PTOLE}ITIES .\\D SELF]UCIDS

II

PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS

r. The political scene

For,rowrNc Alexander''s death his empile became the spoil of his generals, four of'whom staked their claims and assumed the title of king. These were Cassander, rulel of Macedonia; Lysimachus, in control of Thrace since the paltition; Anti- gonus, who held the whole of Asia Minor and northern Sylia; and Ptolemy Lagi, who ruled Egypt and southern Syria. Within a short space of time these rvere joined by Seleucus, one Ptolemy I Lagi, surnamed Soter SeleucusI, surnamed Nicator (Con- of Alexander's successful generals, who had subsequently (Saviour), 376-u83 n.c. queror), 35o z8t n.c. served with Perdiccas and with Ptolemy.By 3rr e.c. he had Bronze busts fron Herculaneunl, now in the National Museum, Naples. so asserted his authority that he became the acknowledged One cannot be certain that these busts are contemporary; they are probabll. based on earlier portraits and certainly date frorn the first century A.D. master of Babylonia, this lear marking the beginning of the Seleucid dynasty. great powers continued in intermittent warlare for many years. During this time and for many years to come the land o{' Palestine remained in the control of the Ptolemies throughout Palestine was to remain a bone of contention. First Ptolemv most of the third century n.c.; but in the end they had took possessionof it and annexed it to his satrapy in Egvpt, to relinquish it to the Seleucids in the person of Antiochus III only to have it wrested from his grasp by Antigonus (3 t5 r.c.) ; (the Great) (zz3-r97 n.c.). After several unsuccessfulattempts winning it back at the battle of Gaza (3rz n.c.), he irad again Antiochus at last captured all its fortified cities in r99/r98 n.c., to r,vithdraw, leaving Antigonus in control. In 3or n.c., hon'- and at the Battle of Panion, near the source of the ever, a decisive battle was lought at Ipsus in Phrl.gia in which Jordan, finally won control of the whole land. The Seleucids had now Antigonus n'as defeated and killed. An agreement had already gained possession of what, {l'om the beginning, they had con- been reached that, on the defeat of Antigonus, Coele-Sylia sidered theirs by right. The bewildered inhabitants of Pales- should be given to Ptolemy; but since he had r-rottaken part tine, the among them, awaited the outcome of these in this battle it was now decided to annex it to Seleucus. Jews changes rvith no little apprehension. The to come rvould Ptolem-v, horvever, forestalled him and took immcdiate posses- 1'ears fully justifi their I'ears. sion of the land, an action Seleucus and his successols\\rere Meanr,r'hile Antiochus, though victorious over the Ptolemies, never to forget. Seieucus gained much h'om the victorl' at had trouble in another quarter. In r9z e.c. he found himself Ipsus, hor.r'ever',despite his loss of Palestine, and over the next at war with Rome, and at the Battle of N{agnesia (r9o n.c.) tu'ent)'1-ears he l:rid claim 1o a substantial part ol'Alexander''s suffered a crippling defeat. lle r,r.'asforced to pay an enormous great empire. But the issue rvas b;' no means settled artd the rB THE HISTORY PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS I9 indemnity and to hand over twenty hostages,among them his together in one section of the city close to the seashore. They own son, who was later to become king as Antiochus IV thus enjoyed a certain autonomy in the ordering of their social (Epiphanes). Three yearslater he died a broken man, and was and religious affairs and were in the main content to live their :succeededby his son SeleucusIV (r87-r75 n.c.), who, after lives as members of a distinctlyJewish community. There were an uneventful reign, was murdered by his chief minister, not a few among them, however, who were deeply influenced Ileliodorus, who declared Seleucus' son king. The news of by their Greek environment, and so it is not surprising that in course of time Seleucus' death, however, had reached the ears ofhis brother there grew up in Egypt a type of Judaism Antiochus on his way home from Rome. He immediately ar- marked by a fusion ofJewish and Greek ideas, which was to ranged for the disposal of his young nephew and proclaimed have an immeasurable influence on the life and literature not himself king (r75 n.c.). A reign had begun which was to have only of the Dispersion but also of Palestine itself. During dire results for the entire Jewish nation. the time of the Ptolemies the city of Alexandria be- came famous throughout the ancient world as a centre of learn- ing and literature, its great Library attracting scholars ancl z. Relations with the Jews philosophers from near and far. Amons the many literarv The political events outlined above, from Alexander to works composed there none can compare *ith th" Greek trans- 'the Antiochus IV, are describedall too briefly and in tantalizingly lation of the Hebrew Scriptures known as Septuagint' (or cryptic form in Dan. r r.t Other historical recordsfill in details, LXX) . A legendary account of its origin is given in the Letter but the information is very limited indeed. The Greek writer of Aristeas (cf. Antiquities xu. ii. 4-r5), where it is stated that Hecataeus,for example, reports that manyJews, including the the translation was made in the time of Ptolemy II (zB5 246 j High Priest Hezekiah, followed Ptolemy I into Egypt after the n.c.) at the request of his librarian Demetrius, who wished to Battle of Gaza; the historian Agatharchidesstates that the same add a copyof theJewish Laws to his collection of zoo,ooo books king captured Jerusalem by guile and carried off many as for the benefit of Greek readers. At Demetrius, request ptolemy slaves to Egypt; the Letter of Aristeas claims that he trans- sent a letter to Jerusalem to the High Priest Eleazar, who in ported roo,ooo in this way, 3o,ooo of whom he settled as turn sent seventy-two scholars (later legend says ,seventy', I 'septuagint') garrisonsin the country. The historicity of theseaccounts can- hence the name to Alexandria to carry out the I not be proved, but it is clear from many papyri and inscriptions task. For seventy-two days they lived together in a house on found there that from the time of Ptolemy I onwards the num- the island of Pharos and at the end of that time had completed ber ofJews in Egypt grew considerably. Aristeas reports that their translation. Whilst legendary features in the story ian be Ptolemy II set free thoseJews who had been enslavedby his disregarded, it may nevertheless be taken as certain that the father" Friendly relationshipsapparently continued through the Torah or Pentateuch was actually translated into Greek in reigns of at least the first three Ptolemies,the Jewish commun- Alexandria, possibly under the patronage of Ptolemy II. The 'according ity being permitted to live to the laws of their rest of the Hebrew Scriptures would be similarlv translated fathers' with their own Council of Elders. later, most of them before about the year r50 B.c. It is hardly Synagogueswere built in many towns and villagesin various likely, however, that the translation was initigated by Deme- parts of the land and especiallyin Alexandria, where the Jews, trius, who died in exile in zB3 n.c., or that it was made for the though not forming a completely separatecommunity, settled sake of the learned Greeks in Alexandria; it was rather for the benefit r See pp. z4r ff. of the Alexandrian Jews who were no longer able to PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS 2l

iluaH.u..* andror 'il:T;ff:1,,o.* inthe synagogue and the unlawful enslavement of certain people in Syria, and serviceswere quite inadequate. The actual work of translation which are to be dated in the year z6I s.c. These documents was no doubt carried out by Jewish scholars of Alexandria, show that there was close contact between Palestine and Egypt perhaps with scrolls from Jerusalem, and not by Jerusalem and that the country was divided up into small administrative scholarsas the story claims. As a bond uniting the Jews of the units in the charge of numerous officials appointed by senior widely scatteredDispersion and as an instrument for the pro- officials in Alexandria. Of special importance were the asents pagation ofJudaism throughout the Greek-speakingworld the of Apollonius who were responsible for commercial and trade value of this translation can hardly be overestimated. relations between the two countries. In e59 e.c. Apollonius But what about theJews in Palestineduring this long period sent out a trade mission, perhaps with Zeno at its head, to tour of Ptolemaic supremacy?Relatively little information is avail- Palestine and the surrounding districts with a view to increas- able, and what there is is often of a legendary character. It ing trade with the local inhabitants. In somc of the Zeno papyri would appear that until near the closeof the third century the reference is made to aJew named Tobias (Hebrew, Tobiah), Jews were left in comparative peaceprovided that they caused a man of considerable substance, who was apparently in charge 'the no trouble and paid their taxes regularly to the Ptolemaic of a military colony of Ptolemaic soldiers situated in land government. Despite the removal of many into Egypt in the of the Ammonites' in Transjordan. This name appears again 'Araq 'el-Emir time of Ptolemy I and the voluntary emigration of many others in Aramaic characters in a rock-hewn tomb at in subsequentyears, Jerusalem remained a fairly populous city in Transjordan, dating from the third century 8.c., and no in which the priestly class was especially influential. In the doubt refers to the same man. The district is described in the 'Tobias' 'Tobias' time of PtolemyI the High Priestwas Onias I (c.3zo-z9o n.c.), papyri as land' and his agents as people'. who was succeededby his son Simon I; he was followed by his He was in close contact with the Egyptian authorities and sent uncle Eleazar, and he in turn by his uncle Mauasseh.Simon I personal letters and gifts to Apollonius and even to Ptolemy had a son who was apparently too young at the time of his himself. There can be little doubt that this Tobias was a 'Tobiah father's death to accept office; but around 2+5 B.c. he suc- descendant of the Ammonite', the formidable enemy ceededManasseh as Onias II. In due coursehe was followed of Nehemiah. It has been argued that the biblical Tobiah was 'the 'Ammonite' by his son Simon II (c. zzo e.c.), who is given the title himself aJew, the designation referring to his place Just' by the Jewish writer Ben Sira (cf. Ecclus. 5o) : Josephus of habitation rather than to his nationality, and that he may applies this title to Simon I (cf. Antiquitiesxr. v11t.7 ; xrr. iv. r ), even have belonged to a priestly family. Whether this is so or but it is much more likely that it was used of the secondHigh not it is reasonable to suppose that the Tobiads, having held Priest of that name. responsible office under the Persian kings, continued to serve Considerablelight is cast on administrative and social affairs in like capacity under the Ptolemies. in Palestineduring the reign of Ptolemy II (z85-246e.c.) by But the chief interest of this period lies in Tobias' son, a large number ofpapyri containing the correspondenceofone Joseph, whose mother was none other than the sister of the Zeno, an agent of the King's chief minister of finance, Apol- High Priest Onias II. When this Onias, who was pro-Seleucid lonius, discoveredin rgr5 in the Fayum district of Egypt. in his sympathies, refused to pay the annual tribute of twenty These Zeno papyri are supplementedby the so-calledVienna talents to Ptolemy and was in danger of having his land seized, papyri, first published in r936, which consistof two injunctions Joseph offered to negotiate with the King, r,,r'iththe result that from Ptolemy II concerning the regulation of flocks and herds Onias rvas forced to lelinouish to his neohew his civil I

