earlier than the printed references, but it is most likely that those examples are later additions to those manuscripts. In any event, the usage of “Cardinalis” is not reflected in the actual chant manuscripts until the 17th century besides those two exceptions. When they name a Credo chant, the earliest chant manuscripts tend to focus on the liturgical use of the Credo, an observation which also reflects the association of the newly-composed

Credos with the plainchant ordinary mass “cycles” in manuscripts.

6.4.1.1 The origins of the title Cardinalis

It is not clear what “Cardinalis” means, and why that title was so broadly applied to this Credo chant by theorists and Petrucci, among others. I assemble four

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possible origins here. 1) and 2) are digests of secondary research; 3) and 4) are my own interventions.

1. Michel Huglo states that the title “Cardinalis” means that it is sung “for cardinal or principal feasts.”80 Describing the 14th- or 15th-century missal Clermont 73, he notes a Credo in two voices written in two columns, each column presenting one voice

(tenor and bassus, according to Huglo). Huglo considers this manuscript one of the “first monuments of French polyphony,” and also erroneously claims it is the earliest source for Credo Cardinalis, although the dating of Clermont 73 is not secure.81 In any event,

Huglo does not offer a citation for the statement.

2. Marco Gozzi argues that the title implies it was written by a cardinal in the

Roman curia, perhaps at Avignon; its title is a description of the composer, much like the Credo Regis applies because it was composed by King Robert of Anjou.82 He references Huglo’s claim, but dismisses it as not convincing.

3. I present here a unique intervention into the search My first contribution to this search for the origin of the title “Cardinalis” starts with etymology. I suggest that

80 Michel Huglo, “Les débuts de la polyphonie en Auvergne,” Bulletin Historique et Scientifique de l’Auvergne 77 (1957):100–104, at 101. 81 Gozzi gives the date as 15th century in “I prototipi del canto fratto: Credo regis e Credo Cardinalis,” in Cantus fractus italiano: un’antologia, ed. Marco Gozzi (Hildesheim: Olms, 2012), 137-154, at 143, Tavola 5. Gozzi refers to the manuscript Padova A20 as the earliest witness (14th century) of the Cardinalis in Gozzi, “Liturgia e musica mensurale nel Trecento Italiano: i canti dell’ordinarium,” in Kontinuität und Transformation in der italienischen Vokalmusik zwischen Due-und Guattrocento, ed. Sandra Dieckmann, Oliver Huck, Signe Rotter-Broman und Alba Scotti (Hildesheim: Olms, 2007), 53-99, at 91, Tavola 4. 82 Marco Gozzi, “Alle origini del canto fratto: il ‘Credo Cardinalis,’” Musica e storia 14 (2006): 245-302, at 245. 286

the root cardo, meaning “hinge” or “axis,” is the sense preserved in other musical writings that use the term “cardinalis”—rather than its later sense as “chief” or

“principal.”

In a 1976 paper, Charles W. Warren highlights a passage in Anonymus XII (14th or 15th c.) referring to the fermata as a “corona” or a “cardinalis.”83 The theorist calls the fermata a ‘signum concordantionis,’ and a cardinalis, which, according to Warren,

“implies that something was happening under the sign that required a special sign of concordance.”84 Anonymus XII is not the only theorist to refer to this sign; Anonymus X, writing in the late 14th century, also refers to signs called cardinales:

Item sciendum quod plures reperiuntur Again, it should be noted that that many, longe coronas in capitibus suis deferentes, by far, will be found to be wearing crowns on their heads, like this: ut sic: que cardinales a musicis nuncupantur. which are called cardinales by musicians. Denotatur autem per easdem notulas in But it is marked by means of the same eis fieri pausam modicam concentus et notes in them to be a moderate pause of protractionem spiraminis absque plena singing and a protraction of breath notularum prolatione.85 without full prolation of notes.

83 Amnon Shiloah and Egert Pöhlmann give the date of the treatises Tractatus de musica and Compendium cantus figurati as second-half of the 14th century (“Anonymi, Einzelhinweise auf anonyme musiktheoretische Schriften, Lateinische und volkssprachige Texte aus Mittelalter und Renaissance bis um 1500”, in MGG2, ed. Laurenz Lütteken, online edition 2016). C. Matthew Balensuela gives a 15th-century date for the same treatises in Grove Music Online, “Anonymous Theoretical Writings” (updated January 29, 2019). 84 Charles W. Warren, “Punctus Organi and Cantus Coronatus in the Music of Dufay,” in Papers Read at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, ed. Allan W. Atlas (Brooklyn: Dept of Music, School of Performing Arts, Brooklyn College of the City University of New York, 1976), 128–141, at 132. 85 Anonymous X, De minimis notulis, in Thesaurus Musicarum Latinarum, https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANO10DEM

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And from Anonymus XII

Nono, aliquod signum dicitur signum Ninth, a particular sign is called “sign of concordationis quod alio nomine concord,” which by another name is dicitur cardinalis quia formatur ad called cardinalis because it is formed in modum pilei cardinalis, ut hic: U86 the way of a cardinal’s cap, like this: U

Other contemporary theoretical descriptions show a similar meaning in the sense of a long note. An anonymous treatise from around 1400, “De musica mensurata,” describes the cardinalis as a note shape similar to other note shapes with values, like the breve, long, maxima, semibreve, etc.87 The author clearly states, “Cardinalis est ut finalis brevis.” (“The cardinalis is as a final breve.”).

Several other theoretical tracts from the 14th through 16th centuries confirm this meaning of cardinalis as a note shape or as an appendage to a note which changes its value. A treatise in the manuscript A-Salzburg Erzabtei St. Peter, Bibliothek, Ms. b II 42, f. 334r-338v, gives an illustration detailing note shapes at its conclusion.

86 Anonymous. Tractatus cantus figurati, in Thesaurus Musicarum Latinarum, https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANO12TCF 87 Anonymous, [De musica mensurata], https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANOBRI 288

Figure 48: Notational Signs from Anonymous, [Regulae contrapuncti]; image from TML

The “signum cardinalis” fits in, in this case, among the other note shapes in ascending time value. Another 15th-century Salzburg manuscript (Salzburg, St Peter’s

Abbey, a.VI.44, f.68v–75r) gives a similar definition of cardinalis in comparison to other note shapes.

Aliquod est signum prolacionis mayoris Another is the signum prolacionis maioris, et est punctus positus in medio circuli vel and it is a dot placed in the middle of a semicirculi vt hic… Dicitur notanter circle or semicircle like this... Notably, it positus in medio circuli et cetera quia is called “placed in the middle of a circle” positus per se cum adiunccione ad and so forth because it is placed by itself; aliquam notam erit signum perfectionis in combination with another note it will vel inperfectionis Aliquod est signum be a signum perfectionis or imperfectionis. reincepcionis et formatur sic… . Another is the signum reincepionis and is formed thus... Sub quo cantus in suo corpore progrediens principium repetit Aliquod Under which the singing, progressing in est signum [et supra lin.] dicitur its own body, repeats the beginning. Cardinalis [signum]. Sub quo omnes Another is the sign [also above the line] voces scilicet discantus Tenor et reliqua called the cardinalis [signum]. Under 289

longo accentu dulci sonans fundunt which all voices—namely the the descant consonancias.88 tenor and the rest—resounding with a long, sweet accent, pour out harmonies.

This description appears to resemble that of the others, referring to the cardinalis sign, among the signs of prolation, as one in which the other voices sing under a held note.

The 15th-century anonymous Modus cantandi in mensurabilis offers this description under the heading “De valoribus notarum”:

Et est sciendum quod cardinalis semper And it must be known that the cardinalis illud representat quod prius always represents that which was representabat sine signo illo supraposito, previously represented without that sign sed solum differt in hoc quod debet placed above, but only differs in this: cantari sub uno motu que forte prius previously there was distinguished that distinguabatur. Et sic habetur de which ought to be sung under one motion valoribus notarum.89 and volume. And so it is held concerning the values of notes.

