DOCSLIB.ORG

The Endless Election: 1990 in The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Endless Election: 1990 in The FIB Papers Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung Veröffentlichungsreihe der Forschungsgruppe Internationale Beziehungen P 91 - 302 The Endless Election: 1990 in the GDR Thomas R. Cusack and Wolf-Dieter Eberwein Publication Series of the International Relations Research Group Reichpietschufer 50 D 1000 Berlin 30 Die in dieser Arbeit vertretenen Auffassungen sind die des Verfassers und nicht notwendigerweise die der Forschungsgruppe Internationale Beziehungen. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and not necessarily those of the International Relations Research Group. The assistance of Carsten Johnson, Katrin Gaertner, Jörg Stangl, and Susanne Fuchs in helping to prepare and organize the data sets used in the analysis reported in this paper is gratefully acknowledged. ABSTRACT The fall of the SED regime led to the first free election in the GDR. The March 18, 1990 Volkskammer election was quickly followed by another three, the communal, state, and then the first all-German Bundestag elections. This paper reviews some of the arguments about the outcomes of these elections, describes the outcomes at both the national and state level, and analyzes some aspects of the election outcomes. Using data at the Kreis level (227 electoral-administrative units), evidence is provided that suggests at least part of the notable decline in electoral participation over this series of elections appears to be related to an exit from the electoral system by SED-PDS supporters. In addition, the relative success and failure of the CDU and the PDS appear to be related to, respectively, the ability and inability of these two parties to appeal to the interests and sentiments of the working class in the area of the former GDR. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Niedergang des SED-Regimes hat zu den ersten freien Wahlen in der DDR geführt. Auf die Wahlen zur Volkskammer am 18. März 1990 folgten in schneller Abfolge gleich drei weitere, die Kommunalwahlen, die Wahlen zu den neu geschaffenen Länderparlamenten und schließlich die ersten gesamtdeutschen Wahlen. Zunächst erfolgt ein Überblick der Erklärungen zum Ausgang dieser Wahlen. Im Anschluß daran werden die Ergebnisse der Wahlen insgesamt als auch auf Länderebene dargestellt und ausgewählte Aspekte näher analysiert. Auf der Grundlage der Ergebnisse der 227 Kreise wird deutlich, daß der beachtliche Rückgang der Wahlbeteiligung zumindest teilweise mit dem Rückzug der SED-PDS Wähler aus dem Wahlsystem erklärt werden kann. Darüber dinaus scheinen der relative Erfolg der CDU bzw. der Mißerfolg der PDS mit der Fähigkeit der beiden Parteien verknüpft zu sein, die Interessen und Gefühle der Arbeiterschaft in der ehemaligen DDR in Unterstützung umzusetzen. Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 Alternative Explanations ............................................................................................. 2 Description and A nalysis............................................................................................. 7 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... 21 References ..................................................................................................................... 24 Introduction The breakdown of Communism in Eastern Europe has been characterized as the black Friday of the social sciences by von Beyme (1990a:475). Few had theorized about and even fewer had predicted the end of the former Stalinist regimes and with them the collapse of the post World War II bipolar structure and Soviet hegemony in the region. All of the East European states are now enmeshed in a transition that many hope will lead to stable democratic order. Whether this will occur or not is, as with the breakdown, something social science cannot answer today. But, in the case of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), this may be less problematic in both theoretical and practical terms. The German problem, at least in the eyes of some Germans, was solved with the unification. Of all the nations that are now in the process of transition to democracy, the once GDR is in a privileged position. "The former GDR is about to slip into a new paternalistic relationship, in order to allow all its problems to be solved by a big brother" (von Beyme, 1990b: 180). This last statement may be somewhat misleading in that it could be taken to mean that the citizens of the former GDR have completely renounced any further action within the political sphere. There is no sign of that and there will be many opportunities in the future where their actions in this sphere will not only influence their own lives but also those of others. The East German voters played a critical role in deciding which party or parties should be given the responsibility to solve the massive problems that are now on the agenda of the Federal Republic. This opportunity arose in the first elections of the united Germany in December 1990. This election was the last in what at times seemed an endless series beginning with the first free elections to the People’s Chamber (Volkskammer) in March 1990, followed by the local elections in May and continued by the first elections of the newly reestablished Länder (states) in October 1990. These elections in the former GDR offer an opportunity for systematic empirical analysis of the special case of the German transition process. This might serve as a starting point for understanding the evolution of new patterns of political behavior within a population that had not had