tinl' PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS 23 La..,*'ip or,n" Tti :";:r significant even r anci stood his half-brothers who, together with the High Priest 3.,",. II, supported Syria. To settle the issue marks the beginning ofa livalry between the House ofOnias and Simon a Gerousia or of the Elders was called, presided the House o1'Tobias which was to have impoltant results in Council over by Simon. A was taken to support Antiochus, 'vears to come. decision and when, in 2or n.c., he stood before Jerusalem with his army he was welcomed by Joseph, as the new civil head, called an assembly of'the Simon and a deputation of elders. That same year the Egyp- Jewish elders and pelsuaded tirem to renew their pledge of general Scopas ousted Antiochus, loyaltv to the Ptolemies. Then, having borrowed money lrom tian captuled a number o1- in Palestine, and put a garrison fliends of his in Samaria, he made his way to Egypt, where he cities in Jerusalem. Two years however. Antiochus established was able to appease the King and, bv means o{'bribes, tn wirr later, his claim on Palestine and for all and entered iriends at court in Alexandria. During this journey (according once Jerusalem in triumph. According to Josephus (cf. Antiquitie,r xrr. iii. f.) he did not forget the to Josephus) orJ more probablr', some vears later-Joseph was 3 loyalty shown him by theJews. able to pelsuade Ptolemy to appoint him as oilicial tax-collector' He gave orders for the restora- tion ofJerusalem, which had been damaged in the war, put lor the whole o1''Coele-Sylia, Phoenicia, Judaea, and Samaria', up a considerable sum of money a post which he held for the next twenty-two yeafs. During that to supply the Temple with sacrificial animals, wine, oil, etc., and imported time he became an extremely wealthy man and, as a high timber free of duty fi'om the Lebanon and elsewhere Ptolemaic oilicial, exercised considerable authority over the to repair the Temple. Moreover, he gave the people people of Syria. When, for example, the cities ol'Ascalon and the right to live according to their ancestral laws. He exempted Scythopolis relused to meet his demands for taxes he called in all Temple officials from taxation, gave general exemption the help of Ptolemy's soldiers and punished them severely. On from taxes lbr a period of three years, and granted relief of one-third of the required his death .Joseph'sgreat wealth passed over to his sons, who 'the 'Iobias'. tribute money thereafter. Furthermore, were known henceforth as sons of Favourite he ordered the return of refugees, the liberation of those among them was Hyrcanus, the sor-rof his second wife, whose Jewish who had been enslaved, and the release ofprisoners restoring successin businessroused the jealousy. and hatred o1'his seven ofwar, to them their property. Josephus adds that Antiochus also forbade non- half-brothers b,v Joseph's first wife. In course of time, by the to enter the Temple on pain of death the lamiliar means ol-bribery, he won Ibr himself the position of Jews and banned introduction intoJerusalem of the flesh of unclean beasts. The tax-collector which Joseph himself had held for so long. beginnings of Seleucid rule thus augured well rela- Hyrcanus and his half-brothels will appear again in luture ftrr future tionships; but appearances belied realities, as time was soon relationships between the Jews and their new overlords, the to tell. Seleucids. From the time of the accession of Ptolemy IV in zzr n.c. until the conquest o1'Palestine by Antiochus III the Jewish 3. Tlte spreadof Hellenism people were caught up in the cross-currents of war much more The chief means o1'propagating that form o1-Greek culture than in earlier years, and, duling the crucial years zoz-r98 'Hellenism', and civilization, known as pursued by Alexander e.c. in particular, when the fate of Palestine was in the balance, and his successorswas no doubt the founding of Greek cities, their loyalties were divided, the majority siding with Antio- a process begun by Alexander himself and maintained by chus III. On the one side stood Hvrcanus, Joseph's son, who, those who followed him. Of importance was together with his lbllowers, supported Egypt; on the other side ereatest 2+ THE HIS-IORY P'fOLEMIES ,\ND SELEUCIDS 2,.i Alexandria, whose leputation was qreatly enhanced by Ptolemt' were necessarilypopulated by native Greeks, but rather in the II through the erection there ofhis famous Library and \4useum sensethat they u'ere olganized according to a Greek pattern; 'Academy'). (or He and the Ptolemies who succeeded him for the most part they. were inhabited by local people rvhose lbunded many such cities throughout Asia Minor, Paiestine, political and social life had undersone a complete leorientation. 'Ihe 'symbols' and the adjacent islands. Seleucids followed the same As such these cities were much mole than merely of' policv, sometimes taking over old-established cities and con- velting them to Greek standards, at other times building nelv 'hald townships altogether and settling in them a core' o1' N,Iacedonians and Greeks. Within Palestine itself they were to be lound particularly along the Mediterranean coast and in Transjor-dan. In the time of'Pompey mention is made of a 'Decapolis', league called the consisting, as the name implies, of ten cities; thesewere in existenceat a much earlier date than this, even though the league itself did not come into being till much iater. 'Gleek'. Such citics ale called not in the sense that thev

This bowl from the Cl,prus Nluseum shows a typical ephebosot Greek youth, riding barc-back ancl arrnecl with a lance. Note the wide- 'This brimrned hat, the short skirt, ancl the Ilowing cloak. 'Grcek style' was copicd by Jelvish youths many of n,honr were fascinated by thc whole Greek way of lile (seepp. z5 l).

the Greek wa1. of life; they wele living embodiments of it, demonstrating a civilization and culture unlike anything known there before . The method of government by democratic senate, fol example, closely resembling the Athenian Boule or Gerousia, would no doubt eive to the people an entirely new Ruins of a colonnaded street in Gerasa (Jerash) whose foundation dates li'orn about the time of .-\lexander the Great. Situated in Transjordan, about mental outlook.The Gymnasiumand the Ephebeion(or'Youth u6 miles north of the present-day Amman, it was one of those cities captured Centre') were t,vpicalGleek institutions,to be found in all by '\lexanderJannaeus in 8z n.r:. In the time of Pompey (63 l.c.) it is named citiesof this kind, which breathedthe very spirit of Hellenism. a membcr the known 'Decapolis' as of confederation of cities as the to which They referenceis made in the New'.festarnent(cf. Matt.4.s; NIark 5'o, 73,). were educational institutirins in which the young men 'I'HE 26 HISTORY P'I'OLENIIES AND SELEUCTIDS 27 gain an not ofthe day could appreciation only ofliterature and that carried its own appeal to men of divelse religious, political, poetry and music but also of physical culture, which was of 'They and cultural backgrounds. essenceof civilization. the very Greek expressed', writes There was another side to Hellenism, holl'ever, that was 'fundamental 'culture' Edwyn Bevan, tendencies of the Greek mind-its much less attractive. A gr-eat deal of what passed as harmonius form, its craving for beauty of delight in the body, was little more than a degenerate lorm o1-religious or social frankness with regard to natural.'I its unabashed everything Iife. The religious rites and ceremonies, lirr example, with This delight in beauty, shape, and movement found expression which the athletic contests wele invariably associated were horse-racing, in such things as athletic contests and to which regularly accompanied by Ibrms oi'immorality and vice to the Greeks applied themselves with the utmost seriousness; which many succumbed. Incleased wealth led a section of the these were not merely forms of entertainment, but a precious people to a life of idleness and ease which affected the moral heritage that both perpetuated and strengthened the age-long condition of the people as a whole. Here is how the ancient Greek tradition. Interest in literature and the arts showed itself historian Posidonius desclibes the situation : in the growth of philosophic schools and in the development of drama as a form of cultural expression. Ffence, alongside the Life is a continuousserics of socialfestivities.'I'heir gymnasiums they as senate house there appeared the stadium and the hippodrome use bathswhere thel'anoint thenselves*'ith costlyoils and myrrhs. In the grammaleia(such is the name they give to the public earing- as emblems of this all-pervasive culture, and alongside these the halls) they practically live, filling themselvesthcre for the better part theatre, which provided everything from classical tragedies to ol the day with rich foods and wine; much that they cannot eat 'music-hall' comedies. Such buildings would convey not only they carry away home. Thcy feast to the prevailing music of strings., the air but also the appearance of a truly Greek city, as indeed 'culture 'the would the style of dress worn, especially by the young men. Such was a lbr crv from glories that were Members of the Ephebeion,for example, wore distinctive dress Greece'. 