These various theoreticians witness that the cardinalis is usually considered a

“sign,” but there does not appear to be agreement among them. Anonymus X and XII refer to it as a sign which caps a note, signaling some change in rhythm. The first

Salzburg manuscript lists it among a table of note values after fusae, and the second includes it in a discussion of mensuration signs. While many of these treatises refer to note shapes and crowned notes, none of the extant monophonic or two-voice versions of

88 Ibid. 89 Anonymous, Modus cantandi in mensuralibus, https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANOMOD 290

the Credo Cardinalis appear to preserve any unique note shapes or fermatas. Indeed, the notation for this Credo is remarkably consistent from manuscripts from different centuries, although Marco Gozzi has demonstrated that the rhythmic notation of the cadence gesture has changed.90

I suggest that the title Cardinalis, appearing for the first time in the late-15th or early 16th-century, is a reference to the two-voice origin of this Credo. Indeed, the common aspect of the theoretical excerpts is a reference to the practice of held notes and allude to other voices singing under a held note. It is possible that, by the time theorists and manuscript in the 1480s were referring to the Credo Cardinalis—and as polyphonic composers were composing polyphonic settings of this Credo—the somewhat obscure reference to cardinalis as a sign aligning multiple voices became associated with this

Credo which may have been performed in simple polyphony.91

4. Another explanation—though an unlikely one—derives from the name Biagio

Rosetti uses when discussing this Credo in his Libellus de Rudimentis Musices (1529)—

"symbolo Cardineo vel Patriarchino.” While the title “Patriarchino” does not appear in any of the manuscripts I have looked at, it is possible that there is a relation between early instances of this Credo melody and the Aquileian rite, also called “Patriarchino.”

90 Gozzi, “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto,” 276. 91 Gozzi provides images of several early two-voiced witnesses for Cardinalis in “Alle Origini del Canto Fratto,” and on the Progetto Raphael website, www.cantusfractus.org. 291

The bishop of Aquileia was called a patriarch as early as the 6th century, and the existence of a unique rite within that patriarchate is documented in the 7th.92 Two early sources of Credo Cardinalis are manuscripts of the Patriarchino rite from Cividale

(Cividale 58 and Cividale 79), and several of the Patriarchino manuscripts are among the oldest with any other Credo melodies. These old Patriarchino manuscripts include

Cividale 35bis, Cividale 56, Cividale 58, Cividale 79, Gorizia H, Udine 10, Udine 27, and

Rome Bib. Angelica 1424. Discounting the possible link between the Patriarchino rite and the Credo Cardinalis is that, among these Patriarchino musical manuscripts, the

Credo Regis is a more popular melody. One of these manuscripts, Gorizia H, has even inserted the Credo Regis in a different hand from the rest of the manuscript, and it is the only piece in that manuscript in that hand. Still, the possibility that there is a link between the ancient Aquileian rite is tantalizing but would require further investigation of the oldest manuscripts.

The title cardinalis can thus reveal several different ways into understanding the genesis and early interpretation of this Credo melody. The interpretations proposed by

Huglo and Gozzi are certainly possible—by the 15th century this melody was considered the primary melodic option for major feasts (maioribus duplicibus, as is indicated in

92 See Maria Incoronata Colantuono, “Liturgia aquileiese e rito patriarchino in alcuni libri liturgico-musicali di Cividale del Friuli,” I quaderni del m. æ. s.-Journal of Mediæ Ætatis Sodalicium 2.1(1999): 7-21; and Raffaella Camilot–Oswald, “Aquileia,” Grove Music Online.

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several musical manuscripts), and composition by a major ecclesiastic is conceivable. Yet the etymologic background of cardinalis reveals a deeper understanding of how that word could be applied to a musical composition. The primary usage of cardinalis in music-theoretical texts from the period testifies to the note-shape concerns I mentioned above, although there are other mentions by theorists writing about ecclesial cardinals.

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7. Conclusion

Sicardo of Cremona, writing in the 1180s and ‘90s, states the following in his mass commentary, Mitrale:

Symbolo cantata, ante et dum cantatur, When the Symbol [i.e., the Creed] has alicubi cantat populus Kyrie eleison ; been sung, before and while it is sung, in quoniam postquam christus et apostoli some places the people sing Kyrie eleison; popoulum docuerunt, fide recepta, laudes since after Christ and the apostles taught Deo dederunt, quas forsitan repraesentat the people, after the faith was received, Symboli melodia suavissima ; vel potius they gave praises to God; the praises ne objiciatur : Cantavimus et non which, perhaps, the sweetest melody of saltastis, auditor evangelii alacri mente et the Symbol represents; or rather, lest it be jucunda et saltabili voce ostendit quam objected: We sang and you did not dance bene evangelicam doctrinam retinuit.1 [Luke 7:32], the hearer of the gospel, with eager mind and pleasant and leaping voice, showed how well he retained the gospel teaching.

Sicardo’s statement witnesses to a regional practice of the Credo being sung by the clergy and followed by a Kyrie eleison sung by the laypeople. The assumption here is that the laypeople could not sing the Credo along with the clergy and opted for the shorter endorsement of the Credo’s contents by singing Kyrie eleison.2

As partly explored in Chapters Five and Six, the medieval liturgy featured a variety of devotional practices, postures, prayers, and even dances in which the laity participated. It is difficult to discern, however, whether the laity actually sang the Credo

1 PL 213:113d. My translation 2 This interpretation of Sicardo’s statement is offered by Augustine Thompson in Cities of God, 251. 294

during mass. There is no evidence in the high medieval period explicitly stating that they did, and there are statements like Sicardo’s intimating that they did not. The voices we do have on this subject matter are telling in their silence, and we can conclude that lay singing of the Credo was rare.

Moving forward several centuries, another document from the Italy in the 15th century portrays a very different picture of lay participation. Giuseppina de Sandre

Gasparini brings attention to a legal document detailing the complaints of church authorities against a lay confraternity using a diocesan church in the Veneto. Among their complaints, the church authorities write:

[Inoltre celebra quando vuole anche “in [Further, he celebrates when he also cantu” e i confratelli—si baldi—] “qui wants “in cantu” and the confraternity sunt artifices et meri seculars secum members—mind you—] who are cantant et celebrant et ministrant divina, craftsmen and mere laymen sing with silicet inponendo missalem, pacem, him and celebrate and attend to the holy accendeno cereos, in dando tus et dando things, namely by setting up the missal aquam ad purificationem presbitero, in and the pax, by lighting candles, in parando altaria, in adiuvando dicere offering incense and in offering water for Kirieleison Christeleison etc., Spiritu tuo, the purification of the priest, in preparing Sanctus Sanctus, Credo in Deum Patrem, the altars, in helping to say Kirieleison Epistolas, Agnus Dei qui tolis pecata Christeleison etc., Spiritu tuo, Sanctus mundi.”3 Sanctus, Credo in Deum Patrem, the epistles, Agnus Dei qui tolis pecata mundi.

3 Giuseppina de Sandre Gasparini, “Confraternité e ‘cura animarum’ nei primi decenni del Quattrocento. I disciplinati e la parrocchia di S. Vitale in Verona,” in Pievi, Parrochie e Clero nel Veneto dal X al XV Secolo, ed. Paolo Sambin (Venezia: Deputazione ed., 1987), 289–360, at 310. 295

In this document, the “mere laymen” are even assisting the priest in his chanting (dicere) of the Creed and other mass chants.4 They appear to be stepping beyond their duties as laymen and infracting on the role of the priest.

These two documents are separated by several miles and hundreds of years, written for different occasions and for different audiences. Yet they hint at the involvement of some laity in the mass, particularly in reference to the chanting of the

Creed. The congregation of Sicardo’s time sang “Kyrie Eleison” because they either did not know how or were not allowed to sing the Creed with the clergy. The lay confraternity members of the 15th-century legal dispute know the Creed well enough to sing along with the clergy.

While it is not clear that those lay confraternity members were singing canto fratto

Credos, the proliferation of Credos composed in that style complements the possibility that laypeople were singing along. Throughout this dissertation I have demonstrated that the musical changes of the Credo in the late medieval period were part of a broader cultural use of the Credo catechetically, devotionally, and liturgically. The possibility is likely that these new Credo chants also enabled greater congregational participation in the singing of the liturgy.

4 Interestingly, this document cites “Credo in Deum Patrem,” the beginning of the shorter Apostles’ Creed, rather than the longer Nicene Creed’s “Credo in Unum Deum.” The shorter Creed was not called for in Mass, so it is unclear if the authorities laying this charge were actually referring to a different liturgical creed, using a shorthand reference to the mass creed, or merely confused. 296

Lay participation in the mass has not been the focus of this dissertation.5 Yet we can observe that a shift in mass music and participation occurred between the 12th and

15th centuries as shown in these documents. The most obvious sign of this shift was the emergence of a new way of singing the Credo, particularly in the canto fratto style. These

Credos spread quickly throughout churches of Europe, and their popularity endured for centuries. As mentioned above in the Introduction, many Italian churches reorganized, expanded, or rewrote their choir books in the 15th and 16th centuries, in several cases expanding them to include representatives of the canto fratto Credos. These markers of expansion are evident in many 15th-century manuscripts which feature sections of newly added Credos, as mentioned in Chapter Six. Marco Gozzi writes, “It must be stressed that these books were used, in the majority of cases, for more than four centuries. … In many cases during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, new choir books were copied containing offices and masses of recently canonized saints, and kyriales, almost always containing masses in cantus fractus.”6 Although the canto fratto style today is rarely given more attention than as a curiosity of medieval chant books, it held a foothold in European church singing for centuries.

