Experience of Discrimination, Social Marginalisation and Violence

Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence:

A comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

1 Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

This report addresses matters related to the principle of non-discrimination (Article 21), cultural, religious and linguistic diversity (Article 22) and the rights of the child (Article 24) falling under Chapter III ‘Equality’ of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

Cover image: © Karina Tischlinger – iStockphoto 12-19-07 People walking on a shopping street

A great deal of information on the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights is available on the Internet. It can be accessed through the FRA website www.fra.europa.eu

Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication.

FRA - European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights Schwarzenbergplatz 11 1040 - Wien Austria Tel.: +43 (0)1 580 30 - 0 Fax: +43 (0)1 580 30 - 691 E-Mail: [email protected] www.fra.europa.eu

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence: A comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

Foreword

Social marginalisation has drastic negative consequences for any society. Marginalisation of children has even more dire eﬀ ects – both for the present and in the future. Stereotypical presumptions about people, coupled with prejudiced views concerning speciﬁ c religions and their followers, are dangerous with respect to the impact that these negative stereotypes can have on progress towards community cohesion and social integration. While many people in the EU have concerns about certain religions and their followers’ possible support for, or engagement in, violence, it is essential that these stereotypes are confronted with evidence looking at the attitudes and experiences of these groups through the lens of social marginalisation and negative stereotyping.

This report is about young people – those from the majority population and those who have identiﬁ ed themselves as Muslims. It sets out to establish facts as to their attitudes on a range of issues and experiences of everyday life in three Member States. The data reported here can be read as proxy indicators that are useful in the development of speciﬁ c policies relating to non-discrimination and social integration of young people in general – both Muslims and non- Muslims.

By researching and analysing experiences of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence in three European Union Member States – France, Spain and the United Kingdom – the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights has been able to show that children between the ages of 12 and 18 (young people) who have experienced social marginalisation and discrimination are highly likely to be more disposed to physical or emotional violence in comparison with those not experiencing marginalisation. Moreover, when aspects other than social marginalisation and discrimination have been accounted for, there are no indications that Muslim youth are either more or less likely to resort to violence than non- Muslims. This strongly suggests that social marginalisation and discrimination needs to be addressed, as a priority, with respect to its impact on young people’s support for violence.

The research – even though limited in scope – shows that the overwhelming majority of Muslim youth have a very similar world view to that of their non-Muslim peers: that is, their concerns include the state of the world and major social issues. At the same time, given their exposure to discrimination, Muslim youth are more sensitive to issues of religious (in)tolerance and cultural identity, which resonate more with their personal experiences. Successful integration between people of diﬀ erent ethnicity or religions hinges upon a clear understanding and application of fundamental rights; such as the right to non-discrimination. Such an approach is crucial in, for example, school policies, through to local and national educational and social strategies.

There is also a clear need to ensure that the EU-legislation in place aimed at countering discrimination is implemented in Member States. This includes required mechanisms such as Equality Bodies that must be truly eﬀ ective in addressing the underlying problems.

The European Union is stepping up to the challenges of having to embed fundamental rights within programmes and responses to terrorism that both directly and indirectly impact on minority communities in the EU; in particular Muslim communities. The Stockholm Programme and its implementing Action Plan (COM (2010) 171), for instance, set out priorities for the Union in the area of freedom, security and justice; the Plan underscores the need to regard security, justice and fundamental rights as part of the same entity rather than as isolated parts. Moreover, the Plan includes a “robust response” to areas such as discrimination, racism and xenophobia, through deploying all available policy instruments.

For the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, looking at the links between social marginalisation and attitudes to violence is essential for development of optimal and well-adapted policy measures at both EU and national level. Stereotypical perceptions, in particular about young members of Muslim communities in the EU, have long lasting and far-reaching negative consequences that should be addressed. It is, therefore, crucial to balance security concerns with concerns about non-discrimination and social integration that are developed within a fundamental rights framework. In sum, preventing marginalisation and violations of fundamental rights is part of the very solution to security problems.

Morten Kjærum Director Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

Contents

FOREWORD ...... 3

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...... 7 Links between social marginalisation, violence and fundamental rights ...... 7 The rights of the child and child-centred evidence ...... 7 Building on existing research on discrimination ...... 8 Main ﬁ ndings ...... 9

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 13 1.1. Background to the research ...... 13 1.2. Context ...... 16 1.3. Research design and methodology ...... 20 1.4. Data analysis ...... 22 1.5. Structure of the report ...... 22

2. SOCIOECONOMIC, CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS PROFILE ...... 23 2.1. Introduction ...... 23 2.2. Socio-economic background ...... 23 2.3. Cultural background ...... 25 2.4. Religious beliefs ...... 29 2.5. Key ﬁ ndings ...... 32

3. EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION AND SOCIAL MARGINALISATION...... 35 3.1. Introduction ...... 35 3.2. Experience of discrimination ...... 36 3.3. Experience of social marginalisation ...... 38 3.4. Discrimination among diff erent religious and cultural groups ...... 40 3.5. Relationship between discrimination and social marginalisation ...... 41 3.6. Key fi ndings ...... 43 4. ATTITUDES TOWARDS AND EXPERIENCE OF VIOLENCE ...... 45 4.1. Introduction ...... 45 4.2. Attitudes towards violence ...... 45 4.3. Experience of violence as a victim ...... 48 4.4. Involvement in acts of violence ...... 50 4.5. Perpetrators of emotional violence ...... 50 4.6. Perpetrators of physical violence ...... 51 4.7. Reasons for involvement in emotional and physical violence ...... 53 4.8. Relationship between violent off ending and victimisation ...... 54 4.9. Key fi ndings ...... 55

5. POLITICAL INTEREST, TRUST AND CITIZENSHIP ...... 57 5.1. Introduction ...... 57 5.2. Interest in national politics ...... 57 5.3. Concern about global social problems ...... 58 5.4. Trust in political institutions ...... 59 5.5. Active citizenship ...... 60 5.6. Key ﬁ ndings ...... 61 Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

6. PEER GROUPS AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES ...... 63 6.1. Introduction ...... 63 6.2. Peer group characteristics ...... 63 6.3. Peer group activities ...... 66 6.4. Key ﬁ ndings ...... 68

7. EXPLAINING ATTITUDES TOWARDS AND INVOLVEMENT IN VIOLENCE ...... 69 7.1. Introduction ...... 69 7.2. Explaining attitudes towards violence ...... 69 7.2. Explaining involvement in violence ...... 71 7.4. Key ﬁ ndings ...... 73

8. CONCLUSIONS ...... 75

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 79 FRA reports ...... 79 References and literature ...... 79 APPENDIX I: TECHNICAL DETAILS OF STUDY DESIGN AND SAMPLE ...... 85 Sampling strategies ...... 85 Questionnaire administration ...... 86 Challenges of ﬁ eldwork ...... 86 Achieved samples and data weighting ...... 86

APPENDIX II: QUESTIONNAIRE UNITED KINGDOM ...... 89 Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

Executive summary

Executive summary Links between social marginalisation, The data reported here can be used as proxy violence and fundamental rights indicators that are useful in the development of specifi c policies relating to non-discrimination and This report presents the fi ndings of a research study social integration of young people in general – both conducted by the European Union Agency for Muslims and non-Muslims. Fundamental Rights (FRA) during 2008/09 in France, Spain and the United Kingdom, which surveyed 1,000 children between the ages of 12 and 18 (young people) in each of The Stockholm Programme and its implementing the three Member States – 3,000 took part in the research Action Plan (COM (2010) 171) off ers an opportunity survey in total. The survey set out to explore possible to appropriately balance security concerns with relationships between young people’s experiences of fundamental rights. The Commission states in its Action discrimination and social marginalisation, including Plan that “[a] European area of freedom, security and experiences of racism, and their attitudes towards and justice must be an area where all people … benefi t from actual engagement in violent behaviours. the eff ective respect of the fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.” The Commission therefore concludes that “[t]he This report is based on a survey of 3,000 children Union must resist tendencies to treat security, justice and (between the ages of 12-18 years) in three diff erent EU Member States: France, Spain and the United Kingdom. fundamental rights in isolation from one another. They go hand in hand in a coherent approach to meet the challenges of today and the years to come.” ‘Youth’ is often ‘problematised’ because of some young people’s associations with anti-social behaviour The main fi nding of the study suggests a strong and/or crime. Moreover, there is an on-going negative relationship between experiences of violence and stereotyping of Muslim communities, and particularly discrimination; namely those who reported in the Muslim youth, in many parts of Europe – in the aftermath questionnaire survey (Appendix II) that they were of 9/11 (2001), the Madrid and London bombings, and discriminated against were signifi cantly more likely rioting in Paris and other European cities. With this to have also experienced emotional (this could be in mind, the Agency undertook to directly ask those teasing, bullying, or the like) and physical violence, between 12-18 years of age about their lives to identify both as a victim and as a perpetrator. In addition, those and explain some of the possible diff erences and who had experienced these forms of violence were similarities in their attitudes towards and experiences signifi cantly more likely to feel alienated or socially of violence in relation to discrimination and social marginalised. This was equally the case for young marginalisation. In order to explore these themes in the people from a Muslim and non-Muslim background. light of contemporary concerns about and potential This indicates that the experience of discrimination discrimination against Muslim communities, the research or violence is not necessarily related to religious specifi cally looked at young people who identify background. This conclusion is supported by the themselves as Muslim or non-Muslim. analysis of results from the research.