'young to show that they belonged to the city's men's guild'; The influence o1'Hellenism, however, was not confined to characteristic of this dress was a wide-brimmed hat, a cloak political, social, literaly, and aesthetic pursuits. By its very fastened with brooches at the shoulders and high-laced boots. nature it deeply affected the religious life and beliefs of the In a number of cities the local dialect or language would still various cultures it invaded. Although Greek in origin and be spoken by some, but just as it was fashionable to'dress with outlook it was essentially a syncretistic system, incorporating the times' and keep up with the cultural trends, so it was beliefs and legends of different religious traditions from both essential for all educated men, and indeed for any who had East and West. When Alexander pressed eastwards through even a modicum of interest in culture, to speak the Greek Persia towar-ds India, planting Greek cities and cultivating the tongue. This Hellenistic culture, then, opened up for many Hellenistic outlook through trade, marriage, and the like, he people entirely new vistas, developed new aesthetic apprecia- made a breach in the cultural barrier between East and West tion, and encouraged the study ofscience, philosophy, and the that deeply affected the countries of the Orient. But the effect Iiberal arts in a quite remarkable way throughout the whole was reciprocal, lirr there came flooding back into the Iands of civilized world. Intelligent men belonging to traditions other the West ideas and influences completely foreign to the Greek than thal of the Greeks saw how superior the Greek way of way of thinking and living. The Persian empire which Alex- life was to their own. There was a charm and a vitality about it ander took ovel had itself taken over the old Babl'lonian r underthe High Priesls,Ig2o, p. t Jerusalem 35. Ibid., pp. 4r f. 2B f,HE HIS'|ORY PTOLEMIES ,\ND SEI,ELTCIDS 29

empire, with its interest in cosmology, astronomy, occultism, Hyrcanus shows clearly that to amass wealth and to hold an demonology, and angelology. Resides these the Zoroastrian influential position in the land it n'as necessary to keep in step religion of the old Iranian or Persian empire was a powerful with the Greeks. The new culture, on its external side at arly factor, 'rvith its stress on such matters as the detelminism of rate, implied a certain social standing, r,vhich was apparentlv 'trvo history, tire doctrine of the ages', the destruction of the more important to such people than religious scruples. world, the l'inalJudgement, and so on. This Pelso Babl'lonian There r'r'ele others in Jerusalem, holl'ever, who refused to conlusion oI'culture to be found in Alexander's newlv-conquered respond in this r,vayto the wiles of Hellenistic culture. Valuable empire, intermingling with the Greek culture Ii'om the insights are given here byJoshua ben Sira (Jesus son of Sirach' West, gradualiy built up a s)/ncrctistic system of belief that in its Greck lirrm), who wlote l.risgreat book, called'Ilcclesias- deeply influenced theJervsscatteled throughout the I)ispersion. ticus'in tl-reApocrypha, alouncl the year rBo B.cl.I IJen Sira was undoul)tedl,v influenced lx'the spirit of the age irr lvhich he But what about the Jeu's in .Judaea? It is haldlv sulprising that thev too felt the full impact of this alien cultut'e, exposed lived, but lelirscclto vield to the attractions of Hellenism. In his as thel- \\,'ere on ali sides to the ir.rfluence ol Hellenistic life and book, n'hich shorvs the outkrok ol'the tladitional Juclaism of i thought. To the south-west Ia1' Egypt, thc most po'rverful the scribal schools, he setshimsell'the task o{-educatingJervish advocate o1'the Greek way of iifc; to the south lay Idumaea, youths in the tenets ol that Hcltlew wisdom which is to be found in the l'ear of the Lord. and finds exoressiorrin manners whose painted tombs in Nl[arissa,dating from the second ha]f 'I'he of the third century r:.c., shrxr''ample evidence of Hellenistic and molalitv. time had rrot 1'et come ltr traclitional ancl (lleek cultulc to clash, but already Ben Sira rvas culture ; to the east and sortth-east la1' Naltataea, in close Judaism contact rvith Egypt through c()mmerce and tlade; to the north aware of the clanger, and so set himself tci fcrrtif\' men's faith Ia1' S.-r,t"u with its garrison of \.tlacedonian troops; and to through his teachine. I the 'n'estand north-west lay Philistia and Phoenicia, rvith their Duling this same periocl thele emelged a comparrl- of men I Greek cities dotting the cozrstalplain. called the Hasidim (RSV, Hzrsidaeans), or Pious Ones, who New aesthetic horizons had been opened up before lheJews in took a firm stancl against Hcllcnism and, in the yeals to come, were to plal' :r vitally import:rrrt part in the rcligiotrs and old Jewish clistoms artd rites now appeared all too Jerusalem; 'ner'r' crude rvhen judged bv the standards of the enlighten- national iif'e o1'the Jervish people. f'hey rvere to come to the ment'. Ir-r particular the rite of circumcision became a cause forefront s()me vears later- at thc tin-re of the -Nlaccabaean of acute embarrassment to the vor.lng athlete u'ho, as Revolt, but evcn belble the opposition to Hellenisrn came to a I Jeu'ish rvas the custom, ran naked on the tlack; he accoldingly took head irr opcn lel;ellion theil p:rssionatezeai fol the Larv, and 'uncit'cumcised' measures to have himseif so as to avoid their eaeelncss to defend the r,va,vso1'their I'athels, must have the derisi<;n of the crowds. Athletic games, horse-t'acing, and been a sigrrificant thctor in thc lcaction of the.fewish people to the Hellenistic cultrire. It rvas :rlmost inevitalrle that a clash the theatre became increasingly popular with the Jewish should vouths, who dressed themselves like the Greeks anci were not c()me, soorler or later, l;etrveen these champions o{- the even averse to sacrificing to frrreign cleities as part o1'the ritual Larv anrl the r'r'ealthv alistoct'ats u'hose wholc orrtlook on life expected o1'every palticipant. But the tr"ue Hellenizefs among and lelision \'vas so dil]'elent from their or.r'n. It came at last rvith thc accession of Antiochus I\- (lipiphanes) to the theJews'uvere to be four-rdin the t'anks of the ruling aristocrac,v 'l'l're throne. policr- o{' relieious toleration adoptecl by the in Jerusalem, which consisted for- the most part of wealthl' I priestly families. The story ol'Joseph the Tobiad and his son Sccpp. :6o I1-. 30 THE HISTORY Ptolemies and earlier Seleucids, which had laid the people wide open to the subtle influence of Hellenism, was now abandoned. The tactics of Antiochus made it clear to many of III the faithful in Israel that the antagonism between Hellenism and Judaism was not merely a matter of social standing or ANTIOCHUS IV AND THE JEWS culture: where their religion and their Law were concert.red it was l-rom now on a matter of life and death. t. The poliq, and cltaracter oJ'Antiochus IV

Bsnor.r coming to the throne Antiochus IV, as we have seen, had for twelve years been a hostage in Rome where he made many friends and came to admire Rome's political institutions and military organization. This first-hand knowledge gave him a healthy r-espectibr Roman power in years to come and taught him to exercise that restraint without which, with his impulsive nature) he would more often have found himsell in seriousdifficulties. In t77 e.c. his nephew Demetrius, second son of Seleucus IV, took his place as a hostage in Rome. Antiochus went at once to Athens, where after a short time he again made many fi'iends and was appointed chief magis- trate, an honour he was never to forget and which he sought to repay in later years by lavish gifts. On hearing o1'the mur.der. o1' his brothel Seleucus IV at the hands o1' his chief' minister-, Heliodorus, he set offfor home and, with the help of Eumenes II, King of Pergamon, ousted Heliodorus lrom the regency and established himself as King. The task which now faced him was not an enviable one. He {bund himsell'seriously handicapped in three directions- like his brother Seleucus before him he was in desperate need of money; the empire he had inherited lacked cohesion and was in daneer ol' breaking up; his neighbours the Egyptians, the Romans, and the Palthians wele pressine in upon him from every side, readv to take the utmost advantage of Syria's weakness. Antiochus detelmined to deal with each o1' these difficulties in his own way. His financial tloubles wel'e met, paltly at any rate, b1' robbing valiotrs temples and shlines, including the l'emple in Jerusalem, whose treastrres,as u'e shall see,he plundered. 32 THE HISTORY ANTIOCHUS IV AND THE JEWS JJ The instability and potential disunity of his kingdom he met talk 9f drawing Egypt and Syria together under Seleucid with a vigorous policy of Hellenization. Such a policy had, rule. Roma-n policy,,as we shall see, was constantly being of course, already been pursued by his predecessors,but bedevilled by two disturbing factors-poritical rivalries ai Antiochus devoted himself to the task with the utmost vigour. home, affecting national, stability, and the danger of enemy In particular he encouragedthe cities throughout his dominion attack on the eastern frontier. Antiochus, -lior" g.owirrg to adopt a more radical policy of Hellenization in local govern- power was an obviousmenace to the securityof theseteriitoriei ment and in the ordering of their community life. Religion, w^asaccordingly bound bytreaty with Rome not to attack any as part of culture, came within the scope of this policy of of her friends or allies, and, if forced to engage in a defensive Hellenization; but it was not his intention to ride rough-shod war, not to lay permanent claim to any conquered territory. over local sentimentsor to suppressthe worship of local deities; however, very_ con\/eniently played inio his hands by indeed he was prepared to recognizethese gods and honoured PS{p,l declaring war on him in r69 n.c. But Antiochus took the initia_ them with offerings and sacrifices. The evidence of coins tive, marched into Egypt with a strong force (cf. Dan. r rzs-28; minted during his reign indicates, however, that he himself r-'u-'n), I Yu"g.