5 Much of the musicological research on lay participation in liturgy has focused on confraternities and genres like the lauda. See Reinhard Strohm, "Sacred Song in the Fifteenth Century: Cantio, Carol, Lauda, Kirchenlied,” in The Cambridge History of Fifteenth-Century Music, ed. Anna Maria Busse Berger and Jesse Rodin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 755-70. Eamon Duffy’s The Stripping of the Altars and Augustine Thompson’s Cities of God also highlight lay participation (though not musically) in liturgy in the medieval period in England and Italy, respectively. 6 Marco Gozzi, “Italy to 1300,” 128. 297

My aim in the preceding chapters has been to give a thick description of late medieval culture regarding the Credo. The musical text and its various phenomena has been my touchpoint throughout, but ultimately the musical Credo emerges as one aspect of a richly textured medieval phenomenon.

In the second chapter, I detailed the rise of the Credo as a text and as a liturgical entity, tracing its genesis as a baptismal formula to the official composition of the Nicene

Creed in the 4th century to its introduction into the Eucharist liturgy in the 6th. It is not germane to the eucharistic liturgy, and the text itself is the result of an imperially- sponsored attempt to reconcile competing theological factions. For over 1,000 years, however, it has been part of the eucharistic liturgy in both the Eastern and Western churches, and it remains one of the most personal liturgical moments. The composition of the text of the Creed, while solving some problems within Constantine’s empire, laid the foundation for further division, most notably in the Chalcedonian controversies of the 5th century (the division of that controversy enduring to the present day in the churches of Armenia, Egypt, and Ethiopia, among others) and the schism of the Eastern

Orthodox church from the Roman Catholic church, traditionally dated to 1054.7 From a relatively early period the text was fixed in both Greek (5th century) and Latin (8th

7 While 1054 was the year of the formal mutual excommunications of the bishops of Rome and Constantinople, recent historians have added nuance to the history of separation, affirming that the division only became formal in the 13th century. See Andrew Louth, Greek East and Latin West: The Church, AD 681– 1071 (Crestwood: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2007), 316. 298

century), but because of its didactic nature and prolixity it was regarded differently than other liturgical texts. To this day in the Roman Catholic Church the Creed is not called for at every liturgy of the mass.

In the third chapter I examined the musical data for the earliest Credo plainchants and introduced and surveyed the most popular of the canto fratto Credos.

Credo I is the most prominent of the plainchant Credos, though I discussed the musical evidence that it is probably not the earliest. Credos I, II, V, and VI all bear similarities to each other, and it seems possible that VI is the earliest. Nevertheless, Credo I is both the most popular and the most musically developed of the plainchant Credos and served as the focus of my musical analysis. As a musical composition it bears similarities to psalm- tone and tract composition, especially by means of its repeating phrases and recitation pitches, but it does not fit neatly into either category. The canto fratto Credos, several of which I have transcribed in Appendix C: Transcriptions of Canto Fratto Credos, are all markedly different in melodic organization from the plainchant Credos. Unlike the plainchant Credos they are mostly through-composed, reusing musical motifs but not whole phrases. Their rhythmic profile, however, stands out as the defining feature.

Moving forward from the liturgical and chant history of Chapters Two and

Three, Chapters Four through Six comprise a unit analyzing the credo through the lens of three facets of late medieval religious life—catechesis, devotion, and liturgy. While these categories are not grouped together by modern scholars, they emerged from my

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readings of historians of late medieval culture. Those three categories comprise the foundation of late medieval religious life; nearly every feature of medieval religious life emerges from them. Catechism is the teaching and learning of the faith and includes the impulse to learn Catholic doctrine integrally. Devotion includes all popular forms of religious expression, from pilgrimage to the rosary to paraliturgical devotional songs.

Liturgy defines the public rituals of the Catholic Church, felt particularly in its cyclical calendar. Every day, week, and year followed a similar cycle of feasts, fasts, celebrations, and commemorations.

The Credo is unique in that it straddles all three of these aspects. It is at once an object of catechism, as well as the primary means of catechism. That is, learning the

Credo became the means by which Catholic faithful learned the faith. Perhaps because of this exalted catechetical status, it quickly assumed a position as an object of devotion.

This is readily apparent in artwork depicting the Credo beginning in the high medieval period. As a liturgical component, the Credo assumed an expanded role in the wake of these renewed emphases from catechesis and devotion, flowering into an object of art, music, and liturgical order.

There is certainly common ground between these categories for overlap and confusion. Catechism, for example, frequently occurred within the context of the sacramental worship, particularly in homilies, but also in the rite of confession.

Medieval devotional attitudes tended to spill into every facet of life. Society was largely

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oriented toward the church and its cycles, but in the 12th and 13th centuries this devotion took on a new fervor with the rise of lay religious movements, usually called conversi and penitenti. These lay ascetics had parallels in other devotional practices like pilgrimage and confraternity membership, and they organized their lifestyles around the teaching of the faith and the liturgical cycles of feasts and fasts of the church. The

Vita of these lay saints (many of whom were suppressed by the church after the rise of the mendicant orders in the 13th century) frequently portray them as church members of proper doctrine, particularly to contrast them with heretical sects common in Italy and southern France at the time.8 Liturgical actions frequently became devotional. Augustine

Thompson refers to a “sacramental devotional” practice of St Nicolai Tolentinatis, who never imposed penances in confession, but reassured the sinner that his act of humility in confession was enough.9

Yet for all of the crossover of these three categories, they usually define distinct realms of activity that are associated with dedicated forms crafted according to their expectations. Catechism broadly treats those topics concerned with knowledge of the faith, with its end a proper understanding of Catholic teaching. Catechism can be found in liturgical and devotional settings but is primarily the teaching that occurs within those settings. Devotion is perhaps the broadest category, not bound in the strict order

8 See Augustine Thompson, Cities of God, Chapter Two, “From Conversion to Community.” 9 Thompson, Cities of God, 286. 301

of medieval liturgy, nor associated with the unmediated experience of God held by mystics. Rather, devotional religion is the individual’s response to God. Liturgy is perhaps the most easily demarcated, as the borders of the liturgical life of medieval

Christianity were rigorously defined, though not without a number of regional and local differences.

In Chapter Four I detailed the importance of catechesis both as a goal and as an activity. Because of statements laid out by theologians in the 12th century, the Credo emerged as the defining aspect of Christian catechesis. The Credo became both the means and the object of catechesis. The insistence of 12th century theologians on understanding of faith led to pronouncements from church authorities in the 13th century to teach the faith by means of the Creed. The success of that project is evident in literary sources, from Dante and Chaucer to 16th century literacy guides. I attempted to draw a connection between the catechetical nature of the Creed text and the possible catechetical nature of the Credo Cardinalis music by examining the musical structure of

Cardinalis.

In Chapter Five I demonstrated the pervasive nature of credo devotion. This devotion grew out of the catechetical emphasis explored in Chapter Four. One significant area of credo devotion was the use of the credo in artwork. These works of art, such as paintings, frescoes, tapestries, and woodcuts all featured devotional scenes from the Credo for the purpose of personal meditation and prayer. Musically, I

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connected these devotional aspects to musical moments which highlight devotional aspects of the Creed and offer space for contemplation for the listeners and the musicians. In polyphonic works of music, these devotional moments included sections of homophony on important texts of the credo. In monophonic music, these devotional movements included fermatas, repeated text, and coloration of words and music.

The final chapter explored the liturgical uses of the credo and how its status changed over the late medieval period. I examined texts from medieval liturgical commentators who all wrote about the peculiar aspects of the Creed. Most importantly, however, I highlighted the changing status of the musical Creed, set in relief against the liturgical changes effected by Dominican and Franciscan reforms in the 13th century. The mendicant liturgical changes solidified the association of non-Credo mass ordinary movements with different ranks of feasts. This impulse of mass ordinary association, which initially excluded the credo, was later extended to the new Credo compositions which appeared in the 14th century and flourished in the 15th. These new Credo rubrics led to named Credos, and I concluded that chapter with an exploration of the name of one of the most prominent credos, the Credo Cardinalis.

In closing, I wish to outline a few areas for future research. Most notably, we still lack a full and revised catalog of Credos. Miazga's 1976 catalog is a commendable starting point, but he was limited to the sources and microfilm at his disposal. Recent library and archival research in Italy, notably by Giacomo Baroffio and Marco Gozzi,

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have revealed dozens of new Credo discoveries. Discoveries of canto fratto music in general, and Credos in particular, are also flourishing in Eastern European countries, especially Silesian Poland and Bohemian Czech and Slovakia. A number of scholars from those regions hope to collaborate and produce a fully online Credo catalog, linked to the cantus database.10 Such a project would greatly help in establishing a chronology of cantus fractus Credos, give an idea of how widespread the phenomenon was, and help to ascertain the stability or instability of various credo chants.