the opportunity to express freely its own preferences. Such understanding might help as well to shed light on some of the problems Germany confronts as the attempt is made to integrate it into a single political community. In these four elections the Christian Democrats (CDU), the strongest ally of the Socialist Unity Party (SED) in the former block party system, rose like a phoenix from the ashes and consistently attracted the largest number of the votes. What struck Western observers was the fact that this party found its strongest base of support among the blue collar workers, a group many, based upon Western experience, had anticipated would lean heavily toward the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Indeed, given the socio-economic makeup of this former workers’ state, the SPD was expected to emerge as the dominant political force. As things turned out, it only managed to achieve the status of the largest minority parliamentary grouping. Furthermore, the revolutionaries, who had played a decisive role in forcing the Stalinist system to declare default, were marginalized politically by the electorate. Page 2 The fundamental political choice expressed in these elections needs to be explained. The predominant explanations of electoral behavior in the West (cf. Falter and Schumann, 1989) are of limited use. Free elections had never taken place in the former GDR and the new party system was only in its formative stage. Despite this, voting behavior showed a consistent pattern of a "conservative majority," as Feist (1990) has called it, across all of the four elections. Whether this will contribute to overcoming the cleavages of the old exclusionary system or lead to establishing a yet another one between this new conservative majority and a fragmented Left remains to be seen. In the next section we review some of the explanations that have been offered to account for the voting behavior of the electorate in the area of the GDR. In the third section we turn to a description of how the patterns of voting behavior have developed in this quick succession of elections. This is followed by a preliminary assessment of one explanation for a major outcome of all of these elections, viz., the popular acceptance of a party with a program of radical change in the political-economic sphere. The description and analysis presented here draws upon data provided by various statistical offices. These data include information on electoral results and socio-economic characteristics of the 227 Kreise or districts within the region of the GDR. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the problems and prospects confronting Germany in the integration process and what the results from these elections might entail. Alternative Explanations The results of the first free elections came as a surprise to many, if not most, observers. Results from the first public opinion polls, taken at the beginning of January in 1990, depicted the SPD as the very likely winner by a large margin. The CDU and its Allianz appeared to be a weak and not very popular contestant. Within a few weeks, however, the picture changed dramatically. The Social Democratic Party, expected to win the first free elections, was overtaken by the Allianz für Deutschland, dominated by the East German Christian Democrats.^ As the three elections later in the year revealed, this was not another ephemeral spike on the graph measuring the public pulse. Why did this happen? There is one point of agreement among the analysts of electoral behavior in East Germany: it can not be explained by reference to West German voting behavior nor is the theoretical apparatus used in accounting for that behavior applicable to East Germany (Feist, 1990; Gibowski, 1990; Gibowski/Kaase, 1991; Roth, 1990). Explaining the election outcomes at this stage is still something of a speculative enterprise. Three different clusters
Load more

Recommended publications
  • When Architecture and Politics Meet
    Housing a Legislature: When Architecture and Politics Meet Russell L. Cope Introduction By their very nature parliamentary buildings are meant to attract notice; the grander the structure, the stronger the public and national interest and reaction to them. Parliamentary buildings represent tradition, stability and authority; they embody an image, or the commanding presence, of the state. They often evoke ideals of national identity, pride and what Ivor Indyk calls ‘the discourse of power’.1 In notable cases they may also come to incorporate aspects of national memory. Consequently, the destruction of a parliamentary building has an impact going beyond the destruction of most other public buildings. The burning of the Reichstag building in 1933 is an historical instance, with ominous consequences for the German State.2 Splendour and command, even majesty, are clearly projected in the grandest of parliamentary buildings, especially those of the Nineteenth Century in Europe and South America. Just as the Byzantine emperors aimed to awe and even overwhelm the barbarian embassies visiting their courts by the effects of architectural splendour and 1 Indyk, I. ‘The Semiotics of the New Parliament House’, in Parliament House, Canberra: a Building for the Nation, ed. by Haig Beck, pp. 42–47. Sydney, Collins, 1988. 2 Contrary to general belief, the Reichstag building was not destroyed in the 1933 fire. The chamber was destroyed, but other parts of the building were left unaffected and the very large library continued to operate as usual. A lot of manipulated publicity by the Nazis surrounded the event. Full details can be found in Gerhard Hahn’s work cited at footnote 27.