- and routed the Egyptian army. A year later was particularly disposedto the worship of the ancient god, he decided to risk the wrath of Rome and invaded Egypt a Olympian Zeus, whom he set up in place of the god Apollo, second time (cf. Dan. r rzs-3oa.z Macc. 5r), laying ,iig. to the traditional protector of the Seleuciddynasty. But Antiochus Alexandria. Then, proceeding to Memphis, he'hai hiirself nor replace was no monotheist, did he seek to the worship of crowned-King of Egypt, an act which did nothing to alleviate local deities by the worship of this one'high god'. Zeus could the suspicionsof Rome. Just as he was preparinglo annex the identified local nevertheless readily be with any of these deities; whole ofEgypt, Rome acted, promptly andfirmf. An embassy they were able to retain their separate identity and stand side arrived in Alexandria, headed by popilius Laenas, who handed by side in the pantheon. There are indications that Antiochus to Antiochus a decree of the Romin Senate demanding his may have encouraged the people to worship his own person immediate withdrawal from Egypt. When Antiochus a"sked in the form god Zeus,for in his coinsthe image of the certain of for time to deliberate with his counsellors, popilius dramati_ of Zeus appears with features that closely resemble those of cally drew a circle round him and bade him dicide there and the King himself. For first five or years of his reign he the six then, and not to leave the circle until his decision was made. n.c. was designatedsimply'King Antiochus', but around t69 Antiochus was forced to comply with Rome,s demand; he assumed the additional title 'Theos Epiphanes', meaning ,in in thewords ofPolybius, he withdiew to Syria high dudgeon 'God Manifest', in s.c. and 166 he added to this the equally indeed and groaning in spirit, but yielding to the necessities divine epithet'Nicephorus', meaning'Victorious'. There was, of the time'. Repulsed on his western frontiers, he now set of course, nothing new in a king's claiming divine prerogatives off to the east, where the rapidly increasing power of the of this kind; Alexander had done so belore him and the claim Parthians had become a seriousmenace. In 166n.c. he made a had been made for severalof his predecessorson the Seleucid great show of power at the celebrated Festival of Daphne near throne. But this was nothing short of blasphemous in the eyes Antioch, and the following year crossedthe Euphrates, leaving of the who acknowledged the one true and only God. Jews the affairs-of his kingdom in the hands of a regint, Lysius, -hi At this time the dominant claims of Rome were making was appointed guardian of his eight-y.urr-Ild so.r, soon to themselves increasingly felt, and suspicious eyes were cast in succeed him as Antiochus V (Eupator) (cf. r Macc. the Antiochus, now himself the Sz7-37). direction of who was setting Little is known about this Parthian'campaign, in iarhich, THE HISTORY g+ ANTIOCHUS IV AND THE JEWS 35 a number of victories before apparently, Antiochus won and besotted man that the Jewish people suffered indignities dying, it is said, of consumption in 163 n.c. (cf. I Macc. few nations have ever been called upon to face. 6r-r6). The picture of this powerful Seleucid king that emerges is z. Helleniprs one ofvivid contrasts, and defies description. It is clear from in Jerusalem the account given of his military exploits that he was a soldier When Antiochus Epiphanescame to the throne in r75 n.c. policies were marked and statesman of no mean ability, whose the High Priest in Jerusalem was Onias III, a religious man by shrewdnessand courage. He showed military skill and and leader of the orthodox, who had succeededhis father prowess in the field of battle and at times rivalled the Romans Simon theJust. Unlike his father, who sided with the Seleucids, themselves in the difficult and dangerous game of diplomacy. Onias gave his support to the Ptolemies. FIe was no doubt But there was a tyrannical streak about him and an impulsive- influenced in this decision by the proximity of the large and nesswhich made even his friends not a little afraid of him. influential company ofJews in Egypt who would have easier in the extreme He made friends easily and could be generous accessto the Jerusalem Temple than the more distant colony to thosehe liked. But he was completely unreliable and unpre- in Babylonia for whom pilgrimage through a disrupted dictable. One day he would distribute gifts of silver and gold; Syria would be ahazardousundertaking. His policyoffriendihip the next, for no apparent reason,he would dole out the cheapest with Egypt was opposed by the elder sons of thi 'captainJoseph of trinkets. One moment he would be talkative and friendly; Tobiad, one of whom, Simon, was at this time of the the next silent and moody. He often acted on the spur of the Temple'. This rivalry came into the open during the reign of moment and found himself doing the most strange and even SeleucusIV when Onias successfullyopposed Simon's attempt tells us that he would fraternize outrageous things. Polybius to gain control of the market in Jerusalem, which carried with with the lowliest workman or take part in carousalswith undesir- it considerable commercial and financial advantages.Simon able characters.FIe liked to frequent the public baths, where on sought reprisal by denouncing Onias to the King, alleging that jar one occasion,it is reported, he poured a of perfumed oint- he was in league with the Ptolemaic sympathizer, Hy.-ut rrs ment over the headsof the bathers so that they slithered about (Simon's own half-brother), who had a large sum of money King among them ! He would sometimesjoin on the floor, the hidden away in the Temple (cf. z Macc. 3"). On hearing this, the actors in a theatrical performance on the stage,or would Seleucus sent his chief minister Heliodorus to appropriate turn up at a drinking party as a member of the orchestra or the Temple treasure. Onias, however, refused to give it up, take part in the dancing. Such practicaljokes and undignified a_ssertingthat it had been subscribedby widows and orphans, behaviour causedmany of his people to despisehim. But with though someof it belonged to Ffyrcanus.Heliodorus thereupon his frivolity there was a ficklenessthat warned them not to take forced his way into the Temple, but (so the story goes) was too many liberties. His mood ofjoviality could suddenlychange terrified by an apparition in which he was flogged by two to fearful vindictiveness.It is not without significancethat he was men (cf. z Macc.3ton').As a consequence 'Epimanes', 'mad', I9r"S he gave up nicknamed by some meaning instead of his attempt to take the treasure. 'Epiphanes', '(God) meaning manifest', for there are indica- Simon, however, not to be outdone, again accusedOnias of tions that towards the end of his life he showedsigns of mental plotting against the King. Onias decided to put his case derangement, a condition which his drunken habits only person before Seleucusin Antioch; but just at this time the helped to accentuate. It was during the reign of this brilliant King was murdered by Heliodorus and succeeded by his THE HTSTORY 36 ANTIOCHUS IV AND THE JEWS ct brother Antiochus IV. Events in Jerusalem, as we shall see, in their interpretation of these words. Some take them to made it impossiblefor Onias to return there and so he stayed mean that he sought for the citizens of Jerusalem the rights on in Antioch.I of citizens of Antioch, the Seleucid capital; others argue that With the High Priest safely out of the way the stage was was, in effect, replaced by a new city and renamed Jerusalem'Antioch', set for the Tobiads in Jerusalem to asserttheir authority and with a new constitution, so that its citizens could 'Antiocheans'; to establish themselveseven more securely in a position of truly be called others again take the words to power. They and their fellow Hellenizers in the aristocratic refer to membership of the gymnasium, which formed a 'corporation' priestly party were openly pro-Seleucid in their sympathies, of Hellenized Jews with privileged citizenship and saw in the accessionof Antiochus IV an opportunity to rights, the membersbeing called'Antiocheans' in commemora- further their own ends.Fortunately for them they had a cham- tion of their patron Antiochus IV. The granting of this request pion in Onias' brother, Jason, who preferred this Greek form (whatever its exact interpretation) meant that the concessions of his name to the Hebrew form Joshua'. During Onias' previously granted by Antiochus III, permitting the Jews to absence from Jerusalem, and with the full support of the live according to their ancestrallaws, were now abrogated (cf. Tobiads, Jason sought appointment to the High-Priestly z Macc.4II). The city was given over to the Greek way of life. office in return for a large sum of money to be paid to Antiochus It is not in the least surprising that the orthodox Jews in and the pledge of his wholeheartedsupport in the Hellenization Jerusalem were greatly incensed at these things. Quite apart of the Jews (cf. r Macc. rr3-ts; 2 Macc. +7-ts).Antiochus at from Jason's obnoxious policy of Hellenization, it was to them once agreed. To him such an appointment was an astute intolerable that a High Priest should be appointed to this political move, for, quite apart from the financial advantage divine office by a Gentile King. Their feelingswere tempered gained, Jason was the avowed leader in Jerusalem of the pro- only by the fact that he at least belonged to the High-Priestly Syrian party. Jason accordingly assumedoffi,ce (r74 n.c.) and family, and it is probably for this reason that they took no set in motion his agreed policy of Hellenization. The King active measuresagainst him. But Jason's position was far from gave him permission to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem and secure.The Tobiads, although they had supported his appoint- to enrol Jewish youths in it. Games were organized in which ment to the High Priesthood, now found that his policy of the athletes, according to Greek custom, ran naked on the Hellenization was not radical enough,and determined to obtain track; evenyoung priestsleft the altar to take part in the sports. the office for Menelaus (Hebrew, Menahem),one of their own They removed their mark of circumcision; they wore the number. The sourcesdisasree about this man's identity; but distinctive cap of Hermes, the patron of Greek sports; they if, as the writer of z Macc-abeesrecords (cf. 3n, 4zz),he'wasa changed their Hebrew namesto the Greek style,and conformed Benjamite, then he was not even a member of a priestly in almost every way to Greek custom and fashion. The writer family. The opportunity came when sent Menelaus to 'to Jason of z Maccabees records that Jason sought permission Antiochus with certain moneys which he owed the I(ing. register theJerusalemites as Antiocheans' (4e). Scholarsdiffer Menelaus graspedhis opportunity, pledging to the King a more thorough policy of Hellenization thanJason'sand offering three r According to Josephus he fled to Egypt, where in due course he built hundred talents more than his rival had been able to give. a Temple in Leontopolis (cf , lfar