The political and policy responses to ‘9/11’ have in The main ﬁ ndings show a strong connection between many instances across the Union been reduced to violence, discrimination and social marginalisation. oversimpliﬁ cations that can easily lead to stereotypical perspectives; this research seeks to nuance these perspectives. The rights of the child and child- centred evidence Contributing to policies that are variously concerned The FRA has a particular interest in examining the with integration, violence and terrorism, this research perspectives and experiences of children as one of its brings fundamental rights aspects, in particular discrimination, into the equation by exploring the nine thematic areas of work, for the period 2007-2012, relationship between young people’s experiences of is ‘the rights of the child, including the protection of discrimination and social marginalisation, and their children’. In the context of this study, this thematic area attitudes towards and actual use of violence. cross-cuts with two others; namely: ‘racism, xenophobia and related intolerance’, and ‘discrimination based on Acts of injustice or exclusion towards Muslim youth, in particular, may cause alienation from wider society, sex, race or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age and this may lead some young people to develop or sexual orientation and against persons belonging sympathy or support for the use of violence. to minorities and any combination of these grounds (multiple discrimination)’.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Young people’s views and accounts of their • Data in Focus 2: ‘Muslims’ (2009) experiences are often not incorporated into work • Community Cohesion at the local level: Addressing the that seeks to formulate policy responses and action needs of Muslim Communities (2008) plans for children and/or ethnic minority groups; • Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination and particularly in fi elds covered by areas in the Stockholm Islamophobia (2006) Programme. The results of the FRA research serves • The impact of 7 July 2005 London bomb attacks on to fi ll a gap in current knowledge about how young Muslim Communities in the EU (2005) people from Muslim and non-Muslim backgrounds • Reports on Anti-Islamic reactions within the European experience their lives, by directly asking them about Union after the acts of terror against the USA (2002) their opinions and experiences. • Situation of Islamic Communities in fi ve European Cities – Examples of local initiatives (2001). Building on the need for child-centred research (which is refl ected in the Agency’s on-going work on the rights of the A number of other projects by the FRA address racial child, see for example Developing indicators for the protection, and religious discrimination more generally, rather respect and promotion of the rights of the child in the European than focusing on Muslim communities specifi cally; for Union, p. 15, and in Article 12 of the UN Convention on example, legal and social research projects that explore the Rights of the Child), the fi eldwork was conducted with the impact of the Racial Equality Directive, as well as children in schools in three Member States – France, Spain community outreach projects targeting children, such as and the United Kingdom (England and Scotland) – and the Agency’s ‘Diversity Day’ that is aimed at school-aged specifi cally in cities with signifi cant Muslim populations. children in diff erent European cities with messages about Children between the ages of 12-18 years self-completed diversity and non-discrimination. a questionnaire. Every eff ort was made to include equal numbers of girls and boys, and, as far as possible, students FRA studies have highlighted the need for more from both a Muslim and non-Muslim religious background. comprehensive and reliable data on the extent and The subsequent analysis of the results is based on weighted forms of discrimination experienced by Muslims in the data to correct for any defi ciencies in the age, sex and European Union. The absence of comprehensive and religious background of the achieved samples. A number of robust data on Muslim communities presents a major schools took part in the research in each Member State and gap for the development of policies that can address the sampling approach served to ensure that the results are the particular discrimination experienced by, and the as representative as possible of the diff erent populations resultant needs of, Muslim communities. In response to living in the areas surveyed. Children voluntarily took part the absence of data on ethnic minority and immigrant in the research and were assured that their responses to the groups in most EU Member States, the Agency launched questionnaire were anonymous so that no single child could a major EU-wide survey on selected ethnic minorities be traced from the survey fi ndings. and immigrants’ experiences of discrimination and criminal victimisation – the European Union Minorities The results provide valuable fi rst-hand evidence about and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS). The EU-MIDIS how children from Muslim and non-Muslim backgrounds survey interviewed 23,500 people face-to-face about the perceive and experience their everyday lives; the results extent and nature of their experiences of discrimination of which off er new insights for policy development and in diverse settings; among which 9,500 respondents action in the inter-related fi elds of social marginalisation, identifi ed themselves as having a Muslim religious violence and fundamental rights. background (all EU-MIDIS reports available at www.fra. europa.eu/eu-midis). Reference to ‘Muslim’ youth in this report is proxy for young people with a stated religious affi liation with The EU-MIDIS results show the extent of discrimination the Muslim faith. experienced by various groups across Europe – including experiences of racist discrimination in nine areas of everyday life; experiences of racist criminal victimisation Building on existing research on and policing; and rights awareness. discrimination One in a series of special Data in Focus Reports from the The FRA, including its predecessor, the European FRA EU-MIDIS survey (Data in Focus Report 2: Muslims) Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), presents the survey’s results with respect to the attitudes has engaged in research on discrimination on the basis and experiences of 9,500 Muslim respondents. of race, ethnicity or religion in relation to several research projects and publications; with a number of reports For example, the EU-MIDIS survey showed that half of having focused on Muslim communities in the European Muslims, but only 20% of non-Muslims, believed that Union; these include (all reports available at www.fra. discrimination on the basis of religion or belief was europa.eu under ‘Publications’): widespread (“very” or “fairly”).

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Executive summary

The results from the three country study reported Muslim youths have greater levels of concern about here could be employed alongside results from the tolerance towards cultural identities, both at a personal Agency’s other research to inform policy and action and a global level, which is likely to impact on their at the Community, national and regional level – and understanding of the way in which such issues are dealt particularly in those three countries where the survey was with politically. With this in mind, the results indicated conducted with respect to policy and action addressing that young Muslims appeared to feel more powerless social marginalisation and issues related to integration. to participate in legitimate forms of protest or active However, the general fi ndings are also applicable at a citizenship than young non-Muslims. more general level, across national borders and in similar situations. For example, polices aimed at addressing Muslim youths are more concerned about issues of youth violence and radicalisation should consider tolerance and cultural identity than non-Muslims, discrimination and social marginalisation rather than which is linked to their experience of discrimination simply focusing on prevention among groups with a and victimisation on these grounds. particular religious affi liation. Joint conclusion by members of FRA stakeholder meeting, 26-27 January 2010 Main fi ndings Muslim youths experience discrimination diff erently This report presents important fi ndings about the in Member States experiences of young people, from both Muslim and non- According to the fi ndings of this study, experience of Muslim backgrounds, that can be used by policy makers discrimination and a personal sense of unhappiness or to address some of the key issues facing young people isolation are relatively rare. Nevertheless, young people in terms of experiences of discrimination and social from certain groups and Member States are at higher risk marginalisation, and how this relates to their attitudes of having more negative experiences; for example, young towards and their use of violence. Muslim respondents in Spain indicated in the study that they were the most ‘unfairly picked on’ group, while General observations from the research Muslims in the United Kingdom were the least ‘unfairly picked on’ Muslim group. Muslim and non-Muslims share the experiences of ‘youth’ Discrimination is experienced by young people on The main fi ndings of this study centre on the many diverse grounds similarities in experiences among youth, irrespective While religious discrimination was higher among Muslim of religious affi liation. There was no indication that than non-Muslim youths, there were many other reasons Muslim youths were more likely than non-Muslims to why young people felt discriminated against which were be emotionally or physically violent towards others, symptomatic of widespread intolerance of diff erences once other aspects of discrimination and social between individuals. It could be the case that experience marginalisation had been taken into account. Experiences of discrimination, on a range of grounds, may have an of discrimination or social marginalisation are detrimental impact on subjective feelings of unhappiness and social factors associated with stronger tendencies towards marginalisation. violence; regardless of religious affi liation or non- affi liation. Consequently, policies aimed at countering Young people from ethnically diverse backgrounds threats to society, ranging from terrorism to youth experience discrimination on a wide range of grounds, criminality (for example), should also be addressing of which religious affi liation is only one. everyday matters of exclusion and discrimination that can aff ect all young people. Joint conclusion by members of FRA stakeholder meeting, 26-27 January 2010 Religion and culture are important attributes of Muslim youth identity that need supporting Most young people – regardless of religious Religious and cultural background are important aspects background – do not support ‘mindless’ violence of young people’s lives, particularly among those whose Young people tend not to be supportive of violence families have migrated from other countries. Young that is carried out without a good reason; however, people are sensitive to cultural and religious diff erences, they do justify this in particular circumstances, such and individual identity must be understood in the context as for self-defence or protection of others. Support of such diff erences. Policies aimed at integrating young for global war and/or terrorism is very low, although migrants into the dominant national culture need to be attention needs to be paid to those young people who sensitive to these young people’s perception of cultural have stronger attitudes towards violence, regardless of identity and belonging. religious background.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Patterns in experience of violence as victims and/or Policy responses have to be adapted to diff erent perpetrators vary considerably across Member States contexts and there was no evidence of a Muslim bias in favour of Diff erent factors are signifi cant in explaining attitudes violent behaviour in this study. and behaviours across the three EU Member States. Policy responses to young people who are at risk of social marginalisation and discrimination are best adapted Young people – regardless of religious affi liation – are concerned about the state of the world and to the local, regional, or national setting. Violence about major social issues, but lack trust in fi gures of – experienced as either a victim or a perpetrator – authority, especially politicians. requires responses that are targeted with respect to the local context; responses that can take into account – Joint conclusions by members of FRA stakeholder meeting, 26-27 January 2010 cultural diversity and local settings.

Members of delinquent groups that have Key research fi ndings experienced discrimination are at greater risk of supporting violence • At least half of all Muslim and non-Muslim Analysis revealed that young males and those who respondents in France, Spain and the United Kingdom are involved in delinquent youth groups are at higher said they associated themselves with more than one risk of having attitudes that are supportive of violence cultural background, which shows the ethnic diversity and of being involved in violent behaviour. This risk is of the samples. even greater among these individuals when they have • French youths do not receive religious education in experienced some form of discrimination or feel that they schools, unlike in Spain and the United Kingdom, and are socially marginalised. therefore most of their religious teaching comes from home. Muslim youths in Spain also indicated that they Attitudes supporting violence do not equate to learn about religion at home. A greater proportion actual use of violence among youth of United Kingdom Muslims receive teaching from The relationship between attitudes that are supportive religious leaders than in Spain or France. of violence and actual experience of violence is • Around one in four young people in each Member not symmetrical, especially for Muslim youths who State reported they had (ever) been unfairly treated display more verbal support than actual engagement or picked on. Muslim youths were signifi cantly more in violence (although the French Muslim youths likely than non-Muslims to say that this had happened were more violent overall, when asked to report on to them in France and Spain; although, there was no the extent to which they themselves engaged in diff erence between them in the United Kingdom. emotional or physical violence). However, addressing • Generally in all Member States, experience of attitudes that are supportive of violence may go some discrimination was signifi cantly related to feelings way towards tackling involvement in both emotional of happiness and alienation among young people. and physical violence. Respondents who had experienced discrimination were less likely to feel ‘very happy’ than those who Discrimination and marginalisation are not restricted to had not. Similarly, mean scores on a scale of social Muslim youths, and religious affi liation is less important alienation were signifi cantly higher for those who had in determining young people’s involvement in violence experienced discrimination. than their peer group characteristics and their broader • Generally in all Member States, young people rarely experiences and attitudes. thought it was justifi able to use violence ‘just for fun’; however, most felt it was acceptable to use violence either all or some of the time to defend themselves or prevent Many young people experience violence (ranging someone else from being physically hurt. Around one from bullying and other forms of emotional violence in fi ve thought it was always acceptable for someone to to more physical forms of aggression), and there is a use violence if their religion had been insulted, although strong link between being a victim and an off ender. Muslim youths in all three Member States were more likely The main factors that lead to violence are being male, than non-Muslims to agree that this was the case. being part of a delinquent youth group / gang, being • The majority of young people disagreed that using war discriminated against and being socially marginalised and, especially, terrorism to solve the world’s problems Policy– when responses these things have are to taken be adapted into consideration, to diff erent was justifi able. French respondents were most likely contextsreligious background / affi liation plays no part in to agree that war or terrorism were justifi ed, while explaining violent behaviour. Spanish respondents were least likely; however, the Diff– erentJoint conclusions factors are by signifi members cant of in FRA explaining stakeholder attitudes meeting, and proportion of young people who agreed with these behaviours26-27 January across 2010 the three EU Member States. statements was very small, and there were marginal diff erences between Muslims and non-Muslims.