    [Show full text]
  • Elite Circulation and Lnstitutional Consolidation in Eastern Germany1
    256 ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES 4 • 1996 Elite Circulation and lnstitutional Consolidation in Eastern Germany1 Hans-Ulrich Der/ien tai from the rich western part of the country (and ABSTRACT to help bring about economic transformation), blueprints of administrative and political institu­ tions were available too for the newly established The dual regime change, revolution and Länder, which had proven effective in the west­ unification, distinguishes the case of the former GDR ern part of the country since 1949. Third, the ex­ from ali other regime changes in the former Soviet empire and opened exceptional opportunities for ceptional circumstances of a dual revolution cre­ adjustment to democratization and marketization. ated extra-ordinary conditions for filling these Administrative and political inslitutions were institutions with live by enab/ing an extent of elite available, which had proven effective in the western circulation unknown elsewhere. Nevertheless, it pari of the country since 1949. Furlhermore, the exceptional circumstances of a dual revolution is time to ask the more general question if polit­ created extra-ordinary conditions for filling these ical and administrative institutions have become institutions with life by enabling an extent of elite consolidated by 1995. By drawing on my empir­ circulation unknown elsewhere. Political purge and ical research I shall deal in this presentation with elite import from the West are inspected as the most imporlant mechanisms. Secondly, on the basis of two aspects of post-unification Germany: survey data, the development of trust in institutions - First, 1 want to compare elite circulation in is analyzed. 11 is argued thai the posilive the parliamentary and executive as well in the development in this respect might have to do with administrative and judicial branches of govern­ recruiting the administrative and judicial elites from the western pari of the country, for they represent ment; the overarching question is to what extent the new institutions and keep them under control.
    [Show full text]
  • GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Date of Elections: 14 June 1981
    GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Date of Elections: 14 June 1981 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the members of Parliament on the normal expiry of their term of office. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of the German Democratic Republic, the Volkskammer (People's Chamber), is composed of 500 members directly elected for 5 years by universal suffrage. Electoral System Every citizen of the GDR who is at least 18 years old on election day and resides in the country has the right to vote and to be elected to the Volkskammer, unless he is under tutelage or has been deprived of his civil rights by court decision. Electoral lists are established a least 21 days prior to the polling day and are publicly displayed for two weeks. Voting is not compulsory. Candidates for the Volkskammer are nominated 30 to 40 days before election day by parties and mass organizations, which may present their proposals in a joint list of candidates of the National Front of the GDR. Voters may propose changes in the list(s) up to five days before the elections. The 500 Deputies are elected in 72 constituencies, each choosing from four to eight members, depending on its population. To be elected, a candidate must receive more than half of the valid votes cast in his constituency. If, within a constituency, an insufficient number of candidates obtain the required absolute majority needed to fill all the seats, a second ballot is held within 90 days. If the number of candidates winning this majority exceeds the number of seats in the respective constituency, the order of the candidates on the election list is decisive.