vtt. x. z) but elsewhere he more accurately ; Antiochus accepted, and Menelaus returned to refers this to his son Onias IV (cf. Antiquitiesxu. ix. 7; xnI. iii. t-3). Another Jerusalem tradition states that Onias III was killed at Daphne near Antioch (cf. z as the new High Priest. Fighting broke out in the city, in r'; Macc. 4:: which Menelaus ultimately gained the upper hand, chiefly 3B THE HISTORY ANTIOCHUS MND THE JEWS 39 through the help of Syrian troops sent to assisthim. But all senselessmassacreofmany innocent people (cf. z Macc. r8, 56). was not well with Menelaus. The greater part of the people in At last he was driven out of the city and took refuge again Jerusalem were opposed to him, and, to make matters worse, in Transjordan I after many wanderings he died a fugitive and he was finding difficulty in raising the money promised to an outcast from his people (cf. z Macc. 57-ro). Antiochus, who now summoned him to Antioch to give an account of himself. Before leaving with the help of Jerusalem, The aengeanceof Antiochus his brother Lysimachus, who was to act as High Priest in his 3. absence,he took possessionof a number of golden vesselsfrom During this time Antiochus had been taking part in his the Temple treasury, some of which he sold and others he first Egyptian campaign, in which he defeated Ptolemy VI's gave to Andronicus, the King's deputy in Antioch, as a bribe. army (169 r.c.). On his way back to Syria he learned of the According to z Maccabees, Onias III, the legitimate High insurrection in Jerusalem and decided to turn aside and Priest, who was still in Antioch at this time, protested against subduethe city (cf. r Macc. (o-2e; 2 Macc. 5tI-tz). In his eyes these measures; Menelaus thereupon persuaded Andronicus the people's refusal to recognize his nominee Menelaus as to have him put to death (cf. z Macc. 4n 38'Dan.926; rr22). High Priest was an act of rebellion against his own authority Some scholarsbelieve that this Onias III was the Teacher of which must be punished. Besides this he could not afford to Righteousnessof the Dead Sea Scrolls and that Menelaus was have a pro-Ptolemaic element asserting itself so close to the his opponent, the Wicked Priest.r Egyptian border. Arriving in Jerusalem he reinstated Mene- Meanwhile trouble was again brewing in Jerusalem, where laus and let loosehis soldiersto massacrethe people. Then, in the issue of Judaism versus Hellenism' had become much company with Menelaus (cf. z Macc. 5Is), he desecratedthe more clearly defined in the eyes of an increasing number of Temple, plundering the silver and gold vesselsthat still re- people. Menelaus' plundering of the Temple was the last mained there together with the sacredfurnishings and hidden straw; severe fighting broke out, in which the mass of the treasures.He then withdrew, leaving the city in the charge of people took up arms against the Hellenizers. Lysimachus Philip, one of his commanders (cf. z Macc. 5rr). mustered an army of three thousand men to quell the riot, but The next contact Antiochus had with Jerusalem was after his followerswere beaten and he himself was killed (cf. z Macc. his second campaign against Egypt in 168 s.c. when he was 43e-az).At this point the Jewish people sent three of their severely snubbed by the Roman legate, Popilius Laenas. On elders to Antiochus to lodge complaints against Menelaus, but his way home he learned of renewed strife in_jerusalemdespite without avail. Menelaus retained his office by offering further the presencethere of his commander, Philip. Antiochus wai in bribes (cf. z Macc. 443-so).MeanwhileJason, who had taken no mood to be trifled with; he would not tolerate a repetition refuge in Transjordan, was biding his time to strike back. of the previous trouble and so sent his general Apollonius, His opportunity came when a falserumour reachedJerusalem leader of the Mysian mercenaries,to deal with the situation (s-3si that Antiochus had died in Egypt. Attacking Jerusalem with (cf. r Macc. 2 Macc. 523-26).Arriving in Jerusalem, a thousand men he compelled Menelaus to take refuge in the Apollonius waited until the Sabbath, when he knew that the citadel (cf. z Macc. 5s). Not all the orthodox Jews who orthodoxJews would not fight, and, under pretence of friend- opposed Menelaus, however, were for that reason on the ship and peaceful intent, rushed into the city with his troops side of Jason, and many were alienated still further by his and slaughteredmany of the people.Women and children were r See p. 167. taken as slavesl the city was despoiled and burned with fire; 'I'HE 40 HIS'I'ORY ANTIOCHUS I\T ,\ND THE JEWS 4r the houses and the surrounding walls were razed to the sround. specifically against the Jews, religion, even although in the Not content with this he fortified the citadel on the ivesteln process their religious institutions had suffered. Now he hill opposite the I'emple rvith a strong wall and hish towers. determined to change his tactics and to exterminate making theJewish it into a fortress, which was now occupied bl,foreigri ,i religion aitogether. His plan was put into operation short troops and by a host ofJewish Hellenizers. From nn* on th. time afterwalds' (z Macc. 6r), in rtiT u.c.,r lviih the proclama_ Akra, as the fortress was called, became in effect a Greek 'polis' 'city' tion of a decree forbidding the people any longer to live or in its own right, with jurisdiction over the according to their ancestral laws (cl. i Mu... delenceless ,or-in; z Macc. cit)r of Jerusalem. wh;ch, with its breached rvalls, and 6t-rt), a special emissar.ywas sent to seethat this order was lay as open country r-ound about it. The Hellenizers, consisting. carried out. f'he aim_was the comprete abolition of theJewish for the most part of wealthy priests and noltles together witf, religion throughout Jerusalem and al AttentiJn their families, were able Judaea. was to pursue with vigour theil policr- concentrated on those very features of Judaism which ever o1'Hellenization; even more than befor.e,the iontrol of'J.rrsa_ since the return from the Exile had been recognized lem found as the its way into their hands. The imposition o1'taies and distinctive marks of the Jervish Iaith-the obseivance of the the confiscation oi land widenecl the already great gulf between sacrifices and festivals, the rite o1 circumcision, them and the reading and the mass of the people who lived inJerusilem and the of the Law. The traditional sacrilices were prohibited anj surrounding countryside. Irresponsible men in the Akra took the observance of the Sabbath and the custtmarv festivals matters into their own hands and much innocent blood u,as forbidden; children must rro longer be circumcised; shed. copies Lilb for many of these Jews became too much to bear of the Law were to be destroyed. Sentence of death was and a considerable number fled 1i.omthe city (cf. I Macc. r:s, decreed for anyone found breaking any of these commands. 3+8). There was nothing now t() keep even the most pious oi. Idolatrous altars were set up throughoui the them land (cf. r Macc. there, for the holy Temple itself had come under the I+z) on pain 'fhe .an ; of death Jews wer.e lorced to offer unclea. control of the Akra. city had become abode ol'aliens' sacrifices 'people and to eat swine's flesh (cf. z Macc. 6ra). As a crown_ inhabited by of pollution' (r Macc. 1:s :o) who ing deed of infamy, in December r67 n.c. Antiochus introduced r'vorshipped loreign gods (cf. Dan. rt:o). The Syrian soldiers, into the Temple in 'w'ho ,Lc,rd Jerusalem the worship of the Olympian r,vorshipped the god Baal Shamen (meaning oi Zeus. An altar. with bearded image of Ze,-rs, p.olralrlr. Fleaven') and other. deities popular within their iyncr.etistic ^a. bearing the features of Antiochus himsjf, was Hellenistic erected on the f,aith, were not slow to appropr.iate the Temple for altar of burnt offerinqs and swine,s flesh offered on it (cf. z their own use. Within its sacred precincts the worship of Macc' 'the 6z). It is this aitar which Danier calls abominatio. the God of Israel was combined with the worship of the gods that makes desolate'(Dan. r r3r, r2rr). The Syrian of the heathen. 'heathen' soldiersand The HellenizingJews were not oniy .orrrr".iurrt tne generally ',vith offered lbrbidden sacrifices and took these things, they actually threw in their lot u,ith them. part in acts of sensuality and drunken orgies. It was impossible Their leader Menelaus, far fi.om protesting, apparently con_ to live_-as Jews in circumstances like th1se. They were even tinued to officiate as High Priest, content that should compelled Judaism to take part in the monthly sacrifice offered in continue as a syncretistic cult and that the God of Israel commemor.ation of the King's bir.thdav and to walk in the should be worshipped in association with foreign gods. t Or r68 n.c. The uncertainty Up to this point the measur.estaken by Antiochus to subdue is due to tlie fact that datesfor this period are calculatedfrom the 'seleucid had been political year,, which is taken as either r r or Jerusalem in character and not directed 3 I2 B.c. 3 42 THE HISTORY