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Executive summary

• The relationship between victimisation and • In France, Spain and the United Kingdom, the use of off ending was strong, for both physical and emotional and physical violence by young people emotional violence (the latter could be teasing or was strongly related to their likelihood of associating bullying, for example). For emotional violence, it with a delinquent peer group and engaging in illegal was far more common for perpetrators to be also activities with that group. victims than it was for victims to be also perpetrators. • Emotional violence was as likely to be infl icted by However, this was not so much the case for females as males in France and Spain, and being physical violence. The fi ndings suggested that the male was only weakly predictive of involvement in relationship between victimisation and off ending emotional violence among the United Kingdom was complex and was not uniform across cultural respondents. However, being male was strongly group or Member State. indicative of involvement in physical violence across • Despite showing little interest in national politics, the three Member States. the majority of respondents did report feeling very or fairly worried about the state of the world today. Concern about global issues was highest in France. Muslims youths in the United Kingdom and, particularly, in Spain were more concerned about the Links between this project and rights of state of the world than non-Muslims; however, there the Charter of Fundamental Rights of was little diff erence in the level of concern between the EU and the Universal Declaration of Muslim and non-Muslim youths in France. Human Rights • The global issues that young people reported being most concerned about were poverty, global warming Non-discrimination: and climate change, as well as racism and confl ict “Any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, between diff erent cultures. Muslims were more race, colour, ethnic or social origin, genetic features, likely than non-Muslims in all three Member States language, religion or belief, political or any other opinion, to identify racism as an issue that concerned them; membership of a national minority, property, birth, and Muslims in France and the United Kingdom also disability, age or sexual orientation shall be prohibited.” more readily identifi ed confl ict between diff erent – Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union cultures as a concern compared to non-Muslims; (2000/C 364/01), Article 21(1) although the reverse was true among the Spanish Cultural, religious and linguistic diversity: sample. In contrast, non-Muslims in all Member States were more likely than Muslims to express “The Union shall respect cultural, religious and concern about global warming and climate change. linguistic diversity.” • In the United Kingdom and Spain, while not in – Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union France, Muslim respondents were more likely to say (2000/C 364/01), Article 22 that their group of friends was a ‘gang’ than non- The rights of the child: Muslims, but Muslims who did consider themselves to be in a gang were less likely to say that their “1. Children shall have the right to such protection and care as is necessary for their well-being. They may group accepts, or participates in, illegal activities express their views freely. Such views shall be taken than non-Muslims who called their group a gang, into consideration on matters which concern them in which may indicate a diff erent understanding of the accordance with their age and maturity.” term ‘gang’. • Being more supportive than average in their “2. In all actions relating to children, whether taken attitudes towards using violence at an individual by public authorities or private institutions, the child’s best interests must be a primary consideration.” level (for example, for self-defence or because they were insulted) was at least partially explained in all – Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union three Member States by being male, being part of (2000/C 364/01), Article 24, excerpts a group that the individual defi ned as a ‘gang’ and “Education shall be directed to the full development being involved in illegal activities with that group. of the human personality and to the strengthening of • In all Member States, young people who felt socially respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. marginalised and those who had been a victim It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship of violence because of their cultural or religious among all nations, racial or religious groups, and ... the background, skin colour or language were more maintenance of peace.” likely to use emotional violence (such as teasing or – Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, Article 26(2), bullying) towards others. In France and the United emphasis added Kingdom, young people who had experienced general discrimination were also likely to be emotionally violent towards others.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

• In France and Spain, young people who had • There is no evidence from this study that the religious experienced discrimination were far more likely to background of the respondents is an indicator for engage in physical violence than those who were not engagement in physical violence once other aspects of discriminated against. Furthermore, youths in Spain and discrimination and marginalisation and other features the United Kingdom who reported feeling alienated of the young people’s lives had been accounted for. and marginalised within their communities and youths in the United Kingdom who were victimised on the basis of their cultural or religious origins, were highly likely to be physically violent towards others.

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1. Introduction

1.1. Background to the research Parallel to policy developments in the area of freedom, security and justice, a number Political and policy considerations: youth-centred of policy initiatives have been developed initiatives for youth that can be considered in relation to fi ndings from this research study. There is increasing concern across the EU about intolerance towards Muslims which manifests in various For example, the Council of the European Union has ways as discrimination and social marginalisation, and developed a set of aims for European cooperation in presents major challenges to integration and community the youth fi eld (2010-2018); including: cohesion across Member States. A variety of integrationist • The social exclusion and poverty of young people policies exist throughout the EU, underpinned by the and the transmission of such problems between notion that in order to avoid confl ict – ethnic, religious generations should be prevented and mutual and cultural diversity should be integrated within a solidarity between society and young people nation’s common culture and identity. strengthened. Equal opportunities for all should be promoted and all forms of discrimination combated. The European Union has emphasised the prevention - Realise the full potential of youth work and youth of violent radicalisation as part of eff orts to combat centres as means of inclusion. terrorism. Contributing to that process is a series of reports - Adopt a cross-sectoral approach when working commissioned by the Commission, on various aspects, to improve community cohesion and solidarity 1 including factors contributing to radical violence. The and reduce the social exclusion of young people, Commission has stated that such factors often originate in addressing the inter linkages between e.g. young “a combination of perceived or real injustice or exclusions.” people’s education and employment and their “Not feeling accepted in society, feeling discriminated social inclusion. against and the resulting unwillingness... to identify - Support the development of intercultural with the values of the society in which one is living” are awareness and competences for all young people contributing factors.2 Furthermore, the Commission held and combat prejudice. that a combination of feelings of exclusion and desires - Support information and education activities for to be part of a group working towards change can lead young people about their rights. some young people to get involved in more extreme, or radical, forms of violence.3 - Address the issues of homelessness, housing and fi nancial exclusion. The 2010-2014 plan of the EU for the area of freedom, - Promote access to quality services – e.g. transport, security and justice (the Stockholm Programme) e-inclusion, health, social services. Promote specifi c stresses that fundamental rights must be respected support for young families. while combating terrorism: “Measures in the fi ght - Engage young people and youth organisations against terrorism must be undertaken within the in the planning, delivery and evaluation of [the] framework of full respect for fundamental rights... [and] European Year of Combating Poverty and Social stigmatising any particular group of people [must Exclusion (2010). be replaced with] intercultural dialogue in order to • Young people’s participation in and contribution to 4 promote mutual awareness and understanding.” The global processes of policy-making, implementation Stockholm Programme also underscores the importance and follow-up (concerning issues such as climate of prevention. The fi ndings of this FRA report may change, the UN Millennium Development Goals, contribute to this by explaining underlying causes for human rights, etc.) and young people’s cooperation attitudes towards violence.5 with regions outside of Europe should be supported. Council of the EU, Resolution 15131/09, 6 November 2009 The importance of the participation in community 1 See ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/fsj_terrorism_ life of young people was also highlighted in the 2001 prevention_prevent_en.htm (23.07.2010). European Commission White Paper ‘A new impetus 2 COM(2005) 313 Final, 21 September 2005, p. 11. for European Youth’, where it was identifi ed as the fi rst 3 COM(2005) 313 Final, 21 September 2005, p. 13. priority theme in the specifi c fi eld of youth. 4 17024/09, 2 December 2009, p. 50 (adopted 10/11 December 2009. See also COM (2010) 171, Action Plan Implementing the Stockholm COM(2001) 681 fi nal, 21 November 2001, Programme, pp. 3, 6, and 40–41. eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/com/2001/ 5 On data compilation, see Council of the EU, 7984/10 ADD1, 30 March 2010, com2001_0681en01.pdf an instrument for compiling data and information on violent radicalisation processes.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

In general, it has to be noted – on the basis of some Democratic participation is also one of four key elements identifi ed by the Club de Madrid (a forum for former research fi ndings – that there is no defi nitive link democratic Presidents and Prime Ministers, www. between religiosity and sense of national identity, clubmadrid.org) in its vision for a shared society. They call respect for democratic institutions, or acceptance of on leaders to actively listen to the issues and strategic violence: A recent Gallup survey about the situation of recommendations of young people before they respond, Muslims in Europe conducted in Berlin, London and and to provide space for young people to be included in Paris indicates that for the majority of Muslims religion is planning processes, activities and decision making. an important part of their daily lives (68% to 88% of the Club de Madrid, The Shared Societies Project – Muslims living in the three cities, compared to 23% to Democratic leadership for Dialogue, Diversity and Social 41% among the overall population in these countries).7 Cohesion – Building a World Safe for Diff erence, www. But this does not imply that Muslims are less likely than thesharedsocietiesproject.clubmadrid.org/fi leadmin/user_ the general population to say they identify strongly upload/_temp_/SSP_Booklet.pdf with their country. For example, in the United Kingdom 57% of Muslim respondents in London vs. 48% of the Acts of injustice or exclusion towards Muslim youths, in majority population in the UK indicated that they identify particular, may cause alienation from wider society. This may strongly with the UK8. Muslims in London also express a lead some young people to develop sympathy or support high degree of confi dence in the country’s democratic for the use of violence. A recently published report on young institutions (64%) compared with the overall population people’s engagement in radical behaviour shows that: (36%).9 As for the moral acceptability of using violence in the name of a noble cause, a clear majority of Muslims in “[w]hen people experience injustice this can easily lead Berlin, London and Paris (between 77% and 94%) chose to anger against society, as a result of which intentions a low rating of acceptability on a fi ve-point scale. Yet, to and actually engaging in violent and rude behaviour the Muslims in Berlin and London are less likely than the can occur. This eff ect is particularly likely when people general public in the country overall to approve of such are predisposed to react in strong ways to experiences violence.10 Another release published by Gallup in May of personal uncertainty and when they experience that 2009 confi rms these results.11 their own group is threatened by other groups.” 6 However, aside from research with adults, little is known It is thought that by addressing the root of such problems, about young Muslims’ experiences of alienation and more might be done in Europe to prevent alienation and social marginalisation, or their attitudes towards and social marginalisation among Muslim youth. experiences of violence. In addition, it is not known to what extent young Muslims’ views and experiences Participation of young people in public life across a range of social and political issues are diff erent or similar to those of other young people from non-Muslim In 1992 the Council of Europe ‘Congress of Local and backgrounds. Regional Authorities of Europe’ adopted the ‘European Charter on the Participation of Young People in Local and Regional Life’, which was revised in 2003. The Charter stresses that participation of young people in local and regional life must form part of any global policy of citizens’ participation in public life, and that special attention should be paid to promoting the participation of young people from disadvantaged sectors of society and from minorities. Concerning a 7 Nyiri, Z. (2007) Muslims in Berlin, London, and Paris: Bridges and Gaps in general anti-discrimination policy, the Charter urges Public Opinion, Gallup World Poll 2007, available online at: media.gallup. local and regional authorities to ensure equal access com/WorldPoll/PDF/WPTFMuslimsinEuropeExecSumm.pdf (23.07.2010) for all citizens to all areas of life. According to article 8 Question: ‘How strongly do you identify with each of the following groups? 35 of the Charter, “[s]uch access should be monitored ...Your country?’, see Nyiri, Z. (2007) European Muslims Show No Confl ict and guaranteed by joint bodies comprising local Between Religious and National Identities, Gallup World Poll 2007, government representatives and representatives of available online at: www.gallup.com/poll/27325/European-Muslims- minorities and young people themselves.” Show-Confl ict-Between-Religious-National-Identities.aspx (23.07.2010). 9 Nyiri, Z. (2007) Muslims in Europe: Basis for Greater Understanding See: https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=39661&Site=Congress Already Exists, Gallup World Poll 2007, available online at: www.gallup. &BackColorInternet=e0cee1&BackColorIntranet=e0cee1&Back com/poll/27409/Muslims-Europe-Basis-Greater-Understanding-Already- ColorLogged=FFC679 Exists.aspx (23.07.2010). 10 Nyiri, Z. (2007) Muslims in Europe: Basis for Greater Understanding Already Exists, Gallup World Poll 2007, available online at: www.gallup. 6 K. van den Bos, A. Loseman, B. Doosje (2009) Why Young People com/poll/27409/muslims-europe-basis-greater-understanding-already- Engage in Radical Behavior and Sympathize With Terrorism: Injustice, exists.aspx (23.07.2010). Uncertainty, and Threatened Groups, University Utrecht, Faculty of Social 11 Gallup/The Coexist Foundation (2009) The Gallup Coexist Index 2009: Sciences, University of Amsterdam: WODC, available online at: A Global Study of Interfaith Relations, available online at: www. english.wodc.nl/onderzoeksdatabase/jongeren-aan-het-woord-over- muslimwestfacts.com/mwf/118249/Gallup-Coexist-Index-2009.aspx radicalisme-en-terrorisme.aspx?cp=45&cs=6796 (23.07.2010). (23.07.2010).

