McNair Scholars Journal

Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 4

2002 The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study Philip J. Bostic Grand Valley State University

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Recommended Citation Bostic, Philip J. (2002) "The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol6/iss1/4

Copyright © 2002 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol6%2Fiss1%2F4&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study

ABSTRACT Introduction Although advancements have been achieved Studies of social movements have taken over the past 30 years, many experts would various forms over the past 30 years, argue that the problems that plague the especially explanations for the genesis African-American community have not and eventual decline of the American changed much. The American Civil Rights Civil Rights Movement. Currently, there Movement has been credited with improving are three social movement models that the quality of life of under-represented dominate the field. First, there is the minorities. The purpose of this study is to classical model of social movements, examine whether or not the Civil Rights which argues that social change is the Movement helped to improve the status of result of a systematic “strain” on the the African-American community in Grand social infrastructure of the political Rapids, Michigan. A thorough analysis of system. Hence, the commotion the local newspaper, the Grand Rapids associated with the “strain” is Press, from 1954-1969, supplies the transformed into feelings of anxiety, empirical data utilized as the foundation of frustration, and hostility that lead to the this research. The local data was applied to emergence of a social movement Doug McAdam’s political process model and (McAdam, 1982: 9). Secondly, the this study focuses on political opportunities, resource mobilization model argues that Philip J. Bostic indigenous organizational strength, social movements are the result of the McNair Scholar cognitive liberation, and support from quantity of “social resources” that are liberal external groups. The interplay of accessible to “unorganized but aggrieved these factors helps to evaluate the Civil groups, thus making it possible to Rights Movement’s success in Grand Rapids. launch an organized demand for The research determined that the local change” (McAdam, 1982: 211). African-American community was unable Although both models offer valid points to utilize the opportunities due to internal to the causation of social movements, conflict and the political hegemony’s refusal neither one offers a complete analysis to acknowledge the existence of such a that explains the factors that precede the movement. insurgency or the political processes that afforded the aggrieved groups the possibilities to forge a successful movement. The third model is Doug McAdam’s political process model of the American Civil Rights Movement. McAdam aims to address the political and the sociological factors that neither the classical nor resource mobilization models focus on. Nevertheless, the political process model is based on the assumption that political members reflect an abiding “conservatism” in order to substantiate political power. This conservatism, according to William Whit, Ph.D. McAdam, encourages political members Faculty Mentor to “resist changes that would threaten their current realization of their interests even more than they seek changes which would enhance their interests”