    [Show full text]
  • Undeclared Wars with Israel: East Germany and the West German Far Left, 1967-1989'
    H-Judaic Lenhard on Herf, 'Undeclared Wars with Israel: East Germany and the West German Far Left, 1967-1989' Review published on Tuesday, November 21, 2017 Jeffrey Herf. Undeclared Wars with Israel: East Germany and the West German Far Left, 1967-1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Illustrations. 493 pp. $29.99 (paper), ISBN 978-1-107-46162-8; $99.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-107-08986-0. Reviewed by Philipp Lenhard (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Historisches Seminar Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur) Published on H-Judaic (November, 2017) Commissioned by Katja Vehlow Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=50839 When the German terrorists Wilfried Böse and Brigitte Kuhlmann hijacked Air France Flight 139 on June 27, 1976, and separated Jewish and Israeli from non-Jewish hostages, the Nazi past seemed to resurge in a new, left-radical disguise. Since 1969, German leftists had maintained close contacts with Palestinian terrorist groups, such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and Fatah, the two largest groups forming the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). As a result of this collaboration, a series of anti-Jewish attacks were carried out in West Germany throughout the 1970s in the name of a so-called resistance against US imperialism and Zionist racism. The hijacking of the Air France flight and the “selection” of the Jewish passengers represent the zenith of German left-wing anti-Zionism that declined in the 1980s and has been increasingly challenged by leftist supporters of Israel since the 1990s.[1] However, the fine line between criticism of Israeli politics, hatred against Israel, and antisemitism remains an urgent issue today.[2] Historical research takes on an important role in uncovering the history of anti-Zionism and antisemitism in their manifold forms.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitutional Law of German Unification , 50 Md
    Maryland Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 3 Article 3 The onsC titutional Law of German Unification Peter E. Quint Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Peter E. Quint, The Constitutional Law of German Unification , 50 Md. L. Rev. 475 (1991) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol50/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. m@ :::z::::: :::::: ::: . : ' " ' ... 0... .. = . ... ..... .. .... ..... -'.'. :. ~......>.. -.., ....... .. ...... _ .- :i..:""- ............ .:!........ :. !!:"° S. ... .. .. MARYLAND LAW REVIEW VOLUME 50 1991 NUMBER 3 © Copyright Maryland Law Review, Inc. 1991 Articles THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF GERMAN UNIFICATION PETER E. QUINT* TABLE OF CONTENTS MAP: GERMANY, 1945 INTRODUCTION .............................................. 476 I. UNION AND DISUNION IN GERMAN HISTORY ............. 478 II. THE LEGAL STATUS OF GERMANY, 1945-1989 .......... 480 III. POLITICAL REVOLUTION IN THE GDR, 1989-1990 ....... 483 IV. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE GDR, 1989-1990 .... 488 A. Background: The 1968/74 Constitution of the GDR ... 488 B. Proposalsfor a New GDR Constitution-The Round Table Draft ....................................... 493 C. Amending the GDR Constitution-The Old Volkskammer and the Modrow Government ........................ 496 Copyright © 1991 by Peter E. Quint. * Professor of Law, University of Maryland. A.B., Harvard University, 1961; LL.B., 1964; Diploma in Law, Oxford University, 1965. For valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article I am grateful to Winfried Brugger, Thomas Giegerich, Eckart Klein, Alexander Reuter, William Reynolds, Edward Tomlinson, and Giinther Wilms.