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1. Introduction

Studies on radicalisation identity and/or practice is leading to alienation, disengagement and senses of victimisation. Youth Several studies related to radicalisation have been and Islamist Radicalisation, Lille, France (April 2010)17, carried out recently. The European Commission mentioning ideologisation based on, among other (Directorate General Justice, Freedom and Security) things, experiences of exclusion. has commissioned a series of reports: Studies into violent radicalisation: The beliefs, ideologies and narratives (February 2008)12, Les facteurs de création ou de modiﬁ cation des processus de radicalisation FRA research on Muslims: embarking on youth-centred violente, chez les jeunes en particulier (undated)13, research Study on the best practices in cooperation between The FRA, including its predecessor, the European authorities and civil society with a view to the Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), prevention and response to violent radicalisation has engaged in research on discrimination on the basis (July 2008)14, and Recruitment and Mobilisation for of race, ethnicity or religion in relation to several research the Islamist Militant Movement in Europe (December projects and publications, with a number of reports 15 2007) . These reports are based on more in- having focused on Muslim communities in the European depth interviews with a small number of persons Union; namely: Racism, Xenophobia and the Media: (around 30) and one of them using an ethnographic methodology. Comparison between these studies Towards respect and understanding of all religions and and this report is complicated also for other reasons, cultures, that elaborated on the impact media have on including location and age (adults) of interviewees. these issues; Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination Some of the recommendations made in these and Islamophobia, which includes an analysis of available studies, however, are pertinent also in the context of information and data on discrimination against Muslims this report, such as: engaging and interacting with in various settings; and Perceptions of Discrimination and civil society leadership, including young people; Islamophobia: Voices from members of Muslim communities ensure application of anti-discrimination legislation, in the European Union, which presents results from including strong Equality Bodies; and provide socio- qualitative research interviews with selected members political preventive tools at the local level. of Muslim communities. In addition, the Agency’s report Other recent studies of relevance to this report Community cohesion at the local level: Addressing the needs includes, Muslim Communities Perspectives on of Muslims Communities – Examples of local initiatives, 16 Radicalisation in Leicester, UK (February 2010) , targets policy makers and practitioners with concrete stressing the absence of causal links between degree examples of existing practices addressing cohesion in of religious practice and violent radicalisation. The 18 report also concludes that focusing on Muslims diﬀ erent European Union cities.

In addition, one of the Data in Focus Reports from the Agency’s EU-MIDIS survey on minorities’ experiences of discrimination and criminal victimisation, in which 23,500 people from ethnic minority and immigrant as terrorist threats and stigmatising religious groups throughout the EU27 were interviewed, published comparable results based on interviews conducted 12 Studies into violent radicalisation; Lot 2. The beliefs ideologies with Muslims respondents from the survey – totalling and narratives, produced by the Change Institute for the European 9,500 Muslim Interviewees.19 Commission (Directorate General Justice, Freedom and Security), available online at: ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/docs/ ec_radicalisation_study_on_ideology_and_narrative_en.pdf (23.07.2010). 13 Les facteurs de création ou de modifi cation des processus de radicalisation violente, chez les jeunes en particulier, by Compagnie Européenne d’Intelligence Stratégique, CEIS, available online at: ec.europa. eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/docs/ec_radicalisation_study_ on_trigger_factors_fr.pdf (23.07.2010). 14 Study on the best practices in cooperation between authorities and civil society with a view to the prevention and response to violent radicalisation, by the Change Institute for the European Commission available online at: www.libforall.org/pdfs/eu_libforall_bestpractices_ 17 Youth and Islamist Radicalisation Lille, France, a study carried out by casestudy_july08.pdf (23.07.2010). the Centre for Studies in Islamism and Radicalisation, (CIR), Department 15 Recruitment and Mobilisation for the Islamist Militant Movement in of Political Science, Aarhus University, Denmark, available online at: Europe, study was carried out by King’s College London for the European www.ps.au.dk/fi leadmin/site_fi les/fi ler_statskundskab/subsites/cir/ Commission (Directorate General Justice, Freedom and Security), available SummaryFINAL_Eng_rapport5_.pdf (23.07.2010). online at: ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/docs/ 18 All reports are available from the FRA website at: www.fra.europa.eu/ ec_radicalisation_study_on_mobilisation_tactics_en.pdf (23.07.2010). fraWebsite/research/publications/publications_en.htm. 16 Muslim Communities Perspectives on Radicalisation in Leicester, UK, a 19 Other projects have also been of relevance: see, for example, Opinion [of study carried out by the Centre for Studies in Islamism and Radicalisation the FRA] on the Proposal for a Council Framework decision on the use (CIR), Århus University, Denmark, available online at: www.ps.au.dk/ of Passenger Name Record (PNR) data for law enforcement purposes, E, fi leadmin/site_fi les/fi ler_statskundskab/subsites/cir/pdf-fi ler/Rapport4_ paragraphs 34-46, available online at: www.fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/ UK_rev_jgmFINAL.pdf (23.07.2010). research/publications/publications_en.htm.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

These reports underline the absence of research targeting 1.1.1. Aims of the research young Muslims’ experiences of integration, victimisation and discrimination;20 the Agency’s own EU-MIDIS survey The overarching aim of the research was to explore sampled respondents aged 16 years and older, and only the relationship between young people’s experiences captured small numbers of young people within its of discrimination and social marginalisation and their random sampling framework. In particular, these reports attitudes towards using violence and engagement in note that the absence of evidence about the experience using actual violence towards others. It was not the of young Muslims in EU Member States, particularly those intention of the research to identify any of the young with sizeable Muslim populations, is hampering the people participating in the study as potential violent eff orts of policy makers to develop initiatives to address extremists or to suggest that the communities from issues around racism and social marginalisation, and which young people were sampled were areas that were in relation to (the prevention of) violent behaviour. In at most risk of developing such violent activities. Equally, 2007, therefore, the FRA commissioned research aimed it was not the intention of the research to highlight at collecting much needed quantitative data on racism specifi c problems of violence or social marginalisation and social marginalisation, to explore the experiences, solely among young Muslims. attitudes and behaviours of Muslim and non-Muslim youths in three EU Member States which had been the target of Islamist inspired violence or violence triggered Research aim by experiences of discrimination among immigrants: To explore the relationship between young namely, France, Spain and the United Kingdom. people’s experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation, and their attitudes towards and actual The survey on which this report is based was undertaken by use of violence. a consortium of three academic institutions experienced in the area of survey research with young people – including young people from minority backgrounds; these were the This report explores the responses of both Muslim and Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha (UCLM) (which was the non-Muslim young people across the three Member lead university for the project);21 Université de Bordeaux;22 States in terms of: and the University of Edinburgh.23 The fi nal report was written by Susan McVie (University of Edinburgh) and Susan • their socio-economic, cultural and religious profi le; Wiltshire (University of Leeds). • their experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation; The research team in each of the three countries • their attitudes towards violence and their experience conducted a survey of 1000 children between the of emotional and physical violence, both as victims ages of 12 and 18 in each Member State, ensuring that and perpetrators; the sample equally represented males and females, • their interest in national politics and global issues, and Muslim and non-Muslim youths. The research was trust in political institutions and potential for active informed by the following hypothesis: citizenship; and • their peer group characteristics and leisure activities. Discrimination and social marginalisation are major stumbling blocks to integration and community This is done in an attempt to better understand young cohesion. In particular, discrimination and racial abuse people’s attitudes towards violent behaviour and can lead to social marginalisation and alienation that, in involvement in violence. turn, might be one set of factors leading some individuals to develop attitudes and even activities supporting the use of violence. 1.2. Context

This section presents a summary of literature describing the socio-economic and cultural profi le of Muslim youth, and youth more generally, across the three Member States in order to contextualise the fi ndings presented in 20 See in particular Annual Report 2006 – Inadequacy of data on racist the report. Before presenting the fi ndings, it is important crime for 2006 and Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination and to recognise the very diff erent demographic, economic, Islamophobia, available at www.fra.europa.eu under ‘Publications’. cultural and historical profi les of the three Member 21 Cristina Rechea- Alberola, Gloria Fernández-Pacheco, Raquel Bartolomé, States studied, and the diffi culties in drawing on accurate Esther Fernández-Molina, Lourdes Rueda, Ana L. Cuervo, and Fabiola Ruiz. 22 Catherine Blaya, Eric Debarbieux, Jean-François Bruneaud, Françoise data detailing both the demographic and socio-cultural Lorcerie, Benjamin Denecheau, Tristana Pimor, and Aurélie Berguer. characteristics of ethnic and religious minority groups. 23 Susan McVie, Susan Wiltshire, Eric Chen, Ashley Varghese, and Tufyal This report should be read with this caveat in mind. Choudhury.