Furthermore, although this dissertation has focused primarily on monophonic chants, there remains much work to be done with polyphonic Credos. The possibility of overlap between the canto fratto Credos and the polyphonic treatments of Credos by later 15th-century composers remains tantalizing. We have a few clues in the rhythmic treatment of Credo I as a cantus firmus and in the polyphonic settings of Credo

Cardinalis, but it is possible that the composers of those Credo movements were influenced by the canto fratto Credos they were likely singing or hearing in worship services. To a large degree, musicologists are only now discovering what the day-to-day situation was for church musicians in late-medieval Europe. Researching the Credo in

10 This project was discussed at the conference “Rhythm in Music and the Arts in the Late Middle Ages,” organized by the Masaryk Institute and Archive of the Czech Academy of Sciences in collaboration with the Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague. It was part of the project “Old Myths, New Facts: Czech Music in Centre of 15th-Century Music Developments.” More information is available at the project website, http://www.smnf.cz/en/. 304

monophonic and polyphonic music, as well as in its cultural importance, helps to elucidate one important and pervasive aspect of their liturgical and musical lives.

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Appendix A: Ancient Creeds

Alcuin’s adversus Felicianus creed

Credimus et in Iesum Christum Filium Dei unigenitum, natum ex patre ante omnia saecula. Lumen de lumine, deum verum de Deo vero. Natum non factum, consubstantialem Patri, per quem omnia facta sunt. Qui propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem descendit de caelo. Et incarnatus est de Spiritu sancto et Maria vigine et homo natus est. Crucifixus autem pro nobis sub Pontio Pilato, passus et sepultus. Et resurrexit tertia die et ascendit in caelum et sedet ad dexteram patris. Et iterum venturus est cum Gloria iudicare vivos et mortuos, cuius regni non erit finis.

Comparison of the texts of ancient Creeds

Modern Vatican Paulinus of Greek Stowe Missal Edition Aquila MGH - acts of the council of Early 8th century Friuli; late 8th century Πιστεύω εἰς ἕνα Credo in unum Credo in unum Credo in unum 1 Θεόν Deum deum Deum Πατέρα, Patrem patrem patrem 2 Παντοκράτορα omnipotentem omnipotentem omnipotentem, ποιητὴν οὐρανοῦ factorem caeli et factorem caeli et factorem caeli et 3 καὶ γῆς, terrae terrae terrae, visibilium uissiuilium visibilium ὁρατῶν τε πάντων 4 omnium et omnium (et) omnium et καὶ ἀοράτων. invisibilium uisiuilium invisibilium. et in unum Et in unum Et in unum Καὶ εἰς ἕνα Κύριον dominum 5 dominum Iesum dominum Iesum Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν nostrum iesum Christum Christum, christum τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ Filium Dei filium dei filium dei 6 τὸν µονογενῆ, Unigenitum unigenitum unigenitum,

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τὸν ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς Et ex patre natum ex patre (et) ex patre γεννηθέντα πρὸ 7 natum ante ante omnia natum ante πάντων τῶν omnia saecula saecula omnia saecula, αἰώνων· φῶς ἐκ φωτός, Deum de deo, Deum de deo, (deum de deo) 8 Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ lumen de lumen de lumine lumen de lumine Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ, lumine, Deum verum de deum uerum de deum verum de 9 deo vero deo uero deo vero, γεννηθέντα οὐ Genitum, non natum non genitum, non ποιηθέντα, factum, factum factum, 10 ὁµοούσιον τῷ consubstantiale consubstancialem consubstantiale Πατρί, m Patri patri m patri, δι᾽ οὗ τὰ πάντα Per quem omnia per quem omnia per quem omnia 11 ἐγένετο. facta sunt facta sunt facta sunt, Τὸν δι' ἡµᾶς τοὺς Qui propter nos qui propter nos qui propter nos ἀνθρώπους καὶ διὰ homines et homines et homines et 12 τὴν ἡµετέραν propter nostram propter nostram propter nostram σωτηρίαν salutem salutem salutem κατελθόντα ἐκ τῶν Descendit de descendit de 13 οὐρανῶν καὶ discendit de caelo caelis caelis σαρκωθέντα ἐκ Πνεύµατος Et incarnatus est et incarnatus est et incarnatus est 14 Ἁγίου de Spiritu Sancto de spiritu sancto de Spiritu sancto καὶ Μαρίας τῆς Ex Maria et Maria virgine et maria uirgine 15 Παρθένου καὶ Virgine, et homo et homo factus et homo natus est ἐνανθρωπήσαντα. factus est est. Σταυρωθέντα τε Crucifixus etiam crugifixus autem crucifixus aetiam 16 ὑπὲρ ἡµῶν ἐπὶ pro nobis sub pro nobis sub pro nobis sub Ποντίου Πιλάτου, Pontio Pilato pontio pilato Pontio Pilato, καὶ παθόντα καὶ Passus, et passus et Passus et 17 ταφέντα. sepultus est, sepultus(est) sepultus est Et resurrexit et resurrexit Καὶ ἀναστάντα τῇ et resurrexit tertia tertia die, tertia die 18 τρίτῃ ἡµέρᾳ κατὰ die secundum secundum secundum τὰς Γραφάς. scripturas Scripturas scripturas. Καὶ ἀνελθόντα εἰς et ascendit in Et ascendit in (et) Ascendit in τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ caelos et sedit 19 caelum, sedet ad caelum, sedet ad καθεζόµενον ἐκ a[d] dextram dei dexteram Patris. dexteram patris δεξιῶν τοῦ Πατρός. patris 307

Καὶ πάλιν Et iterum et iterum et iterum 20 ἐρχόµενον µετὰ venturus est cum uenturus (est) venturus est cum δόξης gloria, cum gloria gloria κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ Iudicare vivos et iudicare uiuos et iudicare vivos et 21 νεκρούς, mortuos mortuos mortuos οὗ τῆς βασιλείας Cuius regni non cuius regni non cuius regni non 22 οὐκ ἔσται τέλος. erit finis. erit finis erit finis. Et in Spiritum et in spiritum Et in Spiritum Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦµα Sanctum, sanctum sanctum, 23 τὸ Ἅγιον, τὸ κύριον, Dominum et dominum et dominum et τὸ ζῳοποιόν, vivificantem: uiuifactorem vivificantem, Qui ex Patre (qui) ex patre τὸ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς qui ex patre 24 Filioque (filioque) ἐκπορευόµενον, filioque procedit procedit. procedentem τὸ σὺν Πατρὶ καὶ (qui) cum patre et Qui cum Patre et qui cum patre et Υἱῷ filio Filio simul filio simul 25 συµπροσκυνούµενο coadorandum et adoratur et adoratur et ν καὶ conglorificandu conglorificatur: conglorificatur, συνδοξαζόµενον, m τὸ λαλῆσαν διὰ τῶν Qui locutus est qui loqutus est qui locutus est 26 προφητῶν. per prophetas per profetas per prophetas. Et unam, Et in unam Εἰς µίαν, Ἁγίαν, et unam sanctam sanctam, sanctam Καθολικὴν καὶ aeclesiam 27 catholicam et catholicam et Ἀποστολικὴν catholicam et apostolicam apostolicam Ἐκκλησίαν. apostolicam Ecclesiam. ecclesiam. Confiteor unum confeteor unum Confiteor unum Ὁµολογῶ ἓν baptisma in babtismum in baptisma in 28 βάπτισµα εἰς remissionem remisionem remissionem ἄφεσιν ἁµαρτιῶν. peccatorum. peccatorum peccatorum Et expecto spero et expecto Προσδοκῶ 29 resurrectionem resurrextionem resurrectionem ἀνάστασιν νεκρῶν. mortuorum, mortuorum mortuorum Καὶ ζωὴν τοῦ Et vitam venturi et uitam futuri et vitam futuri 30 µέλλοντος αἰῶνος. saeculi. Amen. saeculi. Amen. saeculi. Amen. Ἀµήν.

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Appendix B: Reproductions of Early Plainchant Credos

Figure 49: Credo from the Bamberg Codex11

11 Facsimile from Die Handschrift Bamberg: Staatsbibliothek Lit. 6 (Münsterschwarzach: Internationale Gesellschaft für Studien des Gregorianischen Chorals, [1984]), 95v. 309

310

311

312

Figure 50: Credo from Berlin Staatsbibliothek cod. Theo. Lat. 40

313

314

Figure 51: The Greek Creed of Cologne, Stadtarchiv W. 105, from Huglo, “Origine de la mélodie.”

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Appendix C: Transcriptions of Canto Fratto Credos

This appendix present transcriptions of canto fratto Credos, most of which have remained unedited until now. These editions are based on the manuscripts indicated in the subtitle. I chose the manuscripts for clarity of presentation, text underlay, and legibility. A full critical edition would require the comparison of available sources.