proces-sion of the god Bacchus, garlanded with ivy wreaths (cf. z Macc. 6:-z) . These measures were enforced on the Jews not only in Jerusalem and Judaea but also in many other piaces IV throughout the empire. Even the Samaritan Temple on l\4ount Gerizim was also dedicated to the sod Zeus (cf. z Macc. 6,). THE F-IGHT FOR AII who refused lo conlorm ro the Gr.eekwar ,rf life were to be FREEDON{ (cf. put to death e Macc. 68.n). ( r66 r4z a.c.) The High Priest Menelaus and his Hellenizine priests no doubt acquiesced in these measures; others s.,bmittld with a r. The beginnineso.f' reuolt less easy conscience because of the dire penalties which misht otherwise lollow (cf. r Macc. y43-521. There were others, hJw- T'nn Jervs $'e.e stu.ned by the sudden'ess ar.rd fer.ocitl, 'chose .l ever, who to die rather than to be defiled by food or to these events. NIanv in Jerusalem and neighbouring cities, as profane the holy covenant' (r Macc. r63). The accounts siven we have seen, fled into the open countrrl, *he..1hey took of the perseculion of these people are in part legeridary refuge in the villages, the rnountains, and rhe desert. Others no (especially in z Macc. 6-7), but they give,o-" id.u ai-least of doubt fled much far-ther afield and swellecl the numl;ers in the the severity ol'the punishment meted out to them. An ased Dispersion in diffelent parts of the empile. scribe, Eleazar, was lorced to open his mouth to eat swiie.s There wele some. however., who decided that the time had flesh and on relusing was flogged to death (cf. z Macc. 618 3r). come for drastic action. In the village of Modein, seventeen A mother and her seven sons were slaughtered one after the m_ilesnorth-west ol'Jerusalem, there lived an agecl priest namecl for^r9fuling to pay Mattathias r,vith his five sons-John, 1the1 homage to an idol (cf. z Macc. 7). Simon, Judas,-Eleazar, and Copies of the Law were had apparently torn in pieces and burned (cf. r Macc. Jonathan-who moved there ft.om Jemsalem vs0). Mothers who had circumcised their newly born children some time before (cf. r Macc. ertr.) . N{atrathias, glndfather- were put to death was a man called together with members ol'their families (cf. Asamonaeus (c[. l1:ar t. i. 3; Antiquiries xu. ,Hasmonaean' r Macc. r60-6r. z Macc.6,o) . Many people who had lelt ihe vi. r), and this is the probable origin of the name cities and crowded out into the villages and the surrounding which- is commonlv given to his descendants.r One day Anti_ country were continually molested by Syrian agents deter._ ochus' agents ar-rived at the village and ltegan to compel the people mined to stamp out the Jewish faith. to renounce their God and to offer unclean sacrifices (cf. r Macc. 2I5fi.). Mattathias, asanacknowledged leaderof the community, lr'as bidden to show a good example by being first to make his off'ering; if he did so he and hii sons l"o,rld b. ,the rewarded and be counted among Friends of'the King'. Instead, he defied rhe order and publicly pledged his loyai-tv to the ways o1-his fathers. When u ..rl"gu.l.;ew steppej Ibr:_ ward to offer the required sacrifice, Mattathias put woids into deeds and slew him on the altar. Then, turning on a Syrian

On:,L.. explarrtiorris that .- l. it comesfrom tlieword Hasmonaim meaning rrrnces. Seep. r[1.r. THE FIGHT FoR FREEDOM 45 officer who was standing by, he slew him also, and finallv des_ troyed the altar itself. It was impossiblefor Mattathias and his sonsto remain in Modein any longer, and so, calling 'zealous upon all who were for the Law' to follow him, he fled with his followers to the mountains in the wildernessofJudaea. whilst they were hidden there news reached them of a thousand men, women, and children who had been slain nearby becausethev refused to fight on the Sabbath day. Realizing that ,,rch a policy could only spell disasterfor their cause,Mattathias and his companions came to an important decision_sabbath or no Sabbath they would fight to the death in defence of the l holy Covenant which God had made with their fathers (cf. r Macc. z+t). At this point an important event took place that gave the movement not only increasednumerical strengthbut alsoa new i religious standing. Mattathias and his ,o.r, --.r" ioined bv the Hasidim (Hasidaeans),who, as we have seen,piobably came into existencesome time earlier, durine the High priesthood of Onias III, but are mentionednow by name fir the first time (cf. r Macc. ,+r; cf.7rz; z Macc. r46).Ata later stagethese men were to find themselvesat crosspurposes with the-Maccabees, and ultimately they withdrew from them; but at this juncture their attachment to the resistancemovement gaveit the inspira- tion it required.From the beginningthey afparently retained their identity as a distinct group, u.rd th. fight for fireedomin those early days owed much- to their di,otion and, zeal. ft has generally been thought, becausethey were among those ,'l who refusedto fight on the Sabbath day (ci. r Macc. 2si), that they. formed a pietistic and pacifist group, intent oniy on religious reform and avoiding political and national entansle- ments as much as possible.This is now seen to be a -isc-on_ ception. They formed a religious group within Judaism whose passionatedevotion to the Law ofCodwas so intensethat they were, prepared for its sake to sacrifice their very lives. Most scholars see in them the ancestorsof the Esseneswith whom they would identify the party of the Dead Sea Scrolls.r The t See pp. 165 f. THE HISTORY 46 THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM 47 evidence ofthe Scrolls supportsthe picture given ofthem in I set not so much in a victory of arms as in the supernatural and z Maccabeesas'mightywarriors of Israel', ready to fight in intervention of God (zzt, 'keep Bzs), who would send his archangel defenceofthe Law (cf. r Macc. 2+z),who up war and stir Michael to rescue his people out of all their troubles (lo"). up sedition'against the Syrians (cf. z Macc. r46), and form an The true leadersof the nation were, to him, 'the wise'who'shall important element in the revolutionary army (cf. r Macc. 7Ir). make many understand' 'militant (r rrr), in whom we are probably to These believers',filled with a deep piety and aflame recognize the party of the Hasidim. The resistance movement with zeal for God's holy Law, had no doubt for sometime taken oa . under Mattathias and Judas was only little help' (rrt+1 their stand in opposition to the Hellenizers in Jerusalem. Now deliverance could come from God alone. they came out openly on the side of Mattathias and his sons, their swords unsheathed in the struggle for religious liberty. f n thoseearly days of the Maccabaean Revolt, asthe struggle z. The rise of Judas Maccabaeus: the rededicationof the came to be called, the fighting took the form of guerrilla war- Temple Q64 n.c.) fare (cf. r Macc. 244-48).They went from village to village Judas, the third son of Mattathias, was a natural successor tearing down the altars, forcibly circumcising those children to his father as leader of the revolutionary movement. He is 'a who had not undergone the rite, and slaughtering any they describedas mighty warrior from his youth' ( r Macc. z 66)and 'they 'like found who had taken part in pagan sacrifices.In this way a lion in his deeds, like a lion's cub roaring for prey' rescuedthe law out of the hands of the Gentilesand kings, and (34). He was given the nickname 'Maccabee', meaning 'hammer' 'hammer-headed', they never let the sinner gain the upper hand' (I Macc. z+8). or in token, no doubt, of his In that same year, r66 n.c., Mattathias died, his place being military exploits. Although this name applies strictly only to taken by his third son, Judas, with whom a new stage in the Judas himself it is generally used also with reference to his ' 'Maccabaean' fighting began (cf. r Macc. 24e-7oAntiquities xrr. vi. 3-4). brothers who continued the Revolt. Under his Not long after these events a book appeared which despite leadership the struggle passed from the guerrilla stage to that its obscure symbolism castsa great deal of light on the hopes of well-planned battles and full-scale war. Judas from the and fears of the faithful Jews living in those days. The Book of start won a seriesof victories,including one over Apollonius and Daniel' reflects the outlook of the party of the Hasidim. Its another over Seron at Beth-horon (cf. 310-16),which enhanced author (or authors) expresseshis faith in the speedy triumph his reputation and gained for him many more volunteers in of God's purpose, and at the same time encourages his fellow the fight for freedom. More important was his rout of Gorgias, Jews in their sufferings to remain true to the Law and the at Emmaeus near Beth-horon, whom Antiochus' regent holy Covenant made with their fathers. Little reference is Lysias had sent against Judaea (cf. 3zt-4zs; Antiquitiesxv. made here to the events associatedwith the Maccabaean vii. 3-4). The following year (r64 n.c.) Lysias himself attacked Revolt. Several reasons can perhaps be given for this. The Jerusalem from the south, but he too suffered defeat at Beth- fighting at this time, as we have seen, had not yet developed zur and withdrew to Antioch (cf. 4zt-zs' Antiquitiesxrr. vii.5). into full-scale war, but was still at the guerrilla stage; the Now that their enemies were crushed one thing 'flatterers' above all author is rather doubtful about who had joined others remained to be done-to purify the Temple and rededi- themselves to the movement (rr,r) ; above all, his faith was cate the sanctuary (cf. 4ro-so;. Accordingly, in the second r See pp. zzo ff The book, as we have it, probably belongs to the period half of the same year (164 n.c.) Judas marched on Jerusalem r67-r64 n.c. and occupied Mount Zion, shutting up the Syrian troops and 4B THE HISTORY THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM 49 theirJewish sympathizersin the Akra. The Temple itself could Jews in the surrounding territories must be brought within the now be restored. First he selectedpriests who had remained scope of their rule. Accordingly Judas carried out a series of faithful during the time of persecution; the altar which had successful campaigns against the Idumaeans in the south, the been desecratedby offerings made to the Olympian Zeus was Baeanites in Transjordan, and the Ammonites north-east of 8) pulled down and a new one made of unhewn stoneserected the Dead Sea (cf. r Macc. 5, ; on receiving reports of persecu- in its place; the sanctuary and the interior of the Temple were tion from the Jervish communities in Galilee and Gilead, he rebuilt and refurnished with curtains, lamps, and other holy sent his brother Simon northwards with an army to the helo vessels.And so in the month Kislev (i.e. December) 164 n.c., of the one, u'hilst he himsell; supported by his br.otherJonathan, exactly three years after its desecration by Antiochus, the crossed the Jordan to the help of the other. Both campaigns Temple with its altar was rededicated and restored to its were successful, but as they could not keep permanent control former use.The Feastof Dedication (Hebrew, lfanukkah)which over these areas they brought back the Jewish inhabitants to followed was ordered to be kept year after year on the twenty- Judaea (cf. 5o s+;. In subsequent campaigns against Idumaea fifth day of Kislev in commemoration of thisjoyous event. Thus and Philistia he captured Hebron and Ashdod, returnine 'there was very great gladness among the people, and the home rvith much plunder (cf. 5o:-os;. reproach of the Gentiles was removed' (4ss), So as to ensureits One supreme task, however, remained to be done. The safety in the future Jerusalem was fortified with high walls and Akra-that hated symbol of Syrian domination-was still in strong towers, and a garrison stationed there to defend it; the hands of the enemy and served as a constant reminder that similar measureswere taken at Beth-zur on the borders of Antiochus' decree forbidding the rites and ordinances of the Idumaea to the south (cf. 4oo-ot;. Jenish religion had not yet been rescinded. Judas accord- ingly_laid siege to it, probably in the spring or summer of r63 n.c. During the blockade some Syrian soldiers together rvith g. The rule of Maccabaeus: religious libert2 Judas full a