GVSU McNair Scholars Journal VOLUME 6, 2002 17 (McAdam, 1982: 38). Unlike the Methods McAdam lists factors that contributed classical model, the political process I conducted a thorough analysis of the to this political transformation including model relies on the notion that social Grand Rapids Press from 1954 to 1969 to the decline of the cotton hegemony, the movement is a continuous phenomenon analyze how effective the American Civil New Deal, the Great Migration, World that thrives on the interplay of four Rights Movement was in Grand Rapids, War II, and the international exposés of factors. The first factor is the emergence Michigan. Three different procedures racism in America that led to the of broad socioeconomic processes that were practiced. First, newspaper articles increasing favorable governmental expand the capacity for more political were researched by significant historical actions (McAdam, 1982: 45). Randal opportunities over an extending period dates during the Civil Rights Movement. Jelks’ analysis of the African-American of time. The second is the “readiness” of Secondly, the library index catalogue was community in Grand Rapids supports the indigenous organizations when the used to retrieve newspaper. Finally, the McAdam’s argument that these factors political opportunities become available. newspaper archives were then surveyed expanded the political and economic The third is the emergence of a collective for all issues concerning African- opportunities for the African-Americans consciousness among the challenging Americans. in Grand Rapids (Jelks, 1999: 249). groups that encourages the belief that From the turn of the twentieth century, the movement is leading in a successful Political Opportunities the African-American community in direction. The final element is the ability McAdam’s model defines a political Grand Rapids sought to end “Jim to win the support of external groups in system that consists of members and Crowism” in Grand Rapids. WEB order to broaden the opposition against challengers. The members of the Grand DuBois and the National Association for the conservative political structure Rapids political infrastructure consisted Advancement of Colored Peoples’ (McAdam, 1982: 40). of white people who had a vested organ (NAACP) approach in seeking The goal of this research is to examine of information, the Grand Rapids Press, integration through legal means heavily how effective the Civil Rights Movement to reflect their political perceptive. The influenced the African-Americans was in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The challengers are the people who lack middle class in Grand Rapids. “These research is based on an examination of routine access to decisions that affect men and women believed by attacking the Grand Rapids Press from 1954 to them. For the purpose of this discussion the legal basis of the racial caste system 1969. In addition, historian Randal M. the challengers were the people in they would then be able to put an end Jelks’ historical narrative of the African- Grand Rapids. According to McAdam, to dishonor imposed on them by racist American population in Grand Rapids the challengers are excluded from custom” (Jelks, 1999: 140). from 1870 to 1954 has been used. routine decision making processes In relation to Doug McAdam’s political Analysis will examine the indigenous because they had a weak bargaining process model, the fear of the organizations established within Grand position compared to the established communist threat weighed heavily on Rapids, the social consciousness within political members (McAdam, 1982: 38). the public after World War II. The Cold the African-American community, and The political process model contends War revealed the racist practices in the the extent of the local whites that a long-term transformation of the United States. As a result, the United involvement in the Civil Rights structures of power and collective action States government was forced to Movement in Grand Rapids. The contribute to the expanding political respond to the problem of segregation in application of the empirical evidence to opportunities for challenging groups order to counter the anti-American McAdam’s political process model of the (McAdam, 1982: 73). McAdam argues sentiments led by the Soviet Union. For American Civil Rights Movement will that there were specific broad social instance, during the McCarthy hearings, reveal how effective the indigenous processes occurring from 1930 to 1954 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled organizations were in preparing the that undermined the political and segregation unconstitutional. In the African-American community in Grand economical conditions on which the Grand Rapids Press on May 19, 1954, the Rapids and the ability of the African- racial status quo has been based. day after the Supreme Court decision, American community to capitalize on Together these processes facilitated the the headline “Ike Urges Continuance of political opportunities after the Civil development of the African-American McCarthy Hearings” (Segregation, 1954: Rights Movement began. movement by profoundly altering the 2) surfaced on the front page, while on shape of the political configuration the second page an article regarding the confronting African-Americans decision read “Segregation Ruling Means (McAdam, 1982: 54). Headache to South” (School, 1954: 2). It

18 The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study is apparent the Grand Rapids Press and relocation of the new Hall School to With respect to the organizational the members of the political include the Franklin School District, strength of the African-American establishment did not view the ruling as which consisted of the African-American community in Grand Rapids, there were a local issue, but rather a Southern issue. residential area in Grand Rapids. (Hall many problems that prevented the For example, the following day, an School, 1954: 1) Dr. Randal Jelks African-American population from article titled “Supreme Court’s School concurs: capitalizing on the opportunities. For Segregation Decision Will Not Help one, the African-Americans were never Republicans in Dixieland in November By the mid 1950’s Grand Rapids able to agree on a specific approach on Elections” (Supreme Court, 1954: 7) was a far less integrated city than it how to work with the white political continued this view. had been in its early history… As establishment. Following From the beginning, the white the number of Negro Migrants Reconstruction, African-American establishment viewed the ruling as a increased in the city the racial pathways to equality were dominated by political issue not a social issue. The composition of a few of the two traditions. One believed that racism Grand Rapids Press’ coverage of the neighborhoods school changed… was not just a “black problem, but an historic decision covered two concerns: the Negroes were Restricted to American one” and that the best way to increasing school aid funding and where they could live. 99.8 percent remedy the problem of racism was to whether the process of integration of the African-Americans lived in a assert the rights of African-Americans would be immediate or gradual (Issue, tightly restricted segregated area through the legal system (Wintz, 1996: 1). 1954: 21). However, the argument over bounded by Eastern, Grandville, The second belief system focused on immediate action versus gradualism was Wealthy, and Franklin streets, an community development and self-help. clearly a major issue for the African- area of about 30 blocks (Jelks, When faced with racial hostility, African- American leadership in Grand Rapids. In 1999: 267, 295). Americans should “turn inward and a speech given in 1958 by the president concentrate energy on a black of the Grand Rapids NAACP, William Hence the African-American community that advocated pride, Plummer expressed his concern: community was severely limited to any solidarity, and self” and believed that expanding political opportunities in segregated institutions and communities We can believe in a gradual Grand Rapids by two factors. The were necessary (Wintz, 1996: 2). program, providing the delay is African-American leadership was forced Despite these differences, both traditions necessary to plow a Constitutional to deal with the progressing fear of the continued. The difference in ideology program working toward the end of ghettoization of the African-American was the foundation of the major segregation and discrimination community, while the white problems that plagued the African- within a reasonable length of time. establishment refused to recognize their American leadership in Grand Rapids. We do not believe in gradualism if it concerns. As Southern African-Americans represents the steal and denial of migrated to Grand Rapids, they brought Civil Rights because of the violence Indigenous Organizational Strength their Southern culture and separatist directed toward Negro-Americans According to the political process model, ideas, while the more conservative by those that believe in racial an integral part of a successful social northern African-American middle class superiority (Jelks, 1999: 299). movement is the readiness of the sought respectability and the right to indigenous organizations. McAdam assimilate into society. The newcomers In a letter to the editor, on May 19, believes that a favorable political climate did not trust the white establishment 1954, a Grand Rapids resident claimed affords the challenging population the and felt that it would be easier to build that “despite great migrations of Negro opportunity to advance their causes. “It their own communities, in a manner workers, assimilation into regular public is the resources of the minority similar to the various white communities school system without segregation has community that enable the insurgent within Grand Rapids. The African- taken place with comparatively few groups to exploit these opportunities. In American southern migrants’ negative problems ” (No Separate, 1954: 10). the absence of those resources the view of whites and desire for a more Contrary to the previous claim, in an aggrieved population is likely to lack the self-help approach led to class conflicts article prior to the Supreme Court capacity to act even when granted the with the integration-seeking African- decision, the NAACP urged for better opportunity to do so” (McAdam, 1982: 43). American elite that were already integration by advocating for the established in the Grand Rapids.