The transcription principles follow those of Marco Gozzi in his various publications, especially on the Project RAPHAEL website (cantusfractus.org) and in the anthology Cantus fractus italiano.12 Generally, breves are transcribed as whole notes, semibreves as half-notes, minims as quarter notes.13 Bar lines are used for ease of reading. Double barlines and tick marks are used when they are in the source. Ligatures are read according to standard principles, and marked with a bracket. The text underlay follows as closely as possible the source text underlay and spelling. Key signatures reflect a staff flat in the source.

12 Cantus fractus italiano: un’antologia, ed. Marco Gozzi. Hildesheim: Olms, 2012. This collection of essays contains 128 cantus fractus pieces in transcription, including 13 Credos (several of them different versions of 2-voiced Credos). 13 In Credo M32 and M194 (both from Arezzo E) the values are halved in transcription: breves (which have tails in that source, making them look like longs) are transcribed as half notes, and semibreves as quarters. M450, in major prolation (three minims per semibreve), is transcribed with the perfect semibreve equal to the dotted quarter. 316

Credo I Mensural version from Vienna NB 15501, 57r

&b w w ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ Pa - trem om - ni - po-ten - tem fac - to - rem ce - li et 8 b w & ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ˙ œ œ ter - re vi - si - bi - li - um om-ni - um ˙ et in vi - si - 15

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ w bi - li - um. Et in u - num do-mi- num Ieœ-sumChris-tum ﬁ - 22

&b w œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ w - li-um de - i u - ni-gen - i - tum. Et ex pa - tre na - an - 29

&b w ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ - te om - ni - a se - cu - la. De - um de De - o lu - 36

&b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ men de lu-mine De˙ - um ve - rum de de - o 43 b & œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w vero. Ge-ni-tum non fac - tum con-sub-stan-ti - a - lem pa - tri per 49

&b w ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ quem om - ni - a fac - ta sunt. Qui prop - ter nos ho-mi-nes 57

&b ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ et prop-ter nos - tram sa - lu - tem de - scen - dit de ce - lis. Et

317

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w w ˙ œ œ œ œ in-car-na-tus est de spi - ri - tu sanc - to. Ex Ma - ri - a Vir - 70

&b œ œ ˙ w w ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ - gi - ne et ho - mo fa - ctus est. Cru - ci - ﬁ - 77

&b ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w w ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ xus e - ti - am proœ no - bis sub Pon - ti - o Pi - la - to 86

&b w w ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ pas - sus et se - pul - tus est. Et re - sur - rex - it 94

&b ˙ œ ˙ ˙ w w œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w ter - ti - œa di - e se - det ad dex - te - ram pa - tris. 102

&b œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ w w œ ˙ ˙ w et it - er - um ven-tu-rus est cum glo-ri - a iuœ -di-ca - re vi - 109

&b w ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ - vos et mor - tu - os Cu-ius reg - ni non er - it 116

&b œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ﬁ - nis Et in spi - ri-tum sanc - tum Do-mi - num ˙ et 123

&b w ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ vi - vi - fi - can - tem. Qui cum pa - tre et fi - li - 130 b w & ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ o si-mul a - doœ - ra - tur et con - glo - ri - fi - ca -

318

137

&b œ œ w œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ - tur Qui lo - cu-tus est per pro - phe - tas. Et un - 144

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w w ˙ ˙ œ œ am sanc - tam ka - tho - li - cam ˙ et a - po - sto - li - 151

&b œ œ œ œ œ œ w œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ca ec - cle - si-am Con - ﬁ - te - or u - num bap - tis - ma in re- 158

&b œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ mi - siœ - o - nem pec - ca - to - rum. Et ex - pec - to re-sur- 165

&b œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ rec - tiœ - o - nem mor - tu - o - rum. Et vi - tam ven - 171

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ tu - ri ˙ ˙se - cu - li. A - 176

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ∑ ------men.˙

319

Credo "De Apostolis" transcribed from Giunta Graduale 352r

&bC ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Pa - trem om - ni - po - ten - tem fac˙ - to - rem ce - li et 8

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ter - re vi - si - bi - li -œ um˙ om - ni - um et 16

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ in - vi - si - bi - li - um et in œ un˙ - um do - mi - num Ie - 23

&b œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ sumœ Chri - stum˙ ﬁ - li - um de - i un - i - gen - i - tum. 30

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ Et ex pa - tre na - tum an - te om - ni - a se - cu - la. 38

&b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ De˙ - um de de - o lu - men de lu-mi-ne de-um ve - rum˙ de 45

&b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ de - o ve - ro Gen-i - tum non fa - ctum con-sub-stan-ti - 52

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ a - lem pa - tri˙ per quem om - ni - a fac - ta sunt. Qui prop-ter nos 60

&b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ho - mi - nes et prop - ter no - stram sa - lu - tem˙ de - scen - dit de

320

2 68

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ce - lis et˙ in - car - na - tus est de spi - ri - tu sanc - to 75

&b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ex ma˙ - ri - a vir - gi - ne et ho - mo fac - tus est. Cru - 83

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ci - ﬁx - us e - ti - am pro no - bis sub Pon - ti - o Pi - la - 90

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ - to. Pas - sus et se - pul - tus est. Et re - sur - rex - it ter - 98

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ti - a di - ˙e se - cun - dum scrip - tu - ras. Et as - cen - dit˙ 106

&b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ in ce - lum se - det ad dex - ter - am pa - tris. Et i - 114

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ter - um ven - tu-rus est cum˙ glo-ri - a iu - di - caœ - re vi - vos 122

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ et mor - tu - os˙ cu - ius reg - ni non e - rit ﬁ - nis. Et in 129

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ spi - ri - tum sanc - tum do-mi-num et vi - vi - fi - can - tem: qui ex 137 b ˙ œ œ & ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ pa - tre fi - li - o - que pro-ce - dit. Qui cum pa - tre et fi - li -

321

145

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ -˙o si-mul a -dor - a - tur et con - glo - ri - ﬁ - ca - tur: qui lo - cu-tus 152

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ est per pro - phe - tas. Et ˙u - nam sanc - tam cath - o - li-cam 159 b œ ˙ & ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ et a - po - sto -li - cam ec-cle˙ - si - am. Con - ﬁ - te - or u - num bap 166

&b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ tis - ma in re-mis-si - o - nem pec - ca - to - rum. Et˙ ex - pec - 173 b ˙ ˙ ˙ & ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ -to reœ-sur - rec-ti - o - nem˙ mor - tu - o - rum. Et vi - tam 181

&b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ven - tu - ri se - - cu - li. 185

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w ˙A ------men.

322

Credo 32 transcribed from Arezzo E, f. 134v

˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ & ˙ b˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ Pa - trem om - ni-pot - en - tem fac - to - rem ce - li et ter - re vi - si - 8 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ bœ & œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w bi - li-um om - ni œ- um.˙ Et in - vi - si - bi - li - um. 15 ˙ ˙ b˙ œ œ & ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ Et in u - num do-mi-num Ie-sum Chri - stum ﬁ - li-um de - i u - niœ- 22 ˙ ˙ ˙ b˙ ˙ & œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ge - ni-tum˙ Et ex pa - tre na - tum an - te om - ni - a 28 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ & ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ se - cu - la. De - um de de - o lu-men deœ lu-mine.˙ De - um ver - um 35 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & bœ ˙ b˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ de de - o ve - ro. Ge -ni - tum non fac - tum con-sub- stan-tia-lem pa - 41 ˙ ˙ & ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ - tri per quem om - ni - a fac œ- ta sunt.˙ sunt.˙ Qui prop - ter 48 ˙ ˙ & bœ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ nos ho-mi - nes et prop-ter nos - tram sa - lu - tem de - scen - dit de 55 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ bœ ˙ ˙ b˙ & œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ce œ - lis.˙ Et in - car - na - tus est de spi - ri - tu

323

61 ˙ & ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ sanc - - - - to ex Ma - ri - a vir - gi - ne et ho-mo 67 ˙ ˙ ˙ bœ œ ˙ & œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ fac-tus est.˙ Cru - ci - fix - us et - i - am pro no - bis sub Pon -ti - o 73 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ & œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ Pi - la - to. Pas-sus et se-pul - tus œ est.˙ Et re - sur - re - xit 80 & œ œ œ bœ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ b˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ter - ti - a di - e se - cun - dum scrip - tu - ras. Et a - scend - it 86 ˙ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ in ce - lum se - det a dex-ter - ram pa - tris.˙ Et i - ter-um ven- 92 ˙ œ œ & b˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ tu - rus est cum glo - ri - a iu - di -ca - re vi -vos et mor-tu - os cu - ius re - 98 ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ bœ gni non e - rit˙ fi -œ nis.˙ Et in spi - ri-tum sanc-tum do -mi - 104 œ œ œ œ ˙ & ˙ b˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ num et vi - vi - fi-can - tem qui ex pa - tre fi - li - o-que 111 ˙ ˙ œ œ bœ œ œ œ & ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ pro - ce œ - dit.˙ Qui cum pa - tre et fi - li - o si - mul a - do - ra - 117 ˙ & œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ tur et con-glo - ri - fi - ca - tur. Qui lo - cu-tus est per˙ pro - phe - tas ˙ Et