    [Show full text]
  • Divided History, Unified Present: the Politics of Memory in Germany and the Memorialization of the Former East
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 5-2004 Divided History, Unified Present: The Politics of Memory in Germany and the Memorialization of the Former East Erin Elizabeth Read University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Read, Erin Elizabeth, "Divided History, Unified Present: The Politics of Memory in Germany and the Memorialization of the Former East" (2004). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/784 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY HONORS PROGR~~I SENIOR PROJECT - APPROYAL ~ame: _---=:...~-=....l.R'.!..:.-N_~E~. --...:....:.\\£~A-~_:______ _ College: t&.'tS ~ ~C\t:N(t:S Department: <i12\\\{~ 'If\()SAAtf Faculty ylentor: \1)". SP L T\:.JS t\-C)), rJ G PROJECT TITLE: <&l~ Q2\:'-1> "'\S:.~~ '< I UN C:fl E:;!> \fRESE::NT: 1\\~ ~OklTCS C)~ cn~k~\\.'( IJJ G\2R\1~NY I have reVlewe i' complered senior honors thesIS with thIS 5rudent and certify that it is J. proJec~ ..:omm :1S rs level undergraduate rese:1rch in this tield. Signed: . FJ.culty Mentor Date: ----+---+-'----+--- Cumments (Optional): Divided History, Unified Present: The Politics of Memory in Germany And the Memorialization of the Former East Erin Read Honors Thesis [email protected] Note 1 have adopted A.
    [Show full text]
  • GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Date of Elections: 8 June 1986
    GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Date of Elections: 8 June 1986 Purpose of Elections Elections were held for all the members of Parliament on the normal expiry of their term of office. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of the German Democratic Republic, the Volkskammer (People's Chamber), is composed of 500 members directly elected for 5 years by universal suffrage. Electoral System Every citizen of the GDR who is at least 18 years old on election day and resides in the country has the right to vote and to be elected to the Volkskammer, unless he is under tutelage or has been deprived of his civil rights by court decision. Electoral lists are established at least 21 days prior to the polling day and are publicly displayed for two weeks. Voting is not compulsory. Candidates for the Volkskammer are nominated 30 to 40 days before election day by parties and mass organizations, which may present their proposals in a joint list of candidates of the National Front of the GDR. Voters may propose changes in the list(s) up to five days before the elections. The 500 Deputies are elected in 73 constituencies, each choosing from four to 13 members, depending on its population. To be elected, a candidate must receive more than half of the valid votes cast in his constituency. If, within a constituency, an insufficient number of candidates obtain the required absolute majority needed to fill all the seats, a second ballot is held within 90 days. If the number of candidates winning this majority exceeds the number of seats in the respective constituency, the order of the candidates on the election list is decisive.
    [Show full text]
  • OLD PARTIES in a NEW GERMANY the CDU and FDP in Eastern Germany, 1989–94
    06 Hopper (JB/D) 30/8/01 2:12 pm Page 621 PARTY POLITICS VOL 7. No.5 pp. 621–642 Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi RESEARCH NOTE OLD PARTIES IN A NEW GERMANY The CDU and FDP in Eastern Germany, 1989–94 Jill Hopper ABSTRACT With unification of the two parts of Germany in 1990, the parties and other political institutions of West Germany were extended to the former German Democratic Republic. The Communists had ruled with the forced support of several satellite parties, called bloc parties. These possessed elements of affinity with the CDU/CSU and the FDP in West Germany, and merged with those two parties. In the elections of 1990, the CDU/CSU and FDP both benefited from these mergers; by 1994, the FDP had declined sharply in the East, while the CDU/CSU continued to prosper. The difference in the outcome of the party mergers stems from the differing organizational structures of the parties. The CDU/CSU was large, decentralized, relatively non-ideological and pragmatic in coping with the merger, while the FDP was small, elitist, centralized and ideo- logical. It felt threatened by the size and outlook of its East German allies and preferred reduced electoral influence to the perceived threat to unity posed by its eastern organization. KEY WORDS Ⅲ bloc parties Ⅲ democratization Ⅲ Germany Ⅲ party organization Introduction With the recent waves of democratization in eastern Europe and Latin America, studies of institutional transformation have gained prominence in comparative politics. Through analysis of the processes of institution 1354-0688(200109)7:5;621–642;018933 06 Hopper (JB/D) 30/8/01 2:12 pm Page 622 PARTY POLITICS 7(5) building and re-building during periods of democratic consolidation, social scientists can acquire a deeper understanding of the influence of institutions on political outcomes.