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population, according to self report data, belongs to Diversity of Muslim communities a minority ethnic group (White, 2002). The Muslim It is important to stress the diversity of the Muslim population in the United Kingdom overwhelmingly communities in the three Member States included in encompasses followers of Sunni Islam, the majority of this study. Behind the label ‘Muslim’ lie individuals these being of Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Indian origin. belonging to a myriad of ethnicities, each having According to the 2001 United Kingdom Census, the diff erent cultural heritages and customs, a variety largest religious group, after Christianity in the United of religious denominations and traditions, speaking Kingdom, are Pakistani Muslims, and there are around diff erent languages and holding diverse political and 1,600 known mosques across Britain (Masood, 2006). philosophical views. This diversity of Muslim communities is worth In the United Kingdom, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are remembering, especially as there has been a tendency generally connoted as specifi c ethnic groups, as sub- to treat Muslims as one uniform and monolithic group. categories of Asian or Asian British. The 2001 Census The discourses that dominate media and politics tend to shows that the majority of those who self-identifi ed as essentialise Islam, attributing it some fi xed, unchangeable Pakistanis and Bangladeshis also claimed to be Muslim: and undivided properties. At the same time, the religion – 92% and 92.5% respectively. Therefore, in any discussion seen in this stereotypical and simplistic way – has started to conceal all other possible identities of Muslims, such as about Muslims in Britain and the wider United Kingdom, ethnicity or class. This is why it is crucial to keep in mind the focus lies primarily around Pakistanis and Bangladeshis diversity and the rich cultures of European Muslims, when since they comprise the largest groups of Muslims. analysing their experiences. By contrast, it is not possible to present an accurate One of the other important features that has an impact on the diversity of the Muslim communities in picture of the number of Muslims in France or Spain, or Europe is diff erent migration histories. Factors such as to concisely map their ethnic identities. In keeping with period of migration, reasons for migration, settlement the republican ideal that all citizens are equal, a census histories, ethnic and religious tensions experienced in of Muslims in France remains problematic due to legal relation to migration, as well as war and civil unrest in barriers, notably the French ban on holding data based the country of origin, signifi cantly shape communities on religious or ethnic characteristics of individuals, as and individuals. illustrated below: When talking about Muslim communities in these three Member States, the diff erent context of “It is prohibited to collect or process personal data based migration should be taken into consideration. The directly or indirectly on the racial, ethnic characteristics of colonial history of the United Kingdom and France is individuals, their political, philosophical or religious beliefs, crucial to understanding the history of migration to their trade unions activities or their health and sexual life.” these countries and the power relationships between (Law of the 6th of January 1978, art.8). Muslim minorities from the former colonies and the state. In Spain, on the other hand, the centuries-long presence of Muslims and the impact that Islam had on The debate on whether to change the law to allow ethnic the country’s culture may infl uence the way Muslims statistics to be collated continues (see The Economist, feel in the country and are approached today. March 2009); however, the current population of France is around 58.5 million, and existing estimates suggest that this includes between 3.5 and 5 million Muslims 1.2.1. Religion and ethnicity (Laurent and Vaïsse, 2005), at least two million of whom have French citizenship24. Three quarters of Muslims in Demographic and statistical information about Muslims France have their origins in North Africa (Algeria, Morocco, in Europe is inconsistently recorded, often relying on Tunisia), and the remaining 25% come from more than unoffi cial data and proxy measures. This is compounded 100 diff erent countries. Their ethnic background is, thus, by legalities around such notions as citizenship, ethnicity extremely wide: Maghrebi, Middle Eastern Arabs, Turks, and religion, particularly in France and to some extent in Western and Eastern Africans, people from the Reunion Spain. Unlike France and Spain, in the United Kingdom Island, Malagasy, Mauritians, Asians, West Indians, and it is possible to collect a wealth of general statistics on French converts, as well as people from former Soviet demographic indicators, including religion and ethnicity, countries. The number of converts to Islam is estimated but this is also limited to some extent in terms of the to be around 80,000; though this fi gure excludes children range and scope of their applicability.

In 2007, the total population of the United Kingdom 24 In its recent report, Mapping the Global Muslim Population, published stood at around 61 million and it is estimated that in October 2009, the PEW Forum on Religion & Public Life estimates that Muslims comprise around 3% of the population, though there are around 3.6 million Muslims living in France, corresponding to the real ﬁ gure is likely to exceed this in the forthcoming 6% of the total population. The report is available online at: pewforum. census (2011). Correspondingly, almost 8% of the org/newassets/images/reports/Muslimpopulation/Muslimpopulation.pdf (23.07.2010).

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of converts, who might also be Muslim (Le Monde des of Nord-Pas-de-Calais (10%). The population in the region Religions 2008). Although France is estimated to host the of Alsace in north eastern France has been estimated to be largest number of Muslims in Western Europe, it provides lower, at around 5% of Muslims (Reeber, 1996). the lowest number of state funded and subsidised mosques in which to worship. However, it should be Spanish Muslim communities are concentrated in the noted that not all Muslims worship, and among those districts of Madrid and Barcelona, as well as other cities who do, many do so in community or ‘garage’ mosques, and towns, especially in southern Spain. The largest which makes estimating mosque numbers problematic. Muslim populations are domiciled in the following regions: Andalusia in the south of Spain, Catalonia in Spain has a high number of immigrants, including those north eastern Spain, Madrid in the centre of Spain, who enter illegally. This makes measuring the precise and Valencia in south eastern Spain. There are also number of Muslims particularly problematic. The only Muslim communities in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla available demographic information in Spain pertains in northern Africa, which are under Spanish control to the nationality of foreigners. The total population of (US Department of State, 2007). Spain is currently around 47 million, and the 2008 Census recorded 11% of the population as foreign25. Most Muslims Muslims in the United Kingdom tend to be similarly in Spain originate from Morocco, representing over 70% concentrated in particular geographical areas, notably of the Muslim population, followed by citizens of Algeria, large cities across England (in particular in the south, Pakistan, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Tunisia. Most of the Midlands and the north of England) and the west the Moroccans and Algerians were men who migrated of Scotland. Among these cities, Manchester, Liverpool, to Spain in the last 20 years to work in agriculture Glasgow, London and Birmingham feature the worst and construction. There is also a Muslim community rates of child poverty in Britain, a fi nding which is not originating from the Middle East (Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, exclusively applicable to Muslim children, but is repeated Palestine and Egypt), settling in Spain during the 1970s across every ethnic grouping. The Muslim population and 1980s after fl eeing political or religious confl icts in of London is around 1 million, speaking around their countries. They generally work in commerce or 50 languages between them, representing around 14% of sanitation industries and many have obtained Spanish the total population of the City. Indeed, London is home nationality by marriage. There is also a third group, which to around 48% of all ethnic minorities in Britain (White, represents 2% of the Muslim community in Spain, who are 2002). In Scotland, the Muslim community is far smaller. converted Muslims living in small communities, mainly in According to the most recent Scottish Census (2001), Andalusia and Catalonia (Escobar, 2008). most Muslims live in the city of Glasgow, and comprise around 3% of the city’s population. 1.2.2. Geographical location 1.2.3. Age profi le Across Europe, Muslims tend to be concentrated in urban areas which results in clustering within particular cities Evidence suggests that across Europe as a whole, the and neighbourhoods. This can be associated with the Muslim population tends to be younger than that of failure of integration policies, as well as a complex range the countries in which they have settled. In France, of socio-economic structural barriers to greater social information about the age profi le of Muslims is not inclusion. Moreover, migrants across Europe – including available for the reasons stated above. Similarly, the Muslims – tend to live in poorer quality and overcrowded picture is not clear for Spain, but the foreign population housing conditions, in poorer neighbourhoods, and have in Spain is thought to be younger than the Spanish diffi culty accessing housing (CRS Report, 2005). The French population as a whole. The largest groups of Muslims Muslim population, for example, overwhelmingly resides come from Morocco, Algeria and Pakistan, with around in poorer city suburbs where access to housing is cheaper. 15% of these aged under 18 (Institute of National Data from the Open Society Institute (2007) suggests that Statistics- INE, 2008). the largest Muslim populations are in the following régions (counties): the Paris metropolitan region of Île de-France In the United Kingdom as a whole, 33% of Muslims are (where Muslims comprise up to 35% of the population); aged below 15 years (the national average is 20%) and in south eastern France, in the region of Provence-Alpes- a further 18% are aged 16-24 (the national average is Côte-d’Azur, PACA (20%); the East of France in the region of 11%). In Scotland, although Muslims represent a very Rhône-Alpes (15%) and the north of France in the region small group of the population (less than 1%), Islam is the second largest religion and, therefore, boasts the youngest age group of followers, with many younger than sixteen. 25 In the aforementioned report, the PEW Forum on Religion & Public Indeed, the age structure across all minority ethnic groups Life estimates the number of Muslims in Spain to around 650.000, in the United Kingdom, and also Europe, evinces a greater corresponding to around 1% of the total population. See online volume of younger age groups, which is illustrative of past at: pewforum.org/newassets/images/reports/Muslimpopulation/ immigration and fertility patterns (White, 2002). Muslimpopulation.pdf (23.07.2010).

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1. Introduction

1.2.4. Youth socio-economic indicators Comparative studies show that the French education system is socially selective and that it tends to Socio-economic factors, such as educational background, concentrate the placement of ethnic minority pupils employment status and health, for example, may have within a few schools (Felouzis et al., 2005). Studies also some bearing on negative feelings concerning State show that there are much higher levels of pupils with institutions or representatives (such as politicians), and foreign nationality in vocational schools (Payet, 2002). may also infl uence feelings and experiences pertaining While some research suggests that discrimination is to alienation and social marginalisation. Indeed, a not apparent in overall levels of school achievement, disproportionate number of Muslims in Europe suff er others conclude that education levels are lowest among from similar indices of poverty and social disadvantage. Muslims (CRS Report, 2005). However, when comparing We focus here on indices of education and employment, pupils from low socio-economic background, average as questions on these factors were included in this survey. academic results at national level are similar for Muslims and non-Muslims. Children from more deprived 1.2.4.1. Education backgrounds perform less well than others at both Educational statistics by religion or ethnicity are primary and secondary school level, although there is sparse, though some countries record statistics on some evidence of improvement among Muslims after the performance of migrants. However, international they make the transition to secondary school. comparisons of school experience among youth from minority ethnic groups show great diff erences from one It is possible to construct an approximate picture of educational system to another. Some school systems educational achievement in Spain. Data are not reported provide pupils and students with a supportive environment by religion but by country of origin. OECD educational irrespective of ethnic background, while others are far less data divides the population into Muslim, non-Muslim sensitive to issues associated with ethnicity (Windle, 2008). and an indeterminate category. These data indicate that at all levels of education, Muslims perform less well In the United Kingdom, Indian pupils gain more school than their non-Muslim counterparts. In terms of youth qualifi cations than any other ethnic group, while Pakistani generally, one in four young people leave school with less and Bangladeshi boys achieve the lowest level. Muslim than upper secondary education – one of the highest girls perform slightly better than boys, although not drop-out rates among OECD countries. There are some as well as the other groups, except in comparison to partial studies about Moroccan pupils which confi rm this ‘Black’ boys (White, 2002)26. There is also low educational tendency. A study by Pereda et al (2004) showed that attainment among children who are eligible for free almost all Moroccan pupils received formal education school meals in the United Kingdom – a marker of low until the age of 16, with only 2% of Moroccan youths family income – including a large proportion of White outside of the school system. Nevertheless, participation children (MORI, 2006/2007). Indeed, diff erences in in education declines for Moroccan youth when they achievement between 11-year old pupils by eligibility reach the legal school leaving age. This is especially for free school meals are greatest among White pupils, marked among Moroccan girls, whose educational level is and one third of White British boys eligible for free 14 points lower than that of Moroccan boys. school meals do not obtain 5 or more Standard Grade qualifi cations. This is a much higher proportion than All three Member States show that pupils who perform for any other combination of gender, ethnic group and less well at school come from poorer socio-economic eligibility for free school meals (New Policy Institute, 2008). backgrounds. This includes Muslims but is exclusive to neither ethnic nor religious group.