number of Hellenizing managed to escape and made granted a.c.) Jews Q63 their way to Antioch, where they put their caie before the The position of the Jews in Judea was, for the time being King (cf.6I8-27). The old arch-enemy of theJer,vs, Antiochus at any rate, tolerably secure.The same could not be said, how- IV, had died the previous year about two months before the ever, of their fellow Jews in the countries around Judaea, rededication of the Temple (cf. z Macc. gt-zo),r and was surrounded as they were by Hellenistic influence and under succeeded by his eight-years-old son Antiochus V (Eupator). the jurisdiction of foreign powers. Partly for the protection Just before he died he appointed Philip regent and guardian of his people and partly to strengthen his own position in of the young King; Lysias, however, who had been eiven these appointments Judaea, Judas now set himself to win complete independence at an earlier stage, now saw his opporiunitl. and ,l appropriated both for theJewish nation, to make the whole Palestinian area and responsibilities (cf. 6s-'z;. When the Je.ivs w^ho not only Judaea itself thoroughly Jewish. Such a policy, in had escaped from the Akra made their report, Lysias set ! off for which he was followed by his brothers Jonathan and Simon Judaea with a strong army, forced Judas to retreat, and and their successorsin the Hasmonaean F{ouse,was in a sense besiegedJerusalem (cf. 6rs s+). The situation rvas saved, hcir,r,- an extension of the policy formerly adopted by Ezra.t All ever, r,r'hen Lysias received word that philip was planning to I According r For other illustrations of this policy and the attempt to proselytize - to r NIacc. 6'2, however, the death ofAntioclius appears to by force see pp. 63, 69, place after the rededication of the Temple. 7o. ".:.rJ;:." HISTORY 5() THE THE FICJHT FOR FREI.]DO\,I take over the reins of government in his absence. Generous lodging their complaints against Judas and in pledging their offered to who agreed to surrender the terms were Judas, support {br the nelv King. Demetrius confirmed Alcimr,rs in the around the Temple; in return Lysias granted a fortifications High Priesthood (r6r n.c.) and sent him toJerusalem u'ith a rescinded the orders issued by Antiochus IV general amnesty, strong escort undel his general Bacchides. At this point it is s.c. he set up the worship of the Olympian Zeus, in 167 when reported that certain scribesand Hasidim approached Alcimus the High Priest Menelaus, and had him put to death deposed and Bacchides seeking to establish good relations. no doubt (cf. z Macc. 13. 8).Thus, though theJews were still subject influenced by Alcimus' promises o1' loyalty to the Jewish rule and a Syrian garrison continued to occupy the to Syrian religion and by the fact that he himself belonged to the true Akra, religious freedom was at last secured (cf. r Macc. 6ss-0:1. n.).It priestly line of Aaron (cL r Macc. 7tz has been generally assumed that this incident marks a profound split in tl're lanks of followers and that 4. Judas and his nationalist aims Q6z-r6o n.c.) Judas' the Hasidim, seeking only religious indeper.rdence, now withdrew their support from The Maccabaean Revolt, which had begun as a protest Judas, rvhoseaim u'as national independence. lfhis assumption, pelsecution, had now achieved its aim; against religious however, is harclly justifiable on the evidence availaltle. The more free to live according to the Jewish people were once hopes ol' the Hasidim fol peace were rudely shatteled, and laws. had begun as a religious revolt soon their ancestral What their confidence in Alcimus completell'broken rvhen. despite into a strong nationalist movement for developed, however, his promise that no harm would l;efall them, he tleacl.rerousll, political independence, led in turn by Judas and his brothers seizedsixtl'of their numlter and slew them (c1.r \{acc. 7t:f.' and Simon. These years were marked not only by Jonathan Antiquilies xII. x. z). Realizing that Judas had been light remained militarily in control, opposition to the Seleucids, who in his judgement the) thlew in their lot with him as lbr-melly. {br political power within but also, as previously, by a struggle This is implied in the report of a second inter"n'ielr.that The government saw no reason theJewish nation itsell. Syrian Alcimus now sought with Demetrius, in which he singlecl c-rut {urther and so decided to strengthen their 'those to trust Judas for special me ntion of theJews n'ho ale called Hasidaeans, association with the Hellenizers among the To this end Jews. whose leader is Judas Maccabaeus, (who) ale keepinrr-up \var a man called Alcimus (Hebrew Lysias appointed as High Priest and stirring up sedition, and will not let the kingdom attain who, though a member of the High- Jakim or Jehoiakim), trancluillitl'' (e \{acc. r46) . In responseto his appeal 1or help Macc. lV{acc. r4z; Antiquilies xn" Priestly family (cl. r 7t+; z Demetrius decided to send an army under his genelal Nicanol ix. xx. x. r was himself a member of the Hellenizing party. 7, ), to captule Judas ancl to confirm Alcimus in the High Pliest- all popular with who, it This appointment was not at Judas, hood.Juclas, hor,r'ever',was too porverful for him : near the village Alcimus from taking up office in would seem, prevented of Adasa a battle took place (16r n.c.) in which Nicanor (cf. Macc. r4:). Meanwhile the balance of power Jerusalem z was defeated and kiiled, and his army dliven out into the coastal in Syria had once more been upset. In that same year, r62 e.c., so). plain (cf. r Macc. 7)6 Alcimus, the High Pliest. flecl to Demetrius, the son of the murdered Seleucus IV and nephew Syria. of Antiochus Epiphanes, escaped lrom Rome, where he had At this point Judas did something which undellines his hostage, brought about the death of Lysias and been kept a political aspirations-he sent a deputation to Rome, headed Antiochus V, and assumed the throne of Syria as Demetrius I 'tcr by two Jeu'ish leadels named Eupolemus and Jason, (Soter). fellow Hellenizers lost no time in Alcimus and his establish a tleat\. o1'fliendship and alliance' (r \{acc. B';). .I'HE f.HE FIGHT FOIT FI{EEDON{ HISTORY

The result was a declaration of fi'iendship between the Roman Senate and theJewish nation (cf. r N4aci. B). Rome thereupon sent a warning to Demetrius concerning his future dealings g:t f.) r'vith the Jews (cf. r Macc. . Demetrius, however, had ah'eady taken stepsto avenge the delbat ofNicanor, dispatching an army to Judaea under Bacchides, who was accompanied b,v Alcimus. Seeing the might of the Syrian army many o1' Judas' followers deselted him, and in the ensuing battle fought at Elasa (r6o r.c.), in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, 2r) Judas was slain (cf. r Macc. 9I .

s. Jonatltan as leader and High Priest Q6o-r43 D.c.) 'I'he death ofJudas was a great blor,r'to the nationalist palt)', and control o1-affairs once more passed over into the hands ol' the Hellenizers, with Alcimus at their head. T'he greater' palt of the people accepted the situation, gratified no doultt An aerialview of the Wildernessof.Judaea to the ofJerusalem that they could at least continue to worship in freedom accord- cast shorving the semi-aridterrain of erodedlirnestone and desolateplains. Both here ine to their ancestral i:rws. and in desertsfarther to the south many Jews from tinrc to tirne sought refugelrom their oppressors. Jonathan and lJacchidesQ6o r53 r.c). Bacchides' policy was clear t() suppress all lesistance by force. Certain of .Judas' fi'iends were captured, tortured, and put to death; manr.'others returned to Antioch. Two I'earslater, hor,r'ever,at the request of escaped into the deselt ol'Judaea, lvhere they went into hiding. the Hellenize rs he returned to a, where his arml' suffered Bv popr,rlar acclamation \'ounger brothel Judae Judas' Jonathan a defcat at Beth-basi in the wilderness. Bacchides was now clected leader in his steacl,rvith the purpose of carrf ing Judaean at this point showed open displeasure rvitl-r the Hellenizers on the war against the enemy (c1. r Macc. g2.r3I). Bacchides who had brought him into this compromising situation, anci in pr:epared against future tlouble b,v holding certain leading a rage slert' manv of them. Jonathan thereupon made peace Jews as hostagesin the Akra and by building a ring oi foltifica- proposals, which were at once accepted. The S1'rians handed tions round (ci. r N{acc. g5o-53).In the spring of Jerusalem over the prisoners they had taken and agreed to bring hostilities that same r.ear (r59 e.c.) Alcimus tore down the r,vallsepalating to an end; Bacchides himself returned to Antioch. the T'emple N{ount lrom the inner court that had previously Jonathan now took up his headquarters at Michmash, about nine miles been lbrbidden to Gentiles; and when. a short time later, he north ofJerusalem. From there he'began to judge the people' died, the orthodox regarded this as a jr-rst retribution, Jer,r's and punished the Hellenizers among the (cl. r N4acc. No suital;le man was lbund to take Alcimus' place and the Jews gs8-73).For the next five years ( r57 r n.c.) continued ofllce of High Priest remained vacant Ibr the next seven years 52 Judaea at peace, and the power and influence o1'Jonathan ar.rd his (cf. r Macc. . Follorving the death of Alcimus, Bacchides 95+-s7) followers lapidly increased. decided he could safi-'lvleave his command in Judaea and so f'HU HISTOR-Y -rHE s.f FIGHT FOR FREEDOM s5 and AlexanderBalas Jonathan Q5z rq5 r.c.). In r52 B.c. the ceded territoiies, the enrolment ofJewish troops in the Svrian authoritv of Demetlius I was challenged b1' a pretender, army, subsidies for the Temple, and money for the rebuilding of Alexancler- Balas, rvho claimed to be the son of Antiochus the city walls. But Jonathan was shrewd enough not to accept Epiphar.res.In the course o{'the next lbw r.earsltoth men were such promises at theif face value and continued his support of to court tl're favour" oflonathan, who was notv recognized as the Alexander Balas. As things turned out he made the right obvious leader of the Jewish people. Demetrius was first to decision, for in r5o B.c. Demetrius met Balas in battle and was make concessions; the hostages who had been kept prisoner slain (cf. r l\{acc. ro22-so).Shortly afterwards Balas invited in the Akra were handed over and was permitted to Jonathan Jonathan as his guest to Ptolemais (Acco), on the occasion of muster tr()ops and equip them with arms. Jonathan took his marriage to Cleopatra, daughter ol'Ptolemy VI (Philo- immediate steps to exploit the situation thus cr-eated.Moving metor) o{' Egypt. There the King treated him with great his heaclcluarters