Elite Circulation and Lnstitutional Consolidation in Eastern Germany1

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Elite Circulation and Lnstitutional Consolidation in Eastern Germany1 256 ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES 4 • 1996 Elite Circulation and lnstitutional Consolidation in Eastern Germany1 Hans-Ulrich Der/ien tai from the rich western part of the country (and ABSTRACT to help bring about economic transformation), blueprints of administrative and political institu­ tions were available too for the newly established The dual regime change, revolution and Länder, which had proven effective in the west­ unification, distinguishes the case of the former GDR ern part of the country since 1949. Third, the ex­ from ali other regime changes in the former Soviet empire and opened exceptional opportunities for ceptional circumstances of a dual revolution cre­ adjustment to democratization and marketization. ated extra-ordinary conditions for filling these Administrative and political inslitutions were institutions with live by enab/ing an extent of elite available, which had proven effective in the western circulation unknown elsewhere. Nevertheless, it pari of the country since 1949. Furlhermore, the exceptional circumstances of a dual revolution is time to ask the more general question if polit­ created extra-ordinary conditions for filling these ical and administrative institutions have become institutions with life by enabling an extent of elite consolidated by 1995. By drawing on my empir­ circulation unknown elsewhere. Political purge and ical research I shall deal in this presentation with elite import from the West are inspected as the most imporlant mechanisms. Secondly, on the basis of two aspects of post-unification Germany: survey data, the development of trust in institutions - First, 1 want to compare elite circulation in is analyzed. 11 is argued thai the posilive the parliamentary and executive as well in the development in this respect might have to do with administrative and judicial branches of govern­ recruiting the administrative and judicial elites from the western pari of the country, for they represent ment; the overarching question is to what extent the new institutions and keep them under control. the old elite was purged and where the new elite came from. - Establishing and filling with life the new insti­ 1. INTRODUCTION tutions is a necessary but not a sufficient condi­ tion for institutional consolidation. Therefore, East Germany, the former German Democrat­ 1 want to address the question, how these new ic Republic (GDR), in 1989/1990 experienced, in institutions are accepted in eastern Germany. addition to economic transformation, political What do we know about the trust in theses insti­ change of a twofold nature: a velvet revolution tutions? leading to the implosion of the totalitarian politi­ ln focussing on post-revolutionary elite circu­ cal system in late 1989 and, owing to the subse­ lation and trust in institutions, it is supposed that quent unification with the Federal Republic of there is a theoretical link between both aspects: Germany, the loss of statehood and the adop­ elite recruitment and capability, it is assumed, will tion of the West German constitution. This dual affect the legitimacy as well as the effectiveness regime change, revolution and unification, distin­ of institutions. Although I cannot statistically es­ guishes the case of the former GDR from all oth­ tablish this relationship, it is reasonable to pre­ er regime changes in the former Soviet empire suppose that the extent of circulation in the polit­ and opened exceptional opportunities for adjust­ ical elite will primarily influence beliefs in the le­ ment to democratization and marketization. Not gitimacy of the new order. For executive institu­ merely was there the opportunity to import capi- tions and the judiciary to function effectively, will depend on the professional expertise of the re­ This article was originally given as a paper at the spective elites. Ultimately, satisfaction with the Annual Meeting of the German Studies Associa­ way the new executive and judiciary work will, in tion, Chicago, 21-24 September 1995. turn, affect the legitimacy of the political system. ¡ ARTICLES • HANS-ULRICH DERLIEN 257 I I The empirical suggestion of this paper is that the Traditionally, since Pareto and Mosca the ques- relatively strong trust in institutions in eastern tion is raised about the reasons why old elites Germany that developed by 1995 was, among loose political control and circulation subsequent other things, brought about by high elite circula- occurs. The most general answer is probably that tion that at the same time secured the expertise they — owing to their power positions — could af- needed for running the executive and legislative ford not to learn (Karl W. Deutsch) until they were branches. ossified in