26 The results in White (2002) on pupils’ school qualifi cations are based on 1.2.4.2. Employment data collected using the 1991 UK Census classifi cation of ethnicity, which Research literature on the three Member States, as well included nine categories: White, Black Caribbean, Black African, Black Other, as in many other nations27, indicate that unemployment Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Other ethnic group. The 2001 UK Census introduced a more detailed classifi cation of 16 groups: White (sub- rates are highest among young people (UNECE Trends, categories: British, Irish, Other White), Mixed (sub-categories: White and 2005), and that ethnic minorities, including Muslims, Black Caribbean, White and Black African, White and Asian, Other Mixed), tend to be among those minority groups that are Asian or Asian British (sub-categories: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Other disproportionately under-represented in employment. Asian), Black or Black British (sub-categories: Black Caribbean, Black African, Other Black), Chinese or Other ethnic group (sub-categories: Chinese, Other In Spain, for example, the unemployment rate for ethnic group). The 2011 UK Census will again introduce a new classifi cation immigrants at the end of 2007 was 12%, compared with 18 categories: White (sub-categories: English/Welsh/Scottish/ to 8% for Spanish workers. During the fi rst quarter of Northern Irish/British, Irish, Gypsy or Irish Traveller, Other White), Mixed/ multiple ethnic groups (sub-categories: White and Black Caribbean, White and Black African, White and Asian, Any other Mixed/multiple ethnic), Asian/Asian British (sub-categories: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, 27 See for example the report on the Situation of Young People in Sweden Other Asian), Black/African/Caribbean/Black British (sub-categories: African, FOKUS08, published by the Swedish National Board for Youth Aff airs. Caribbean, Any other Black/African/Caribbean), Other ethnic group (sub- www.ungdomsstyrelsen.se//ad2/user_documents/Fokus_08_ENG.pdf categories: Arab, Any other ethnic group). (23.07.2010).

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

2008, the unemployment rate for migrant workers rose unemployment rate is 30% as opposed to 20% for young to almost 15%, while the rate for Spanish workers rose people of French origin (Open Society Institute, 2007). The only slightly to 9% (Spanish Labour Force Survey, 2007). unemployment gap is not only due to diff erences in social Muslims in employment tend to work in the lower sectors background or education, since even when accounting of the economy, such as the service sector and manual for this, unemployment rates are still higher for minority industries. The unemployment rate of youths in Spain was ethnic groups. This varies, however, according to country almost 18% in 2006, which is more than 3% above the of origin and country of destination (see forthcoming FRA OECD average. In particular, young Spanish women have report on Migrants, Minorities and Employment). one of the highest unemployment rates. Evidence from across the three Member States The United Kingdom unemployment rate is also highest demonstrates that unemployment rates are higher among young people. In 2008, the rate of unemployment among youth generally, and ethnic minority groups was 15% for 16 to 24 year olds, increasing since 2004, and and immigrants in particular, as well as for women. four times the rate for older workers. In 2004, Muslims Employment for these groups tends to be unskilled and aged 16 to 24 had the highest overall unemployment insecure, typifying the sometimes exploitative ‘fl exible’ rates. However, regardless of religion and ethnicity, employment patterns of neo-liberal economies, and one in eight 16- to 19-year-olds was not in education, likely to worsen in times of recession. Indeed, in most EU employment or training, which is slightly higher than a Member States, Muslims tend to have low employment decade ago. Moreover, the proportion of White 16-year- rates, which might suggest some element of employment olds who do not continue in full-time education is higher discrimination (EUMC, 2006). than that for any ethnic minority group, though many are undertaking some form of training, often as a means of entitlement to state benefi ts (Policy Institute 2008). In 1.3. Research design and methodology 2004, the Muslim population had the highest adult male unemployment rate at 13% and the highest adult female There has been much qualitative research in the area unemployment rate at 18% (Muslims in the European of racism and social marginalisation; however, there is Union, 2006). In terms of ethnicity, Bangladeshis and a lack of quantitative data in this area. Therefore, the Pakistanis are two and a half times more likely than the research design for this study involved a survey of 1,000 White population to be unemployed, and three times young people within each Member State, sampling more likely to be in low paid employment (Modood approximately equal numbers of males and females and Shiner, 2002). Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are also between the ages of 12 and 18 from Muslim and non- more likely to live in low income households than any Muslim backgrounds – 3,000 interviewees in total. other group in Britain (White, 2002). A third of Muslim Respondents fi lled out a standardised questionnaire, households have no adults in employment (more than which was translated from English (which is appended) double the national average); and 73% of Bangladeshi into French and Spanish. The researchers provided a child and Pakistani children live in households below the appropriate text and instructions for completing the poverty line (defi ned by the state as 60% of median questionnaire; based on their past experience of having income) which compares with 3% of children in all successfully undertaken quantitative research work with households (Department for Work and Pensions, 2001). children in a range of diff erent settings. Questionnaires were fi lled out in classrooms under ‘exam like’ conditions Research evidence from France also suggests that to ensure that children could not infl uence each other those from minority ethnic groups are more likely to when giving their responses. Children who encountered be unemployed than the rest of the population. In diffi culties in fi lling out the questionnaire were off ered 2002, the unemployment rate for immigrants was 16%, assistance by one of the members of the research team. which is twice the rate for non-immigrants. Laurence and Vaïsse (2007) also found that young people from It was not possible to conduct a survey using minority ethnic groups, primarily Maghrebians, were representative sampling techniques, for two main around twice as likely to be unemployed than French reasons. First, Muslim households make up a relatively nationals. Where those from minority ethnic groups are low proportion of the population in each of the three in employment they occupy the least qualifi ed positions Member States, so a representative sample would not and are over-represented in manual work. Women have yielded suffi cient numbers of Muslim respondents. are concentrated in part-time and less secure types of Second, there is a strong tendency for Muslim households employment. First generation Muslim women tend to to live in close geographical clusters, which makes stay at home longer, while the second generation is representative sampling problematic. Therefore, within more likely to be unemployed but on a temporary basis, each Member State, specifi c geographical locations which though their employment rate tends to be impacted were known to have higher than average populations of by their ethnicity. However, children of immigrants face Muslim families were selected as the sampling frames. greater unemployment than the general population: their This design was benefi cial in providing a suffi cient sample

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1. Introduction of Muslim respondents; however, a key disadvantage of about the questionnaire, including piloting and survey the approach is that the research participants cannot be administration, are included in Appendix I) said to be representative of the overall youth population within the three Member States. The six main themes included in the questionnaire that are covered in this report are: Diff erent sampling designs were necessary in the three Member States due to the diff erential availability of data • Socio-economic, cultural and religious background on ethnicity which was required to target geographical • Experience of discrimination and social marginalisation areas with large numbers of Muslim households. In the • Attitudes towards and experience of violence United Kingdom, data from the 2001 Census was used • Values and active citizenship to identify administrative areas with high concentrations • Trust in institutions of households containing dependent children that • Peer groups and social networks had a Pakistani or South Asian head of household. However, in Spain and France it was not possible to Following appropriate ethical clearance and access use census data to identify localities with high levels negotiations, fi eldwork for this research was carried out in of minority ethnic groups because the Spanish and schools, including some colleges and vocational schools, French censuses do not collect information on ethnicity. in order to target young people of the relevant age Therefore, sampling strategies in Spain and France range (see Appendix I, for discussion of ethics and access, relied much more on ‘local knowledge’ and intelligence fi eldwork and the research challenges encountered). The gathered from local literature and experts. Within each required sample for the study was 1000 young people in Member State, two locations were selected in which each of the three countries, with equal numbers of males to administer the surveys: fi rstly, because there was and females between the ages of 12 and 18, from Muslim concern that there would not be suffi cient numbers and non-Muslim backgrounds, in each Member State. A of Muslim youths in any one location to achieve the minimum sample size of 1000 was achieved in all three required number of respondents; and, secondly, the Member States; however, there was some diff erential high level of geographical clustering meant that it was bias across the samples in terms of the age, sex and desirable to take samples from diff erent locations so as religious profi les of the respondents. These biases were to minimise any skewing of the results by the inclusion largely unavoidable because of the nature of the research of respondents from one ‘atypical’ location. The locations design and the sampling frames used in the research (see selected for inclusion were Bordeaux and Paris in France, Appendix I). After adjusting the data to account for bias, Madrid and Granada in Spain and Glasgow/Edinburgh the sample sizes were 952 for France, 1009 for Spain and and London in the United Kingdom. Further details of the 1029 for the United Kingdom. Despite over-sampling in sampling strategy are included in Appendix I. areas with large Muslim populations, it was not possible to achieve a high enough number of Muslim respondents The questionnaire for this study (appended) was to form 50% of the sample in any one Member State. developed using questions from a range of existing and Therefore, the fi nal samples were weighted to refl ect a verifi ed research instruments, including questionnaires split of 40% Muslim respondents and 60% non-Muslim used by the International Self-Report Delinquency respondents in each Member State. Study (Junger-Tas et al, 1998), the Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime (Smith and McVie, 2005), It should be noted that the composition of non-Muslim the Young People’s Social Attitudes Survey (Staff ord and respondents in each of the three Member States varied Thomson 2006), the Eurogang instrument (Weerman et considerably and these diff erences, while refl ective al, 2009), the Gallup Poll of the Muslim World (2006) and of the populations within the schools and colleges the European Social Survey.28 While these surveys were sampled, may have some impact on the comparability useful in developing components of the questionnaire, of results across the Member States. The French and a lack of standardised quantitative measures in this Spanish samples over-represented females, whereas area meant it was necessary to develop many new the United Kingdom sample over-represented males; measures by drawing on broader sources of literature therefore, the samples were weighted to refl ect 50% of on the topics of youth violence, social marginalisation, each sex. The age profi les for the three Member States political and religious affi liation and youth culture. were also somewhat diff erent, with older respondents Nevertheless, questions had to be very carefully drafted being over-represented in the French sample and in order to avoid contravening ethical guidelines in under-represented in the United Kingdom and Spanish the EU Member States; particularly in France which samples. The French sample also under-represented has stringent rules prohibiting questions indicative of respondents aged 15 or under, whereas the United cultural/ethnic background (see Chapter 1). (details Kingdom sample over-represented the very youngest respondents (aged 12 or under). Again, the samples were weighted to refl ect equal proportions of 12 to 18 28 See www.europeansocialsurvey.org for further information on the scope, year olds in each Member State. structure, design and questionnaire for the European Social Survey.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