GVSU McNair Scholars Journal VOLUME 6, 2002 19 According to Jelks, the African-American after ruling against racial segregation. and remarks symbolized the changing of leadership’s inability to prevent The emphasis was still focused on the the guard in many northern cities. ghettoization in Grand Rapids “took a Southern segregation practices and failed African-Americans no longer wanted to psychological toll on the efforts to to discuss the Grand Rapids NAACP’s wait for the legal acts to create change. organize the African-American efforts to desegregate the schools and Instead, many communities began to community (Jelks, 1999: 296). For the hire more African-Americans teachers take action into their own hands by the majority of the local African-Americans, (Integration, 1957: 26). In addition, the mid 1960’s. the issue was no longer gaining reporting of the 1963 March on respectability, but the ability to gain Washington mentions Dr. Martin L. King Cognitive Liberation more jobs and better housing for only once, and that was to reveal that According to the political process model, African-Americans. Dr. King welcomed Marlon Brando and a social movement must grow along Another issue that kept the African- Harry Bellefonte to the stage. The article with expanding political opportunities American population from capitalizing neither mentioned Dr. King’s powerful “I and indigenous organizations. The on opportunities during the heyday of Have A Dream Speech” nor the impact development of a social consciousness the Civil Rights Movement was that the of the March on Washington across the that encourages an enthusiasm and an white establishment failed to recognize country (Huge, 1963: 1). opportunistic view of the movement the national issues. While at the same The first significant national coverage must emerge. McAdam calls this social time, the established African-American of a major civil rights leader in the opportunity “cognitive liberation.” leaders in Grand Rapids abandoned the Grand Rapids Press was the assassination McAdam argues that the favorable shifts community and formed their own of Malcolm X in 1965. Ironically, the in political opportunities decrease the socioeconomically segregated suburbs article recalls a visit by Malcolm X earlier power disparity between challengers and (Jelks, 1999: 215). The inability of the in 1965, but mentions that he only members of the established hierarchy. local African-American leadership to attracted 300 people at a local church Although these opportunities are coherently mobilize between 1961-1965 that did not sponsor his lecture but important, the structural changes are (which McAdam insists was the peak of made the facilities available for rental objective by nature. These changes still the national Civil Rights Movement) (Recall, 1965: 9). The article clearly have a subjective affect on the insurgent prevented the indigenous organizations downplayed Malcolm’s influence in the population as well. The challengers are from exploiting the expanded political local African-American community and then able to believe that their efforts are opportunities. purposely distanced the national leader not in vain. The newfound opportunities African-Americans were forced to deal from Grand Rapids. begin to form a set of meaningful events with two problems. First of all, the local Dr. Jelks’ summation of the African- that perpetrate the idea that media failed to acknowledge that racism American community differs improvements from the movement will was a problem outside of the South. significantly from the Grand Rapids Press’ continue (McAdam, 1982: 48). Thus the Also, the Grand Rapids Press’ decision to portrayal of the “New Black Separatist challengers will begin to view the system not recognize the local African-American Movement” in Grand Rapids during the as illegitimate. Subsequently, the people leadership subdued any chance of late 1950’s and 1960’s. In a speech given will begin to embark on the advancing their cause. Based on the by Malcolm X at Adam Clayton Powell’s opportunities, demand change, and start assumption that the Grand Rapids Press New York Abyssinian Baptist Church in to envision the demands to come reflected the views of the white majority, June, 1963, Malcolm X articulated the (McAdam, 1982: 48-50). this speaks to the manner in which the sentiments of many African-American Between 1954 and 1967, there was political establishment would have radicals of that time, including Grand little or no indication in the Grand preferred to handle the problem within Rapids African-Americans, that “The Rapids Press that there was a significant the city. Rather than report on the only progress we have made is as social movement that encouraged uncomfortable topic of racism, the local consumers. We still don’t manufacture African-Americans to have anything to media reported heavily on the actions of anything; we still don’t legislate for be optimistic about. Many in the the federal government, diverting the ourselves. Our politics is still controlled African-American community read local attention from local ills. by white people, our economy is still African-American publications like For instance, on August 29, 1957, the controlled by white people therefore we Grand Rapids Times and Carl Smith’s Grand Rapids Press reviews the impact of have no real say about our future” Organizer to keep aware of local African- the Supreme Court decision four years (Karim, 1971: 15). Malcolm X’s views Americans issues.