Irom Michmash to he took control 'made 'and Jelusalem respect, him general and governor' of Judaea o1'the citr.' and lbrtified the Temple alea, seliously curtailing enrolled him among his chief Friends' (r Macc. 105I-66). the pou'el of the garrison in the Akra there (cl. r Macc. roI "). Jonathan thus held olice as a servant of the Svrian government The Sr-r'ian troops were now withdlawn from all the places responsible to Balas for his actions. But he was at least in pre'u'ioush' fortified by Bacchides, with thlee exceptions- control of his own land, a situation that could be exploited bv ()azara the Akla itself, Beth-zur (c{. r N{acc. ror+), and (cl'. r a man of his shrewdness and skill. With an eye on the complete \{acc. r rar. r?a3). independence ofJudaea he now seized every opportunity to Alexander Balas, not to be outdone, now determined to strengthen his own position and to extend his territory beyond outbid l)emetrius and offered even sreater benefits Jonathan the narrow limits of the Judaean state. than his lival had done. In a cordial letter he appointed Further complications developed in Syrian affairs when, in Jonathan High Priest-an honour which the Jews themselves r+7 8.c., Balas' position was challenged by the son of Deme- were not vet leady to confer upon him and gave him the trius I, bearing the same name as his father, who now laid title'the King's Friend' (cf. r \{acc. rols-trI).Thus by a strange claim to the throne. Two years later Balas was defeated in tr.r'ist of fate Jonathan lbund himself in leasue with the pro- battle and fled to Arabia, where he was assassinated. The wa1' I'essed son ol the notorious Antiochus Epiphanes.I The was open for Demetrius II (Nicator) to take over the S.vrian Hellenizers nou, lound themselves in a most unenviable oosi- throne (c{. r Macc. r rr rq). tion. Without the support of the S,vrians theil opposition tcr Jonalhan. and Demelrius II (r+S ,+S a.c.). Demetrius, how- Jonathan fell to the sround and the political influence thev ever, whose hold on the throne was none too secure, was as had exercised lor many vears came suddenly to an end. yet young and inexpelienced in the arts of diplomacy and u'ar'. had won by diplomacy, and b1' exploiting the Jor.rathan Jonathan, aware o1'these things, determined to strike a furthel division within the Syrian camp, what Judas had lteen unable blow for the independence of the state ofJudaea by attacking to gain by force of arms. the Akra, wher-e the Hellenized Jews with a Syrian garrison Demetrius, however', had not evelr Yet eiven up hope, and were still in control. Demetrius at once ordered him to raise offered Jonathan greater favours still. His promises included the siege and report to him at Ptolemais. On hearing this exemption llom taxation, surrender of the Akra, restolation oI Jonathan decided on bold action. Ordering his men to con- I For the clainr that forrathan was thc Wicked Priest of the Dead Sea tinue the siege he set off lbr Ptolemais, together with a group Scrolls sec o. I6i. of elders and priests, rvith lavish gilis lbr the King. Demetlius 56 THE HISTORY THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM 57 was so impressedby this show of audacity and arrogance that the gravest apprehension. The increasing power of the he forthwith made a 'King's Jews Jonathan Friend', confirmed him was proving an embarrassment to him in his own plans, in the High Priesthood,and, at his request, annexed toJudaea which were to kill the young Antiochus VI and claim the three districts in the southern part of Samaria-Ephraim, throne for himself. He decided, however, not to show his hand Lydda, and Ramathaim-which he now exempted from openly. Instead he inveigled Jonathan, together with a thou- taxation (cf. r Macc. ttzo-:z). sand of his men, to go with him to Ptolemais.As soon as they At this juncture Demetrius found himself in serioustrouble. had enteredthe city the gateswere shut,Jonathan was arrested, His army, openly rebellious at his treatment of them, deserted and his retinue slaughtered(cf. r Macc. r2ie s3).There was him. To make things worse one of Balas' generals,Diodotus consternationinJerusalem at the news of Tryphon's treachery Tryphon by name, claimed the Syrian throne for Balas' and Simon r"u, ut once appointedJonathan', ,rr...rro.. Losing young sonAntiochus. Jonathan immediately took advantageof no time he strengthened the fortifications around Jerusalem the situation and sent a request to Demetrius to withdraw and sent a powerful force to occupy Joppa, whose inhabitants his garrisonsfrom the Akra, Beth-zur, and Gazara,Demetrius, he did nottmst (cf. r Macc. r1tt, r+s; Antiquitiesxrrr.vi. 6). Try- besieged in his palace in Antioch by his own people, was phon now marched south from Ptolemais, bringing glad to make any promises Jonathan in return for Jonathan's help. But with him. At Adida, near Modein, he tried to parleywith Simon whenJonathan attacked Antioch with three thousandmen and but broke his promise that, in return for irostagesand roo rescued the King, Demetrius went back on the promise he talents of silver, he would releaseJonathan. He then made an had made. fn such circumstancesit is not surprising that, when attempt to march on Jerusalem, wher.e the Syrian garrison Tryphon sought his help, Jonathan turned his back on Demet- in the Akra was by now desperatefor food, but was hindered rius and joined his rival, who crowned his young prot6g6 as by a heavy fall of snow. In a fit of temper he finally killed Antiochus VI. was now confirmed Jonathan in all the honours Jonathan at a place called Bascam on the east side ofJordan conferred upon him by Demetrius; Simon his brother was 'from and returnedto his orvnland (r43 e.c. Cf. r Macc. r3t-24). made governor the Ladder of Tyre to the borders of Egypt' (r Macc. Il3o-se). 6. Simon and tlw independence Jonathanand TryphonQq a.c.).As one of Tryphon's generals oJ Judaea Q4z a.c) now took part in Jonathan a number of successfulcampaigns, Simon now saw his opportunity to achieve the goal which ranging frorn Gaza and Ascalon in the south-westto Damascus both Judas and Jonathan had set before them-the indepen- and the Sea of Galilee in the north. At the same time he took dence of the Jewish nation from Syrian control. Judas had independent action by renewing friendly relations with Rome, achieved the goal ofreligious independenceand Jonathan had which his brotherJudas had previously encouraged,and sent made himself master inJ';das2; Simon now took the final step letters to Sparta and other foreign powers with the same and demanded complete political independence.Having con- purpose inview (cf. r Macc. r2t-2t). He went even further and solidatedhis position by building fortressesthroughout built a number of fortifications Jrrdu.u, throughout Judaea; in Jerusa- he sent a deputation to Demetrius II, with suiiable giftr, to lem itself he increased the height of the walls and erected a ask for the recognition ofJudaea as an independent state by great mound between the Akra and the rest of the city, thus the grant of releasefrom taxation. The price of such indeoen- cutting offits vital supply-line (cf. r Macc. r2za.:l). dencewould be his loyalty to Demetrius,whose rival tryphon Tryphon, not without reason, viewed thesehappenings with had by this time murdered the young Antiochus VI- and 58 THE HISTORY THE rIClH"t' FOR FREEDOM 59 claimed the throne (cf. r Macc. r33I-r't). Demetrius was hardly increased it gladuallv assumed the chalacter of a Hellenistic 'Simon in a position to refuse, and in a letter addressed to the state whose High-Pliestly rulers became almost indistinguish- High Priest and Friend of Kings' and to the Elders of the able at times from the princes and kings of' neighbouring peoples. Jews he agreed to an amnesty and granted complete exemption This is illustrated in the case of Simon himself. Flven u'hen from taxation, i.e. he recognized Judaea as a sovereign and 'the independent country. Thus yoke of the Gentiles was allowance is made lirl the idealized pictule of his reign given in I Maccabees, it is clear that he was resal'ded by his subjects removed {rom Israel' in the year | +2 B.e.,and'the people began to write in their documents and contracts, "In the first year of as a great and wise |rrler, essentially a man of peace, who took Simon the great High Priest and commandel and leader of seliouslv his High-Priestlv office and was devout in his obser.- theJews"'(r Macc. I33s-42). vance of the Lar,v. It is equally clear, however', that he and the That same year Simon captured the fortress of Gazara, members o1'his {amily lived in considelable splendour and amassed wealth which dazzled even the envoys ol'the Syr.ian between Jerusalem and Joppa, replacing its heathen inhabi- king (cf. I \{acc. r5::) Simon himself using much o{-hisprivate tants with loyal Jews and appointing his son John as governor. , His most memorable act, however, was the capture of the fortune for public benelb.ctions and fittir.rg-out the army at his own expense, after' thc style of a typical Hellenistic (cl. Akra in Jerusalem, which lor more than forty years had been king in the hands of the Hellenizers, a constant reminder of the r Macc. r4::) . These characteristics,and others lessattractive, were to become much more plonounced in the lives Jews' subjection to the Syrian power. The Akra itself was of his purified and the adjacent Temple Mount fortified (cf. r Macc. successorsand rvele yet to cause grave concern zrmong the r343-s3).The Hellenizing party was now completely cr.ushed people, some of whom were convinced that the descendants of and the last stronghold of Syrian domination removed from the Maccabees had betrar.ed their God-eiven trusr. the land. The state which Simon and his brother-shad done so much to establish was yet to pass through many troubled times. For the next seventy years or so (r4z 63 n.c.) it enjoyed independence so hardly won, until another world-power, greater even than that o{'the Seleucids, once more brought it into subjection. But from the beginning the lbundations on which it had been built were none too strong. The victorv of'the Jews under the Maccabees was essentially the victor-r' of a particular party within the nation, even though it included the greater part o1'the people. The Hellenizing party ceasedto exist as an organized military and political force after the fall of the Akra, but Hellenism as a cultural factor continued to play a vital part in the lile of the Jewish people. The Jewish state, though now politically independent of Svria, was never- theless part and parcel o1' the Hellenistic r'r'orld in which it had to live its life. As its contacts u,ith other Hellenistic Do\vers