1.4. Data analysis 1.5. Structure of the report

The analyses presented in this report have been carried This report presents the fi ndings from the research out using a standard social science statistical package conducted by the Universities of Castilla- la-Mancha, (SPSS). The fi ndings presented in subsequent chapters Bordeaux and Edinburgh. Each chapter compares the compare the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents within results from the three Member States with fi ndings the three Member States. Where groups are said to be presented separately for the Muslim and non-Muslim diff erent from each other, or fi ndings are described as respondents. Chapter two presents a profi le of the being statistically signifi cant, this means that statistical socio-economic, cultural and religious profi le of the tests ascertained that there was less than 5% probability young people who participated in this survey. Chapter that the diff erences found between groups occurred three explores their experiences of discrimination simply by chance. Even so, because of the sample size and their feelings of social marginalisation, while in each Member State, it is possible that fi ndings that chapter four reviews their attitudes towards and their appear statistically signifi cant may not be diff erent in an experiences of violence. The fi fth chapter presents important substantive sense. information on the young people’s interest in political issues, their trust in political institutions and their own All analysis presented in this report is based on weighted tendencies towards active citizenship, while chapter data, to correct for diff erences in the age, sex and cultural six looks at their peer group characteristics and leisure background of the achieved samples and ensure that activities. Chapter seven amalgamates the data from these refl ect a selected sample of 1000 cases with equal the previous chapters and proposes some explanations proportions of males and females from age 12 to 18, of for young people’s attitudes towards and involvement whom 40% are from Muslim backgrounds and 60% are in violent behaviour. Finally, chapter eight provides from non-Muslim backgrounds, in each Member State. some concluding remarks and policy implications that emerge from the fi ndings of the report.

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2. Socio-economic, cultural and religious proﬁ le

The survey asked young people about issues such as the following:

• In which country they were born • Religious aﬃ liation • What language, other than the dominant one in the Member State, is spoken at home • In which countries their parents were born • If the parents have a job • How they would describe their cultural identity

2.1. Introduction status of the respondents based on the occupational or educational background of their parents, as there The geographical and historical origins of the immigrant are both practical diffi culties and ethical sensitivities populations, both Muslim and non-Muslim, residing associated with trying to collect accurate information in all three Member States vary considerably, which of this type from young people. Therefore, we rely here means that the demographic and cultural backgrounds on a general question about the employment status are inevitably very diff erent. Nevertheless, the research of the young people’s parents and on information evidence suggests some shared characteristics among about whether the child was eligible for special Muslim groups regardless of country of residence. First, educational bursaries or entitlements which are Muslim families tend to be concentrated in particular indicative of low income. It is not, of course, possible geographical locations and these areas are often heavily to infer merely from parents’ employment status what urbanised and characterised by high levels of poverty their level of income is. and deprivation (EUMAP, 2005). Second, Muslims are often over-represented among the youngest members 2.2.1. Parental employment status of the population (CRS Report, 2005). Third, Muslim youths tend to be disproportionately aff ected by social Young people in the sample were asked whether their exclusion across a wide range of indices, including father and mother had a job (either full or part time). If higher rates of unemployment, poorer health profi les they were not living with their father or mother, they and being placed in the worst social housing (EUMAP, were asked to reply about their step-parent or other adult 2005). Data from educational sources across Europe male or female carer, where applicable. The percentage present some evidence of discrimination, with Muslim of Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in each Member youths being over-represented in terms of educational State who reported that their parents or adult carers were subsidies (e. g. free school meals and fi nancial bursaries). in work is presented in Table 2.1. However, the fi ndings are more mixed in terms of educational achievement (in France there is only some The rate of employment among fathers or male carers disadvantage, while evidence from the United Kingdom was considerably higher than for mothers and female and Spain suggest that Muslim youths perform less carers overall; although, the diff erence was more well). All of these factors may have some bearing on extreme for Muslim youths than for non-Muslim youths. feelings of grievance and distrust towards the state and Table 2.1 shows that the mothers and fathers of non- other institutions of authority, as well as contributing to Muslim youths were more likely to be in employment perceptions of alienation and social marginalisation. than the parents of Muslim youths; the exception to this was the fathers or male carers of United Kingdom This chapter is intended to provide contextual respondents. Less than one in ten young people from background for this report, by providing a description non-Muslim backgrounds said that their mother or of the socio-economic background, based on parental father did not have a job; while young people from employment status and entitlement to educational Muslim backgrounds were more likely to say they subsidies (refl ecting low income), of those young people had a parent without a job, particularly as it related to surveyed in each of the three Member States. Also mothers and female carers. Employment rates among included here is a review of the cultural identities of those mothers were signifi cantly lower than for fathers for all young people participating in the survey and the nature young people, except the non-Muslims in France and and strength of their religious beliefs. the United Kingdom. However, mothers and female carers of Muslim youths were far more likely to be caring full-time for the family than the mothers of non- 2.2. Socio-economic background Muslim children. This fi nding supports existing literature showing that Pakistani and Bangladeshi women to It was not possible within the scope of this survey to be least likely to be formally employed in the United collect detailed information on the socio-economic Kingdom (Dale et al, 2006).

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Table 2.1: Employment status of male and female parent/carer (%)

France Spain United Kingdom Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Employment status of father/male carer In work 68 86 69 85 75 79 Not in work 18 47555 Cares for the family 2 * * * 1 1 Other 12 10 24 10 20 15 Employment status of mother/female carer In work 54 83 34 72 23 74 Not in work 11 5 18 8 12 7 Cares for the family 29 9 43 16 61 14 Other 636456 Note: ‘Other’ includes retired, too ill to work or not living with parent/carer; * denotes less than 0.5%. Looking at the employment situation of both parents 2.2.2. Educational subsidies together, Figure 2.1 highlights the fact that most young people in this study had at least one working parent or Forms of educational support can be used as proxy adult carer in their household. However, non-Muslim measures – or indicators – of socio-economic status, respondents in all three Member States were more particularly in terms of whether or not children are likely to have two working parents than those from eligible for some form of fi nancial assistance while at Muslim backgrounds. In Spain and the United Kingdom, school, and therefore should be kept in mind when Muslims were about three times less likely to have two comparing results both between groups within a working parents than non-Muslims; although, in France Member State and across Member States. the diff erence was less extreme. Correspondingly, the proportion of Muslim youths who had no parent in the In France and Spain, young people from disadvantaged household working is at least twice as high as for non- backgrounds are entitled to a bursary to help with their Muslim respondents. school expenses. The proportion of Spanish respondents who reported receiving an educational bursary was Overall, the fi ndings presented here indicate that the 24% overall, only 1% lower than the national average Muslim youths in this study may have been more (Spanish Ministry of Education, 2008), suggesting that fi nancially disadvantaged than non-Muslim youths as a the sample as a whole was not more deprived than result of having parents who were not in employment, average. However, bursaries were signifi cantly more although this cannot be defi nitively proved. However, a common among the Muslim respondents (37%) than major contributor to the non-working status of Muslim those from non-Muslim backgrounds (15%). In France, parents is the traditional caring role that Muslim mothers 40% of respondents reported receiving an educational and female carers adopt within the household, which is bursary, which is signifi cantly higher than the national far less common for non-Muslim women. average of 24% (National Ministry for Education, 2007).

Figure 2.1: Employment status of parents/adult carers (%)

100 No working parent 90 1 working parent 2 working parents 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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2. Socio-economic, cultural and religious proﬁ le

In addition, the Muslim respondents were signifi cantly 2.3.1. Country of origin more likely (58%) to receive a bursary than the non- Muslim respondents (29%). In the United Kingdom, Most young people said that they were born in their children from more deprived backgrounds are entitled country of residence, although this did vary between to receive assistance in the form of free school meals. Muslim and non-Muslim respondents and across Member Among the sample as a whole, 26% stated that they States. Figure 2.2 shows that non-Muslim respondents in were, or had been while at school, entitled to free school all three jurisdictions were more likely to have been born meals. This is also far greater than the national average in the country of residence than Muslim respondents. in both of the United Kingdom sample locations, which The diff erence between groups was most marked among stands at 16% in Scotland (Scottish Government 2007) young people in Spain, where more than three quarters and 21% in England (DCFS 2008). However, yet again, of non-Muslims were born in Spain compared to only Muslim respondents were signifi cantly more likely (33%) half of Muslims. Among the Muslim respondents, it was to receive free school meal entitlement than those from rarely reported that their mother or father was born in non-Muslim backgrounds (21%). the country of residence. Mothers of Muslim youths were slightly more likely to have been born in the country of These study fi ndings indicate that the French and United residence than fathers; however, between eighty and Kingdom samples contained a higher than average ninety percent of Muslim parents were born in another proportion of disadvantaged young people; although country. For non-Muslims in France and the United the Spanish sample was fairly representative of Spanish Kingdom, parents were also less likely than their children youths as a whole. Taken together with the fi ndings to have been born in a diff erent country; however, the on parental employment, this does suggest that the diff erence was not so marked as for Muslim youths. In Muslim youths included in this survey may have been Spain, there was no signifi cant diff erence in the proportion considerably more economically disadvantaged than the of respondents and their parents born outside Spain. non-Muslim respondents. These fi ndings strongly indicate that a large proportion of the Muslim youths in each of the Member States were 2.3. Cultural background second generation immigrants; whereas, this applied to a far lower proportion of non-Muslim youths in this study. This section of the report describes the cultural profi le of the respondents involved in the survey, according to their 2.3.2. Cultural identity own self-reports. A variety of questions were asked about cultural background, including: the country of birth of As there were legal restrictions regarding questions the respondent and their birth parents (whether or not around ethnic belonging and national identity in they were living with them); what cultural identity the France, the survey instrument was prohibited from the respondent ascribed to and how strongly they associated inclusion of direct questions on these themes. However, with this identity; and the use of diff erent spoken since one of the main interests of the survey was to languages at home. record and measure national and ethnic identity and strength of belonging, the term ‘cultural background’ was used instead. In measuring this, respondents were off ered a range of country specifi c national identities

Figure 2.2: Respondents and their parents born in the country of residence (%)