    [Show full text]
  • 180 Tage, 164 Gesetze, 93 Beschlüsse Zur Wiedervereinigung 30 Jahre Freie Wahlen Zur Volkskammer Festschrift Des Deutschen Bundestages
    180 Tage, 164 Gesetze, 93 Beschlüsse zur Wiedervereinigung 30 Jahre freie Wahlen zur Volkskammer Festschrift des Deutschen Bundestages Berlin, 12. März 2020 180 Tage, 164 Gesetze, 93 Beschlüsse zur Wiedervereinigung Festschrift des Deutschen Bundestages 6 Programm der Ausstellungseröffnung 8 Vorwort 10 Begrüßung durch den Präsidenten des Deutschen Bundestages, Dr. Wolfgang Schäuble 16 Grußwort der ehemaligen Präsidentin der Volkskammer, Dr. Sabine Bergmann-Pohl 24 Moderiertes Gespräch zum Wirken der Volkskammer Dokumentation der Ausstellung 32 „180 Tage, 164 Gesetze, 93 Beschlüsse zur Wiedervereinigung: 30 Jahre freie Wahlen zur Volkskammer“ Der Weg zu freien Wahlen Der Wahlkampf Der Wahltag Die 10. Volkskammer Die Wiedervereinigung $XIGHU,QWHUQHWVHLWHGHV'HXWVFKHQ%XQGHVWDJHVğQ- Inhalt den Sie unter https://www.bundestag.de/volkskammer weitere Informationen zum Thema Volkskammer sowie eine kurze Reportage über die Ausstellung. 2 Ausstellung in der Halle des Paul-Löbe-Hauses zur Feier des 30. Jahrestages der freien Wahlen zur Volkskammer. 3 180 Tage, 164 Gesetze, 93 Beschlüsse zur Wiedervereinigung Festschrift des Deutschen Bundestages Empfang der ehemaligen Volkskammerabgeordneten im Deutschen Bundestag am 12. März 2020 5 Georg Friedrich Händel (1685 – 1759) Auszüge aus den Wassermusik-Suiten, Arr Frederic Mills, gespielt vom Blechbläserquintett des Deutschen Symphonie-Orchesters Berlin Falk Maertens, Trompete; Raphael Mentzen, Trompete; Antonio Adriani, Horn; Andreas Klein, Posaune; Johannes Lipp, Tuba Begrüßungsansprache des Präsidenten
    [Show full text]
  • Die Rolle Zweiter Kammern in Bundesstaaten Versität Guadalajara (1996–1998)
    Tenea_jurawelt 45 Dante Haro 09.08.2003 17:05 Uhr Seite 1 Dante Jaime Haro Reyes, wurde am 28. Juli 1968 in Gua- dalajara, Mexiko geboren. Studium: Jurastudium an der juristischen Fakultät der Universität Guadalajara (1986–1991), Aufbaustudium am Fachbereich ANTE ARO EYES Jura der Universität Guadalajara (Magister Artium) D H R (1996–1998); Magister Legum (LL.M.) an der juristischen Fakultät der Universität Heidelberg (1999–2000); Promoti- on (Fach: Rechtswissenschaft) an der Ruprecht-Karls-Uni- versität Heidelberg (2000–2003). Lehrtätigkeit: Ordentlicher Lehrauftrag für Arbeitsrecht, Sozioökonomische Entwicklung des Staates, Verwaltungsrecht an der SEMS der Universität Guadalajara (1992–1998). Dozent für Verfassungsrecht an der juristischen Fakultät der Uni- Die Rolle zweiter Kammern in Bundesstaaten versität Guadalajara (1996–1998). Eine rechtsvergleichende Untersuchung am Beispiel Die Dissertation behandelt eine für föderalistische Staaten charakteri- Deutschlands, der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika stische Institution, die zweite Kammer, über die die in den Gesamtstaat und der Vereinigten Mexikanischen Staaten integrierten Einzelstaaten von der gliedstaatlichen Ebene aus Bundes- politik betreiben und auch kontrollieren. Die Dissertation ist im Kern- Juristische Reihe TENEA/ Bd. 45 punkt komparativ, indem sie zwei wichtige und repräsentative Beispiele als Ausgangspunkt nimmt, den deutschen Bundesrat und den US- amerikanischen Senat, dann aber den mexikanischen Senat dazunimmt, der dem Autor als mexikanischer Staatsbürger besonders am Herzen Dante Haro Reyes Die Rolle zweiter Kammern in Bundesstaaten liegt; in diesem Dreiervergleich lassen sich dann Vorteile und Nachteile 45 gut herausarbeiten. Die rechtsvergleichende Perspektive bringt es mit sich, dass bestimmte, ansonsten stärker betonte Dimensionen von föderalistischen Arbeiten, vor allem die historische Entstehung des kon- kreten Staates und Detailprobleme behandelt werden.