324

124

˙ ˙ & ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ bœ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ u - nam sanc - tam ca - tho-li-cam et a -pos - to - li-cam ec - cle - si - 131

& ˙ ˙ w w ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - - am. Con - ﬁ - te - or u-num bap - tis-ma in re - mis-si - o-nem 138 ˙ ˙ œ œ œ & ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ bw œ œ pec˙ - ca - to - rum.w Et ex - pec - to re-sur-rec - ti - 145

& œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ o-nem mor - tu - o - rum. Et vi - tam ven - tu - ri se - cu -œ 153 ˙ w œ bœ ˙ & ˙™ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ - ˙li.™ A ------160

& ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ œ w ------œ - men.w

325

Credo 113 from Fribourg F3, f. 323r

w ˙ & w œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ Pa - trem om - ni-pot - en - ˙ temw fac - to - rem ce˙ - li et terœ -reœ 9 chorus

& œ œ ˙ œ œ w ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ vi - si - bi - li - um om - ni - um et in - viœ - siœ- bi - li- um.˙ 16 ˙ & ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ Et in u - num˙ doœ -miœ -num ie-sum chri stum ﬁ - li-um de - i un - i - 23

& œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ w w ˙ ˙ gen - i - tum˙ et ex paœ -treœ na - tum an - te om - niœ - œa se˙ - 30 organum ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ & œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ- cuœ - la.w De - um de de - o lu - men de lu-mi - ne de-um ve-rum deœ deœ - 37

& œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œo veœ - ro.w Geœ -niœ-tum non fac - tum˙ con-sub stan-ti - a - lem pa -tri per˙ 43 chorus

& ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ quem om - ni - a fac˙ - œ taœ sunt.w Qui propœ -ter nos ho-miœ - nes˙ et 49

& œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ prop-ter nos - tram sa - luœ-tem de - scen - dit de˙ œ ceœ - lis.w 55 & ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w w ˙ ˙ Et in - car - na-tus est de spi - ri - tu sanc - to ex ma -

326

62 organum U U U U U U ˙ & ˙ ˙ œ œ w ˙ ˙ ˙ w ˙ ˙ ri - a vir - gi - ne. Et˙ ho - mo fac - tus˙ ˙est. Cru - ci - 70 œ œ & ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ﬁ - xus˙ etœ - œi - am pro no - bis sub pon-ti - o py - la - to pas-sus et se - 76 [ec - ci am] chorus œ œ & ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ pul˙ - œ tusœ est.w Et re-sur - re - xit˙ ter˙ - ti - a di - e se - cun-dum scrip - 83 organum w œ œ œ & ˙ w œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ tu - ras. Et a-scen-dit in˙ œ ceœ - lum.w Se - - - - 90 ˙ ˙ & œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - det ad dex - ter-am pa - tris. Et i - te-rum ven - tu-rus est cum 96 chorus

& œ œ ˙ w w ˙ ˙ ˙ gloœ -riœ - ˙a iu - di - ca - re vi - vos et mor˙ - tu˙ - os.w Cu - ius˙ 104

& ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ ˙ re - gni non e - ritœ œﬁ- nis.˙ Et in spi - ri - tum sanc-tum do-miœ - num 110

& œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ et vi - vi - fi - can - tem. Qui ex pa - tre fi - li - o-que pro - 117 organum & ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ w ˙ œ œ ce˙ - dit.w Qui cum pa-tre et fi - li - o si-mul ad - o - ra - tur. Et 124 ˙ œ œ & ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ con - glo - ri - fi - ca - tur. Qui lo - cu-tus est˙ perœ proœ -phe- tas.

327

130 chorus ˙ & œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Et u-nam sanc - tam ca - tho-li-cam et a-pos-tol - i - camœ ecœ-cleœ -siœ - am.w Con - 137 ˙ œ œ & œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ - ﬁ - te - or˙ u - num bap - tis - ma in re - mis-si - o-nem pec-ca -to - 144

& ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ rum. Et ex - pec - to re-sur - rec-ti - o - œnem mor - tu - o - rum. Et 151 organum

& ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ w vi˙ - tamœ venœ - tu - ri se - cuœ - wli. A -˙ - - - 158 ˙ & ˙ Ó ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ------163

& ˙ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙ - - ˙men. œ œ w

328

Credo M194 "Credo Angelorum" Arezzo E, f. 130r

˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ Pa - trem om - ni-po-ten - tem fac - to - rem ce - li et ter - re 8 ˙ ˙ œ ˙ &b œ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w vi - si - bi - li - um om - ni - um et in - vi - si - bi - li - um. 15 ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ &b œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ Et in u-num do-mi-num Ie-sum Chri-stum ﬁ - li-um de - i u - ni ge -ni- 22 ˙ &b w ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ tum. Et ex pa - tre na - tum an - te om - ni - a se - 29 ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ -cu - la. De - um de de - o lu - men de lu - mi - ne de-um ve - rum de 36 œ ˙ ˙ &b œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ de - o ver - o. Ge - ni - tum non fac - tum con-sub- stan-ti - a - lem pa - 43

˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ tri per quem om - ni - a fac - ta sunt. Qui prop - ter nos ho - mi - nes 50 ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ &b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ et prop-ter nos - tram sa - lu - tem de - scen - dit de ce - 56 w ˙ ˙ &b œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ lis. Et in - car - na - tus est de Spi - ri - tu Sanc -

329

62 ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ œ ˙ w &b œ ˙ œ ˙ œ - to Ex Ma - ri - a Vir - gi - ne, et ho - mo fac - tus est. 70 ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ Cru - ci - fi - xus et - i - am pro no - bis sub Pon-ti - o 77 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ w Pi - la - to pas - sus et se - pul - tus est. Et re-sur - re - xit 84 ˙ ˙ ˙ &b œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ter - ti - a di - e se - cun - dum Scrip - tur - as. Et a - 91 ˙ ˙ ˙ œ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ - scen - dit in ce - lum, se - det ad dex-te-ram Pa - 98 ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ - tris. Et i - te - rum ven - tu-rus est cum glo - ri - a iu - di - ca - 105 ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w -re vi - vos et mor-tu - os cu-ius re - gni non e - rit fi - nis. 111 ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ Et in spi - ri-tum sanc - tum do - mi - num et vi - vi - fi - can - tem qui ex 118

&b ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ pa - tre fi - li - o - que pro - ce - dit. Qui cum pa - tre 125 U ˙ U ˙ U˙ U˙ U ˙ &b ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ et fi - li - o si - mul ad - o - ra - tur et con-glo-ri - fi - ca - tur

330

132

&b œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ w ˙ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ qui lo -cu-tus est per pro - phe - tas. Et u-nam sanc - tam ca - tho - li - 139 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ cam et a-pos-to - li - cam Ec - cle - si - am. Con - ﬁ - te - or u - 146 ˙ œ ˙ &b œ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ num bap - tis - ma in re-mis-si - o - nem pec - ca - to - rum. Et ex - 153 ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ ˙ pec - to re-sur-rec-ti - o - nem mor-tu - o - rum. Et vi - tam ven - 160 ˙ ˙ &b ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ - tu - ri se - cu - li. A - - - - 165 ˙ œ ˙ &b œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ W - - - - - men.