20 The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study Even though the NAACP and Grand Rights Movement the insurgent forces local whites were also segregated. Rapids Urban League were present and were able to articulate formally a viable During the 1950s and 1960s, Grand advocating the integration of schools platform that generated a large number Rapids was clearly divided into ethnic and improving the housing problems, of liberal whites, but the liberal support divisions. According to Robert Ashley, a the African-American middle class gained momentum after the Civil Rights Grand Rapids resident since 1957: leadership was unable to tap into the Movement began to decline. social consciousness of the African- One factor that affected the The Polish population was in the American working class during the relationship between the local whites Northwest; the Irish were in the 1950s and 1960s. In Randal Jelks’ PhD and the African-Americans was Northeast, the Dutch were in the dissertation Race, Respectability, and the demographics. By 1958, only ten East and the Blacks were in the Struggle for Civil Rights, Jelks quotes Paul percent of the city’s African-American Southeast. Certain areas in Grand Phillips (the former president of the population was native born while, Rapids Blacks just didn’t go. Ethnic Grand Rapids Urban League), “Attitudes seventy-five percent were southern pride was major within many White of the African-Americans have also migrants (Jelks, 1999: 258). A large communities in Grand Rapids and changed, before the 1950s the black majority of the working class African- to be seen participating in activities man’s hand was open, but the white Americans sought a more immediate with other groups, much less Black man wouldn’t grasp it. In the 1960s the approach to the economic problems that groups, was unheard of during the outstretched hand changed to a affected their community, while a small- Civil Rights Movement (Ashley, clenched fist” (Jelks, 1999: 301). established African-American elite 2002). Nevertheless, the African-American continued to seek respectability by community in Grand Rapids possessed campaigning for more integrationist In 1967, Grand Rapids experienced cognitive liberation. But in contrast to policies. the greatest sign that the local African- the reason that McAdam suggests, the The white middle class citizens that Americans were no longer willing to people were frustrated, agitated, and were participants of the local Movement stand for the inequalities. During 1967, disappointed in the lack of progress in were often members of the Grand many African-Americans in northern their community. African-Americans Rapids Urban League and favored a cities rioted, including Grand Rapids’ were still forced to deal with pressing more gradual program that seemed a lot residents. According to the Grand Rapids socioeconomic concerns, housing less threatening and confrontational Press, the local two-day riot was started restrictions, police brutality, and the (Jelks, 1999: 253). There were incidents by African-Americans youth throwing white political establishment’s refusal to where local whites would display some rocks at passing automobiles on Division address the African-American form of solidarity toward local African- Avenue. A study conducted six months community’s demands. Americans, but those alliances were later revealed that thirty percent of the often centered on national tragedies. For rioters were white and ninety-six percent Liberal White Support instance, after the church bombing in of the African-Americans population did According to McAdam the support of Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963 where not participate in the riot (Alt, 1967: the external groups is integral to a social four young African-Americans girls were 17). movement. After gaining momentum killed, many whites participated in a Shortly after this riot, articles internally the insurgency needs to be 3,000 person silent march on Division regarding housing, unemployment, and able to broaden its appeal. Doug Avenue condemning the bombing. education began to appear on the local McAdam argues that there are two Reverend Will Patterson, pastor of True headlines. For example, city officials deciding factors that determine this Light Baptist Church, said, “White began to discuss a new city housing external response to the movement. The brothers in the audience you have code, in particular possible programs to movement must be strong enough to marched with us today, but please march reduce racial imbalance in a outweigh the risks that are associated with us tomorrow because we need jobs neighborhood threatened by “panic” with supporting the challenger ranks. and places to live right here in Grand selling by whites and whether or not Secondly, the external groups must Rapids ” (Whites, 1963: 25). But no later such a program would succeed determine to what extent the movement action was taken on the part of the (Allbaugh, 1967: 19). The newspaper poses a threat or opportunity to persons whites. did not give out any more information outside of the African-American Another reason why it was hard to about the matter. Although the local community. In the Grand Rapids Civil gain support among whites is that the media began to illuminate inner-city ills,