the sense that their policies no longer responded to the exigencies of the system. Less simple is the answer where new elites come from. 2. ELITE CIRCULATION One reason why there was hardly a political coun- ter-elite visible in the GDR in 1989, might be that Contrary to most of the analyses of classical organizing and maintaining (against potential revolutions, the recent works on breakdown of counter-moves) an opposition is relatively easier or transition to democratic regimes2 focussed on to achieve in unstable democratic systems (like the crucial role of elites in this process of achiev- during the inter-war period) and even in authori- ing stable democracies. This recognition of the tarian systems than it is in totalitarian systems of decisive role elites play in revolutions constitutes the fascist or communist type. Authoritarian sys- a paradigmatic change, for former comparative tems (or the absolutist French ancien regime) studies of revolutions have turned to the Marxist allow at least for some opposition or for niches paradigm of explaining revolutions and their out- where potential counter-elites manage to exist in comes purely in terms of class struggle. Increas- civil life. The question therefore is if in 1989 there ingly it has been recognized in studies of classi- developed new political elites at all and where cal revolutions that, beyond economic and de- they could develop; to what extent did they bring mographic factors, the (non-) reactions of ruling in new ideas or were just converted members, elites (Tilly 1975), their fragmentation or consen- possibly of a younger generation, of the old sys- sus (Higley and Burton 1989) as well as the fis- tem — an internal counter-elite or rather system cal state capacity (Skocpol 1979), and the result- critical elites? ing inability to ameliorate the lot of (growing) Elite circulation induced by purges or resigna- marginal societal groups (Goldstone 1991) are tions results initially in an elite vacuum. The ex- of critical importance for explaining crisis, break- tent of elite circulation and the intermittent vacu- down and revolution. 'The state", i.e. basically: um can best be read from the rejuvenation of the the (rudimentary) bureaucracy on local and na- elites (Derh en 1991 a). The reason for this is that, tional levels as well as the ruling and competing in trying to adapt to the revolutionary claims for elites was, since the 1970s, attributed increas- policy change, conformist elites tend to purge the ingly more autonomy over socio-economic "struc- party hierarchy and to recruit successors from tures", and thus politics during transition periods within their parties and the state apparatus; this was brought back into theoretical models. In that occurred in East Germany on the national and respect, there is a convergence with those anal- regional levels after Honecker had been replaced. yses dealing with more recent historical break- Von Beyme (1993) argued that this is the more downs of democratic or authoritarian polities likely and connected to system collapse where (O'Donnel, Schmitter and Whitehead 1986).3 the gerontocracy of the old regime prevented early rotation in office like in Czechoslovakia and the GDR. Only if internal succession in the ruling 2 The period between the breakdown of the ancien party is no longer possible for preserving power, regime and relative stability of a new regime will be called "transition". Thus, terminologically Szab- outsiders or persons marginal to the old system lowski/Dertien 1993 differentiate between regime tend to advance to the power centre and enter changes (revolutionary or not revolutionary), break- the transition elite. down (in any case) and transition towards a new A systematic official (and not just party inter- order (also in any case). As far as this transition occurs in a planned way, one could also speak of nal) purge of the newly elected parliaments and transformation, in particular of the economic sub- the state bureaucracy was attempted — and met system. In Germany, it is customary to talk of Trans- with resistance — in Poland, Czechoslovakia and formationsforschung and to neglect the broader East Germany. This negative elite recruitment framework of empirical theories of revolutions. 3 German transformation researchers hardly analyze elite circulation, although claims to that extent are ionabl e "actor-oriented approach" in sociology; cf. I being made and justified within the presently fash- Reißig 1995. г I 258 ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES 4 • 1996 (von Beyme 1993) that aims at excluding former Although two month later in the Bundestag power holders from important public offices and election 1990 merely 52 percent of the eastern parliaments could be afforded the larger the sup­ German MPs started a new career in professional ply of new elite aspirants was to close
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