331

Credo M450 BSB Clm 9508 f. 286v

6 j j œ œ j œ œ j &8 œ œ œ œ ˙ j œ™ œ™ œ J œ ˙™ J œ œ Pa˙™ - trem om-ni-po - ten™ - temœ™ œ facœ - to - rem ce - li et ter - re vi - si-bi - li - 9 œ j j j j j j j & ™ œ œ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ™ œ œ œ œ um om-ni - um et in-vi - si - bi - li - um.™ Etœ™ inœ™ œu -™ num do-mi-num no-

17 ? j j j r r j j j œ™ j & œ œ™ œ™ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ strumœ ie-sum chri-stum ﬁ - li-um de - i u - ni-genœ -œi - tum˙™ et ex pa-tre na - tum an- 24 j ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j & œ™ œ ˙™ ˙™ œ™ ™ J J J œ œ œ ˙™ te om-niœ - ˙a ™ se - cu - la de-um de de - o lu-men de lu-mi-ne 32 j j j j j j j & œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ™ de-um ve-rumœ de deœ -œo veœ - ro˙™ geœ -niœ-tumœ™ nonœ™ fac - tumœ™ con-sub stant-i - a - lem˙™ 40 j j j j j j j j œ j & œ œ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ pa - tri per quem om - ni - œa facœ -taœ sunt.˙™ Qui pro-pter nos ho-mi-nes

47 ? œ j j j j j j & œ œ™ œ œ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ et proJ -pter no - stram saœ™- luœ™- tem˙™ de-scen-dit de œce œ-œlis et in-car-na-tus 54 j j j ˙ œ j j œ œ j j & œ™ œ œ œ ˙™ ˙™ ™ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ est de Spi-riœ-tuœ sanœ - cto. Ex ma - ri - a vir - gi - ne maJ - ri - a vir - gi- 62 j j j j j & ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ œ œ ne et ho-mo™ fac-tus est.˙™ Cruœ™ - ciœ™ - ﬁ ™- xus™ e - ti-am pro no - bisœ sub pon-ti-

332

70 j j j j œ™ œ j j & j j œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œo pyœ -laœ- toœ pas-sus et se - pul - tus™ est.˙™ Et re - sur - re - xit ter -ti - a di-e se- 78 j j j œ œ j œ j j œ œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ™ œ œ œ ™ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ J J J J cun-dum scrip - tur - œ as.˙™ Et a - scen-ditJ in ce - lum se-det ad dex-ter-am 85 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j œ j j & J J J J œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ™ paJ -tris. Et i - te-rum ven - tu - rus est cumJ glo - ri - a iu - di - ca - re vi - 91 j j œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j j & œ™ œ œ ™ J J J ™ ™ œ™ ™ œ œ œ œ ˙™ œ™ œ œ vos et mor-tuJ - os cu-ius re - gni non e - rit fi - nis. [Et] in spi 98 j j j j j j j j œ œ œ œ™ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ ˙™ ˙™ ˙™ J J J ri-tum sanc-tum do - mi - numœ œ™ et vi-vi-fi - can - tem qui ex pa-tre 105 œ œ œ œ œ œ j j j œ ˙ & J J J œ™ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ ˙™ œ œ œ œ ™ ™ fi - li-o-que pro- ce - dit. Qui cum pa-tre et Jfi-li - o si-mul Ja-do - ra - tur 113 j j bœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ & œ œ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ™ ˙™ J J J J ™ ™ et con-gloJ -ri - fi - ca - tur qui lo-cu-tus est per pro- phe - tas. 120 j j bœ j j j bœ œ œ j j nœ j j j & œ œ œ œ œ œ ™ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ™ Et u-nam sanc-tam ka-tho - Jli-cam et a-po-stoJ - li-cam ec-cle - si - am.˙™ Con - 126 j j j j j j j j j j j œ ˙™ œ™ œ™ œ™ œ™ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ - fi-te-or u-num bap-tis-ma in re-mis-si - o - nem pe-ca - to - rum et ex - pec - to 133 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & ™ ™ ™ œ™ ™ ™ ™ ™ œ™ œ™ ˙™ ˙™ ˙™ ˙™ re - sur - rec - ti - o - nem mor - tu - o - rum. ˙Et™

333

143 j bœ œ œ œ œ j œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ™ J J œ ˙™ J œ œ œ ˙™ vi - tam venJ -tu - ri seJ -cuJ -li. A - - ˙™ - - 149 ˙™ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ & ˙™ ˙™ ™ ™ ˙™ œ œ œ œ w™ ------men.

334

M628 Munich Clm. 23027 f. 5a.f.

œ œ & w ˙ ˙ w w ˙ ˙ w œ œ Pa - - trem om - ni - po - ten - tem˙™ œfacœ - to-rem ce - li 9 œ œ œ œ w œ & œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ et ter- ˙re ˙ vi-si-bi-li - um om - ni-um et in - vi - si - bi˙ - œli œ- umw 16 œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ w œ œ ˙ Œ et in u-num dom-ni-num no-strum ie-sum chri - œstum˙ œ ﬁ - li-um de - i 21 œ œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ & œ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ u-ni-gen-i- tum et ex pa-tre na - tum an - te om-ni - a se- 27 Œ Ó w w ˙ ˙ & œ œ œ ˙ w œ œ ˙ œ w - cu - la se - cu - la.™ De - um de de - o 35 ˙ ˙ ˙ j & œ œ œ œ w œ œ œ œ lu - men de luJ - mi - ne de-um ver-um dew dew - wo 42 œ & œ œ œ œ œ w w œ œ œ œ ver - - - - row Ge - ni-tum non facw - tumw 49 œ œ œ œ œ œ & œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ ˙ con-sub-stant-i - a - lem pa - tri˙™ per quem om-ni-a fa - cta sunt 55 ˙ œ & œ œ œ ˙ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ qui prop - ter nos ho - mi- œnes œ et pro-pter nos - tram sa - lu - tem

335

60 œ & ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ ˙™ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ de-scen - dit de celis ™ et in - car-na-tus estw de spi -ri - tu 67 w w w & ˙ ˙ w w w w w sanc - to.w Ex ma - ria 77 ˙ & œ œ w w w ˙ œ œ w w œ œ vir - gi - ne et ho™ - mo fac - - w - - 85

& ˙ ˙ ˙™ œ œ w w - - - - tus est.w A - - - 90 œ & œ œ œ w w w - - w ------men.w

336

Appendix D: The Text of the Vernacular Creed from the Lay Folks Mass Book

Reherse this oft in thi thoght, To tho gosple be don for-gete hit noght; Som-where bisyde, when hit is done, Thou make a cros, and kys hit sone. Men oen to saie tho crede som tyme, When thai saie hore, loke thou saie thine; This that folouse in englishe letter, I would thou sayde hit for tho better. Bot thai say hore, say thou non ellis, Bot do forthe after, als this boke tellis.14 Here to loke thou take gode hede, For here is wryten thin englyshe crede.

I trow in god, fader of might, That alle has wroght, Heuen & erthe, day & night, And alle of noght. And in ihesu that gods son is Al-onely, Bothe god & mon, lord endles, In him trow I; Thurgh mekenes of tho holy gast, That was so milde, He lyght in mary mayden chast, Be-come a childe; Vnder pounce pilat pyned he was, Vs forto saue, Done on cros & deed he was, Layde in his graue; Tho soul of him went in-to helle, Tho sothe to say; Vp he rose in flesshe & felle Tho thyrd day; He stegh til heuen with woundis wide,

14 Lay Folks Mass Book 18, ll. 193ff. 337

Thurgh his pouste; Now sittes opon his fader right syde, In mageste; Thethin shal he come vs alle to deme In his manhede, Qwyk & ded, alle that has been In adam sede. Wel I trow in tho holi gost, And holi kirc that is so gode; And so I trow that housel es Bothe flesshe & blode; Of my synnes, forgyfnes, If I wil mende; Vp-risyng als-so of my flesshe, And lyf with-outen ende.

338

Bibliography

Manuscripts and Sigla:

Manuscripts with monophonic Credos

In this section, I provide the abbreviations I use throughout this dissertation on the left, and the bibliographic shelfmark on the right. Where available I have provided the abbreviation from RISM and the Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music (CCM). I also give the approximate date and how many monophonic Credos the manuscript contains.

Arezzo Cesa Archivio Diocesano e Capitolare di Arezzo, Cesa 1 1 1275–1300, 2 Credos.

Arezzo D Archivio Diocesano e Capitolare di Arezzo, D Pieve Pieve 13th c. with later additions, 5 Credos.

Arezzo E Archivio Diocesano e Capitolare di Arezzo, E Date unknown, 4 Credos.

Arezzo H Archivio Diocesano e Capitolare di Arezzo, H 14th c., 1 Credo.

Barcelona Barcelona Biblioteca Central, 911 911 RISM: E-Bc M. 911 15th c., 2 Credos.

Barcelona Barcelona Biblioteca Central, 1325 1325 16th c., 1 Credo.

Bologna Bologna, Museo Civico Medievale. 518 (“Corali”: These 4 large books used to Museo be part of the collection of the Bologna Museo Civico Bibliographico Musicale but were Medievale given to the Museo Medievale sometime in the past 20 years.) 15th c., 1 Credo 518

Bologna Bologna, Museo Civico Medievale. 537 (“Corali”) Museo 14th c., 3 Credos Medievale 537

339

Bologna Bologna, Museo Civico Medievale. 599 (“Corali”) Museo 14th c., 1 Credo Medievale 599

Bologna Bologna, Museo Civico Medievale. 614 (“Corali”) Museo 15th c., 1 Credo Medievale 614

Bologna Bologna Biblioteca Comunale, A 956 Comunale A c. 1700, 5 Credos. 956

Bologna Lit. Bologna, Museo internazionale e biblioteca della musica, Lit. 12 12 15th c., 4 Credos.