GVSU McNair Scholars Journal VOLUME 6, 2002 21 there was little action on the part of the Unfortunately, cultural conflicts brutality, healthcare and education political establishment to right the between the new migrants and the issues. African-Americans were eager to wrongs (Alt, 1968: 15). established African-American leave the slums, while realtors were community, along with differences in systematically preventing African- The Decline of the ideology, stunted the power to pressure Americans from relocating even after the Civil Rights Movement the local political system. As a result the federal government deemed it illegal to According to Doug McAdam, there are African-American elite abandoned the do so (Alt, 1967: 14). This added to the two periods in the African-American African-American community and already existing racial tension in the insurgency; the heyday of the Civil formed their own separate suburbs in area. Rights Movement between 1961 and the 1950s (Jelks, 1999: 251). This left 1965, and the decline of the Civil Rights the leadership in the hands of southern Conclusion Movement from 1966-1970. During the African-Americans who: Doug McAdam’s political process model former period, the national African- has provided a tool to question various American leadership was able to did not necessarily have an interest reasons why the African-American maintain organizational strength and in living in integrated community was unable to take capitalize on the political opportunities neighborhoods. They worked to advantage of the American Civil Rights to increase the consciousness of many build their own communities Movement. The political process model’s participants. Also, the federal without the hindrance of racial most valuable contribution to this study government was willing to support the prohibition. The problem was the of Civil Rights Movement is that it helps movement by controlling the opposition Negro ghetto was structurally researchers understand why the African- (McAdam, 1982: 180). Unfortunately, blocked from being able to compete American community in Grand Rapids the Grand Rapids African-American fairly in the labor market and the has not capitalized on their leadership was unable to reconcile their urban industrial economy (Jelks, opportunities. differences, preventing them from 1999: 224-225). This study indicates that the African- making the same type of progress the American community was not in a national movement did during its Furthermore, the shrinking of local position to maximize the opportunities heyday. The economic and political political opportunities in Grand Rapids of the national Civil Rights Movement. restrictions were intense and each side worsened the decline of the Civil Rights When applying the political process firmly believed in its agenda. era. The African-American population model to the Grand Rapids Civil Rights Although McAdam places the decline consisted of only five percent of the total Movement, the internal conflict between of African-American insurgency from population in the city despite the great the old African-American elite and the 1966 to 1971, local research indicates migration of African-Americans from the new southern leaders prevented that the Grand Rapids Civil Rights South, thus allowing the white reconciliation between their cultural and Movement began to decline much population to continue ignoring the ideological differences that could have earlier. Four factors led to the decline of demands of the African-Americans and prepared the indigenous population for the movement. First the organizational treat the Civil Rights Movement as if it “readiness.” Furthermore, the white structure of the movement began to were only relevant in other areas. political infrastructure refused to weaken. This was followed by a As a result, the African-American personalize the issues of the Civil Rights conservative backlash to the movement, community in Grand Rapids was never Movement and chose to refer to it only which dismantled the structure of given a reason to feel optimistic about as national or southern problem until it political opportunities. Also, the social the Civil Rights Movement on a local was too late. In addition, the local consciousness among insurgents began level. Instead, they were frustrated and African-American small population (less to deteriorate in the late 1960s after the determined to find another way to be than five percent of Grand Rapids) loss of African-American leaders like heard. By the late 1960s, the African- contributed to the political and Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. American community in Grand Rapids economical deflation. When established Finally, the conservative campaign to was tired of reaping marginal results for African-American leadership moved out repress the African-Americans made it their efforts. African-Americans were still of the inner city in the 1960s, there unpopular for other groups to continue dealing with the same problems that came to exist a leadership vacuum, supporting the movement as it became they had faced in the 1950s; effectively destroying the chance to far more radical (McAdam, 1982: 227-229). unemployment, poor housing, police challenge the political establishment.