    [Show full text]
  • East Germans' Conversion to Democracy
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 20, Issue 2 1996 Article 4 East Germans’ Conversion to Democracy Thomas Lundmark∗ ∗ Copyright c 1996 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj East Germans’ Conversion to Democracy Thomas Lundmark Abstract Most East Germans perceive the new Government as something done to them rather than something done by them or for them. They misperceive that one group of dictators has departed only to be replaced by another. Indeed, in many cases, the old oppressors and rulers are still in po- sitions of power. They will grant that the new group of dictators is more benevolent in most ways, but they insist that the old group had more social conscience. In either event, they feel disenfran- chised. These misconceptions are not appreciated by those who can have a hand in confronting and dispelling them: community and church leaders, labor organizations, the media, teachers, authors, and politicians. Left unchallenged, deep-set, destabilizing patterns of disenfranchisement, resig- nation, resentment, duplicity, and passive resistance will continue. Without intense proselytizing, there is little hope for a speedy conversion to ideals of Western democracy. EAST GERMANS' CONVERSION TO DEMOCRACY Thomas Lundmark* I. REUNIFICATION On March 18, 1990, approximately ninety-three percent of the twelve million eligible voters still living in the German Demo- cratic Republic ("GDR" or "East Germany") after the second ex- odus1 went to the polls to vote. The East German Christian Democrats' received strong financial and political support from their West German counterparts.3 Chancellor Helmut Kohl4 himself campaigned throughout the GDR, promising that "no one will be worse off' 5 if they reunify with the Federal Republic of Germany ("FRG" or "West Germany").
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in the German Democratic Republic.Pdf
    COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES 237 HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING ANNEX 2 WASHINGTON, DC 20515 (202) 225- 1901 REPORT ON TH MACH 18, 1990 PARIANTARY ELEcrONS TH GERM DEMOCRTIC REPUBLIC Prepared by the staff of the S. ColIsion on Security and Cooperation in Europe April 18, 1990 . .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. TABLE OF CONTNTS Su=ar . Political Ladscape. II. The Election Law and Campaigng. II. The Balloting and Results. IV. Results. Political Implications of Results. SUMY The unexpected landslide victory of the East Christian Democratic Union (CDU), reformed ally of the former Communist regie, indicates the strong East German desire for rapid unication. The CDU and its conservative Alance for Germany coalition won almost 50% of the vote. The CDU' s top priority is monetary union. This was the fist free, multipart election in the GDR. All parties agreed that there had been no government interference with the campaign. There were no charges of fraud and both the GDR Electoral Commssion and foreign observers testified to the fairness of the election. The leading political parties of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) played a key role in organizg and funding counterpart parties in the GDR. These new parties largely mirrored the policies and philosophies of their West German sponsors. The legacy of 40 years of totalitarian rule is doggg the new government as accusations surface that many of the new legislators collaborated with the hated secret police (STASI) in the past. Although the GDR cast an unequivocal vote for democracy, unification, and a market economy, the ambiguities of the past may make it difficult for the new leadership to deal with the chalenges of the present.
    [Show full text]