Bologna Biblioteca Universitaria di Bologna, 2893 University 15th c., 1 Credo. 2893

Cividale Cividale Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 35bis 35bis 14th-15th c., 1 Credo.

Cividale 56 Cividale del Friuli Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 56 RISM: I-CF56 13th c., 1 Credo.

Cividale 58 Cividale del Friuli Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 58 RISM: I-CF58 14th c., 2 Credos.

Cividale 79 Cividale del Friuli Museo Archeologico Nazionale, 79 RISM: I-CF79; CCM: CivMA79 15th c., 3 Credos.

Erlangen 464 Erlangen Universitätsbibliothek, 464 RISM: D-ERu464; CCM: ErlU 464 15th c., 4 Credos.

Fribourg F3 Fribourg Bibliothèque des Cordeliers, Cord 3 (Olim F3) RISM: CH-Fco 3, FribA 340

14th C., 5 Credos.

Gorizia H Gorizia, Biblioteca del Seminaria Teologico Centrale, H 14th–15th c., 1 Credo

London London, British Library, 24687. 24687 15th c., 2 Credos

Lucca 1061 Lucca, Biblioteca Statale, 1061 14th c., 1 Credo

Lucca 1465 Lucca, Biblioteca Statale, 1465 15th c., 1 Credo

Lucca 2645 Lucca, Biblioteca Statale, 2645 14th–15th c., 2 Credos

Lucca 2690 Lucca, Biblioteca Statale, 2690 15th c., 1 Credo

Modena Lat. Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Lat. 1005 1005 15th c., 1 Credo

Modena Lat. Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Lat. 1009 1009 14th–15th c., 3 Credos

Modena Lat. Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Lat. 1016 1016 15th c., 1 Credo

Modena Lat. Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Lat. 1021 1021 14th c., 2 Credos

BSB Clm. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 9508 9508 RISM: D-Mbs9508 1452, 4 Credos

BSB Clm. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 14013 14013 15th c., 2 Credos

BSB Clm. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 23826 23286 15th c., 5 Credos

341

BSB Clm. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 23027 23027 15th c., 2 Credos

Munich 155 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek 155 15th c., 1 Credo

Paris Lat. Paris, Bibliotheque National Lat. 1343 1343 RISM: P1343 14th c., 1 Credo

Perugia Perugia, Archivio Capitolare 16 Archivio 15th c., 2 Credos Capitolare 16

Perugia San Archivio Storico di San Pietro B Pietro B 15th c., 6 Credos

Pisa 219 Pisa, Biblioteca Cateriniana 219 15th c., 34 Credos

Pisa s.s. 6 Pisa, Biblioteca Cateriniana s.s. [no shelfmark] 16th c., 2 Credos

Pistoia 100 Pistoia, Archivio Capitolare 100 1326–1350, 1 Credo

Pistoia Pistoia, Archivio Capitolare 486/100 486/100 1391–1400, 3 Credos

Pistoia B.8 Pistoia, Archivio Capitolare B.8 15th c., 6 Credos

Rome Rome, Biblioteca Angelica 1424 (olim T.7.11) Angelica “Bamberg Gradual” th 1424 14 c., 3 Credos

Rome BAV Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barbarini Lat. 657 Bar. Lat. 657 RISM: I-RVat657 14th c., 3 Credos

342

Rome BAV Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Lat. 10654 Lat. 10654 14th c., 1 Credo

Rome BAV Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Lat. 9214 Lat. 9214 15th c., 1 Credo

Rome BAV Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Lat. 10769 Lat. 10769 14th c., 1 Credo

Rome Bib. Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale, Farf. 33 Naz. Farf. 33 1514, 1 Credo

Rome Bib. Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale, Mss. Varia 290 Naz. 290 1391–1400, 3 Credos

Siena H.I.10 Siena, Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati, H.I.10 RISM: I-Sc10 15th c., 3 Credos

St Gall 546 St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, 546 RISM: CH-SGs546; St.G C 1507, 18 Credos

Vienna 5094 Vienna, Nationalbibliothek 5094 RISM: A-Wn5094; CCM: VienNB 5094 1450–1474, 4 Credos

Vienna Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, Mus.Hs.15501, “Kuttenberger Cantionale” 15501 RISM: A-Wn15501; CCM: VienNB Mus.15501 1509–1516, 6 Credos

Wrocław IF Wrocław Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, IF 422 422 RISM: PL-WRu422 1351, 1 Credo

Wrocław R Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, R 3067 3067 RISM: PL-WRu3067 15th c., 2 Credos

Latin Theoretical treatises on Thesaurus Musicarum Latinarum

343

Aaron, Petrus Libri tres de institutione harmonica; Petrus Aaron Florentinus ad Lectorem. Libri tres de institutione harmonica editi a Petro Aaron Florentino. [Corrigenda.] (Bononiae, In aedibus Benedicti Hectoris Bibliopolae Bononiensis, [1516?]. Reprint ed., New York: Broude Bros., 1978), ff. Iir–Iiiv. TML: AARIHCOR https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/16th/AARIHCOR

Anonymous X De minimis notulis Scriptorum de musica medii aevi nova series a Gerbertina altera, 4 vols., ed. Edmond de Coussemaker (Paris: Durand, 1864-76; reprint ed., Hildesheim: Olms, 1963), 3:413– 15.

TML: ANO10DEM https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANO10DEM

Anonymous Tractatus cantus figurati Tractatus et compendium cantus figurati (Mss. London, British Libr., Add. 34200; Regensburg, Proskesche Musikbibl., 98 th. 4o), ed. Jill M. Palmer, Corpus scriptorum de musica, vol. 35 (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology / Hänssler Verlag, 1990), 41– 93.

TML: ANO12TCF https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANO12TCF

Anonymous [De musica mensurate] P. Altman Kellner, "Ein Mensuraltraktat aus der Zeit um 1400," Anzeiger der Oesterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse 94 (1957): 73–85, 73–85.

TML: ANOBRI https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANOBRI

Anonymous [Regulae contrapuncti] A-Salzburg, Erzabtei St. Peter, Bibliothek, Ms. b II 42, f. 334r-338v Anonymi Tractatus de cantu figurativo et de contrapuncto (c. 1430-1520), ed. Christian Meyer, Corpus scriptorum de musica, vol. 41 (n.p.: American Institute of Musicology / Hänssler-Verlag, 1997), 90–96.

TML: ANORCPT https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANORCPT

Anonymous Modus cantandi in mensurabilus

344

Lorenz Welker, "Ein anonymer Mensuraltraktat in der Sterzinger Miszellaneen- Handschrift," Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 48 (1991): 255-281, 255–81.

TML: ANOMOD https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANOMOD

Rossetti, Biagio Libellus de rudimentis musices: Compendium musicae

Biagio Rossetti, Libellus de rudimentis musices, ed. Albert Seay, Critical Texts, no. 12 (Colorado Springs: Colorado College Music Press, 1981), 1–60.

TML: ROSLIB1 https://chmtl.indiana.edu/tml/16th/ROSLIB1

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CMM = Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae. [Rome]: American Institute of Musicology. 1947–. 114 volumes.

Mansi = Mansi, Joannes Dominicus, ed. Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio. Paris: Expensis Huberti Welter, Bibliopolae, 1903. 53 vol.

MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Various publishers. 1826–.

NPNF = Schaff, Philip and Henry Wace, ed. A Select library of Nicene and post-Nicene fathers of the Christian church. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978–79. Originally published 1890–1900. Series I: 14 vol. Series II: 14 vol.

PL = Migne, J.-P. Patrologiae cursus completus … .Series Latina. Paris: Migne, 1844–65. 222 vol.

PG = Migne, J.-P. Patrologiæ cursus completus… . Series Graeca. Paris: Migne, 1857–66. 161 vol.

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Biography

Harrison Basil Russin graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 2005 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Music from Swarthmore College, where he was awarded the Peter Gram

Swing Prize for the outstanding graduate in music. In 2013 he received the Master of

Divinity Summa Cum Laude from St Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary and graduated as valedictorian. He will graduate from Duke University in 2021 with a

Doctor of Philosophy degree in musicology. At Duke he has received a Summer

Research Fellowship, the A.J. Fletcher Graduate Fellowship in Music, and a Sixth-Year

Tuition Scholarship from the Graduate School. He is also the recipient of a Dean’s

Fellowship from St Vladimir’s Seminary, where he has taught on the music faculty since

2016.

His publications include “Organs in Orthodox Worship: Debate and Identity” in the Journal of the International Society for Orthodox Church Music 4 (2020), and “The Bible in Miniature: The Blasphemer and the Law in Leviticus 24:10–23,” in the Festschrift in

Honor of Paul Nadim Tarazi (St Paul: OCABS Press, 2020).

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