22 The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study Despite belated efforts to address the and how they have impacted the issues that plagued the African-American surrounding areas since then. The community, little or no action was activities of the suburban African- actually taken. Today, Delta Strategy, a Americans middle class leadership are network of community organizations also of interest, especially their political and individuals whose work is and economical influence among local structured to improve Grand Rapids - white elite. Another question of including the inequalities that exist in importance that should be further Grand Rapids - argues that after the researched is to what degree racial issues Civil Rights Movement the condition of in Grand Rapids have been integrated the African-American community into the mainstream media and how actually worsened. According to Delta active the local liberal whites have been Strategy, the average African-American in Grand Rapids since the decline of the male in Grand Rapids currently makes Civil Rights Movement. seventy-five percent of the income of their white male counterparts and African-Americans will accumulate less than ten percent of the wealth of a comparable white family (Jared, 2002:6). These disparities perpetuate the disassociation of the races by supporting hidden thoughts that one ethnicity must succeed at the expense of others (Jared, 2002: 5-6). Thus, disparities like these go on unresolved. Lou Barnes, a representative of Delta Strategy suggests:

The divide in the Grand Rapids community is a symptom of covert racism. On the surface this type of racism appears to stem from the assumption that things have improved so much since the end of the Civil Rights era that equality has been achieved. But it conveniently ignores the fact that while the situation is much improved there are still steps to be made toward complete equality (Jared, 2002: 6).

Alfredo Gonzales may have said it best, “You don’t know what it’s like to be different unless you’re different. We’ve made this steady progress toward inclusion but there is still this sense of separation” (Jared, 2002: 5). In future research, a goal should be to explore what happened to the African- American leadership that tried to lead Grand Rapids during the Civil Rights era

GVSU McNair Scholars Journal VOLUME 6, 2002 23 References

Allbaugh, Floyd. (1967, November 29). Officials argue about open housing code. Grand Rapids Press. p. 19.

Alt, Robert. (1967, November 16). Anatomy of a riot 1967. Grand Rapids Press. p. 17.

Alt, Robert. (1968, May 6). Grand Rapids awakes to inner-city ills, but slowly. Grand Rapids Press. p. 15.

Ike urges continuance of McCarthy hearings. (1954, May 19). Grand Rapids Press. p. 1.

Integration Movement spreading through Southern states. (1957,August 26). Grand Rapids Press. p. 12.

Issue is whether integration must be immediate, gradual. (1954, May 19) Grand Rapids Press. p. 21.

Hall school site opposed NCAAP urges better integration. (1954, May 17). Grand Rapids Press p. 1.

Huge rights parade in capital was orderly. (1963, August 28). Grand Rapids Press. p. 1.

Jared, Less. (2002 January). On the edge: racism in Grand Rapids? The Paper. p. 5-6.

Jelks, Randal M. (1999). Race, Respectability, and the Struggle for Civil Rights: A Study of the African-American Community of Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1870-1954. Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Public Library.

Karim, Benjamin. (Ed.) (1971). The end of White world supremacy. New York: Arcade Publishing.

Maran, A.F. (1967, July 16). Negroes, eager to leave slums. Grand Rapids Press. p. 19.

McAdam, Doug. (1982). Political Process and the Development of African-Americans Insurgency 1930-1970, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

No separate schools (1954, May 19). Grand Rapids Press. p. 10.

Recall visits by Malcolm X (1965, February 23). Grand Rapids Press. p. 42.

School aid now urgent (1954, May 19). Grand Rapids Press. p. 5.

School segregation held illegal by highest court (1954, May 18). Grand Rapids Press. p. 2.

Segregation Ruling means “headache to South” (1954, May 18). Grand Rapids Press. p. 2.

Supreme Court’s school segregation decision (1954, May 19). Grand Rapids Press. p. 7.

Whites Join Protest (1963, September 23). Grand Rapids Press. p. 25.

Wintz, Cary D. (1996). African-American Political 1890-1930. New York: M.E. Sharpe.

24 The Grand Rapids Civil Rights Movement From 1954-1969: A Sociological Study