100 90 80 Respondent 70 Father 60 Mother 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

and ethnicities to choose from, and were permitted to The diversity of the samples is further refl ected in the select up to three of these to allow for the importance proportion of young people who reported describing of hybridised identities (Virdee et al, 2006). In this their cultural background as ‘other’, particularly in France report, therefore, the concepts ‘cultural background’ and and the United Kingdom. These varied widely among ‘cultural identities’ are used, since the survey questions respondents, and included Bangladeshi, American, were framed in this way. A list of the most common Caribbean, German, Jamaican, Polish, Turkish and many cultural identities for each Member State was provided other nationalities. and respondents were off ered the opportunity to tick up to three answers allowing scope for multiple cultural There were considerable diff erences in terms of expressions of identity. The results of this question are how Muslim respondents described their cultural shown in Table 2.2 below. It is important to bear in background compared to non-Muslim youths in each mind when reviewing these results that the samples of the three Member States. Figure 2.3 shows that for this study were drawn from areas with higher than two thirds of Muslim youths in the United Kingdom average concentrations of Muslim households; therefore identifi ed themselves with the dominant cultural they are not representative of the population. The identity (i.e. Scottish, English or British), although only responses to this question reveal a multicultural range a half of Muslims in Spain said they were Spanish and of respondents in each locality, with many describing a mere third of French Muslims described themselves themselves as coming from more than one cultural as French.29 It was signifi cantly more common for background. Half of all respondents ticked at least two non-Muslim respondents to associate themselves with responses in France and the United Kingdom, and a the dominant cultural identity of the Member State; quarter did so in Spain. although in France, as shown in Figure 2.3, only half of the non-Muslim respondents described themselves In each of the three Member States, respondents as French which suggests that this sample may have were most likely to describe themselves as belonging been more culturally diverse from the population to the dominant cultural group within that Member than those in Spain and the United Kingdom. A State e.g. French in France and Spanish in Spain. In the high proportion of French Muslim youths described United Kingdom, the research was conducted in two themselves as Arabic (28%), African (14%) or North countries (England and Scotland), and respondents African (7%), while in Spain, the majority of Muslim variously described themselves as English, Scottish or respondents described themselves as Moroccan (71%). British. Many respondents described themselves as In the United Kingdom, one third (30%) of Muslim belonging to a diff erent cultural group; although this youths described themselves as Pakistani and a very varied between Member States. In the French sample, small proportion (5%) said they were African. a relatively high proportion of young people described themselves as being Arabic, European (including 1% who said they were Eastern European) or African. In Spain, on the other hand, a third of respondents described themselves as Moroccan with far fewer saying they were European or African, and only a tiny proportion described themselves as Arabic. The most 29 In the Gallup survey Muslims in Europe, which was carried out in Paris and common alternative cultural identity mentioned in London, among other locations, the adult respondents in Paris were as likely to say they identify strongly with France as the majority population the United Kingdom sample was Pakistani, with far interviewed nationwide – the adult Muslims in London were even more fewer describing themselves as African or Indian. likely to identify with the UK than the majority population in the country.

Table 2.2: Description of the respondents’ cultural background (%) France Spain United Kingdom (n=952) (n=1009) (n=1029) French 77 Spanish 73 Scottish 42 Arabic 24 Moroccan 30 English 27 European 22 Latin American 9 British 35 African 17 Asian 4 Pakistani 23 North African 7 European 3 African 9 Asian 4 African 2 Indian 6 Turkish 4 Pakistani 1 Irish 4 Latin American 1 Romanian 1 Chinese 2 Welsh 1 Other 18 Other 5 Other 25 Notes: More than one response permitted so columns do not total 100%.

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Figure 2.3: Identification with the dominant cultural identity in each Member State (%)

90 Muslim 80 Non-Muslim 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 France Spain UK

2.3.3. Strength of cultural identity – French in France. Figure 2.4 captures the strength of identifi cation with the cultural background that they Respondents were given the opportunity to describe associated with the most, which might have been, for up to three cultural identities that they ascribed to, and example, Arabic in France (details of the options provided for each they were asked how ‘strongly’ they identifi ed is given in Figure 2.2). with it. In all, 91% of respondents gave at least one response to this question, while 46% reported on two The majority of respondents reported that they identifi ed cultural descriptions and 15% reported on three. It is too either ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ strongly with their principal cultural complex in the context of this report to describe exactly background, which indicates that young people are how strongly respondents identifi ed with each and aware of and infl uenced by their own cultural identities. every cultural group mentioned, because of the sheer The respondents in the United Kingdom identifi ed variation in answers both within and between Member slightly less strongly with their cultural background than States. However, Figure 2.4 summarises how strongly those in France or Spain overall. Figure 2.4 shows that respondents in each Member State said they associated the non-Muslim respondents were slightly more likely themselves with their ‘principal’ cultural background (i.e. to identify with their cultural background ‘very strongly’ the one they identifi ed with most strongly, not necessarily than Muslim youths, particularly in Spain, while there was that of the country in which they were living), without little diff erence between the groups in France. Muslim indicating what background this was. respondents in the United Kingdom were far more likely than those in Spain and France to say that they identifi ed To contrast this fi gure with the previous ones, Figure 2.3 ‘fairly strongly’ with their cultural background. However, showed the extent of identifi cation with the dominant only a small proportion from any Member State did not culture of the Member State in question, for example strongly associate with any cultural identity at all.

Figure 2.4: Strength of identification with principal (self-identified, not necessarily that of the country in which they were living) cultural background (%) 80 Very strongly Fairly strongly 70 Not strongly 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

2.3.4. Other languages spoken at home 2.3.5. Cultural acceptance30

Another indication of multicultural identity is the use of The fi ndings so far have indicated some fairly dramatic more than one language; and a fairly sizeable proportion cultural diff erences between the Muslim and non- of the samples in each Member State said that they Muslim respondents in each Member State. However, spoke a language other than their native mother tongue diff erence in itself is not problematic if there is a wide at home. Muslim respondents were signifi cantly more degree of cultural acceptance. Young people were likely to report using another language at home than asked whether they thought that people who were not non-Muslims in all three Member States. The diff erence indigenous to their particular Member State needed to was particularly great in Spain where Muslims (93%) were do more to ‘fi t in’ to the culture of that country. Figure 2.6 seven times more likely to speak another language at indicates that a large proportion of respondents home than non-Muslims (13%). In the United Kingdom, (ranging from 31% in France to 38% in Spain) stated Muslim youths were over three times more likely to speak that they did not know how to answer this question. another language at home than non-Muslims (89% and Muslim respondents in Spain and the United Kingdom 24%, respectively); whereas, the French Muslims were only were particularly unsure. In France and the United around 1.5 times more likely to do so than non-Muslims Kingdom, views were very mixed towards this question. (76% compared with 48%). Concentrating on those who However, a fairly substantial proportion of both Muslim reported that they spoke their mother tongue at home, and non-Muslim respondents in both jurisdictions Figure 2.5 shows that there was considerable variation thought that non-indigenous people did enough to fi t between Muslims and non-Muslims, and between in with the dominant culture, while a smaller proportion Member States, in terms of the frequency with which said that they needed to do more. There was no the residence country’s dominant language (i.e. French signifi cant diff erence between Muslim and non-Muslim in France, Spanish in Spain , and English in the United respondents in France and the United Kingdom. The Kingdom) was used. In the United Kingdom, a similar Spanish youths were least likely overall to say that non- proportion of Muslim and non-Muslim youths spoke indigenous people did enough to fi t into the dominant the dominant language (English) all or most of the time; culture of Spain, and Muslim and non-Muslims did not but a higher proportion of Muslims spoke the dominant diff er signifi cantly on that response. However, Muslim language and another language equally, compared to respondents were signifi cantly more likely to say that non-Muslims. In France, the non-Muslims were more likely they were not sure about this, whereas the non-Muslims to use the dominant language (French) all or most of the were signifi cantly more likely to say that non-indigenous time; although, a high proportion of Muslims youths also people needed to do more to fi t into Spanish culture. did so. The most extreme diff erence between the samples was in Spain, where the majority of non-Muslims said they spoke the dominant language (Spanish) all or most of the time, while most of the Muslims said they spoke 30 The ‘dominant language’ refers to French for France, Spanish for Spain and the dominant and another language about equally. English for the United Kingdom.

Figure 2.5: Frequency of languages spoken at home among multilingual respondents30 (%) 80 Dominant language 70 spoken all/most of time Dominant language 60 and another spoken equally 50 Another language spoken all/most of time 40

0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim

France Spain UK

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2. Socio-economic, cultural and religious proﬁ le

Multiple identities Taken as a whole, these fi ndings indicate that there is considerable diversity in the types of cultural identities The responses presented in this survey on questions held, the strength of association with these cultural of cultural backgrounds perhaps tell us more about identities and views about how well people from diff erent the nature of identity than the actual ethnicity of cultural backgrounds integrate into society among the respondents. Interestingly, many young people young people in this study. Signifi cant diff erences exist described themselves as coming from more than one between Muslims and non-Muslim youths, both within cultural background, with a quarter of the respondents the three Member States and between them. These in Spain and over half in France and the United cultural identities cannot be said to be representative Kingdom. of the populations as a whole within these jurisdictions; Cultural identities are not mutually exclusive, but however, they are likely to refl ect historical patterns and rather compatible and positively correlated. For the trends in immigration and settlement in particular areas young people that participated in this survey, there of these Member States. A large proportion of both is nothing extraordinary in feeling that they are, for example, French, Arabic and European at the same Muslim and non-Muslim respondents to this survey time. Such multiple identities should be seen as ascribed themselves to identities that were distinct from an enriching factor, as they refl ect the fact that the the dominant cultural group. It is important to bear these diversity of today’s Europe can be found not only cultural distinctions in mind when refl ecting on the between diff erent communities and individuals, but fi ndings presented later in this report, as the results can also within individuals themselves. only reliably be said to be applicable to young people This sense of belonging to diff erent backgrounds living in areas with higher than average concentrations of can also be explained by the fact that many of the Muslim households. respondents are multilingual. Here again, the multiple identities appear as something positive, namely the capacity to communicate in diff erent languages and 2.4. Religious beliefs between cultures. Multiple identities present an alternative to the exclusive identity constructed in contrast to some 2.4.1. Religious affi liation ‘other’. They can therefore be seen as an embracing platform on which diverse backgrounds meet and are The young people in this survey were asked whether negotiated. Multiple identities off er young people an they belonged to a particular religion. Once again, French opportunity to defi ne themselves in a way that is not restrictions on the type of data that can be collected on limiting and that does not force them into a single religious beliefs, limited the range of questions that were ethnic classifi cation that supposedly characterises them as human beings. That is why the recognition of able to be included in the survey. In accordance with multiple identities is crucial for the inclusion of young the research design, the data presented here have been people with immigrant background in general and weighted to ensure that 40% of respondents in each of young Muslims in particular.

Figure 2.6: Respondents views on how much non-indigenous people need to do to fit in (%)

50 Need to do more 45 Do enough 40 Don't know

0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

the three jurisdictions were followers of Islam.31 Figure compares the responses to this question for the Muslim and 2.7 shows, however, that the non-Muslim respondents non-Muslim respondents in each Member State. The results had a considerably diff erent profi le in France, Spain and show that Muslim respondents were signifi cantly more likely the United Kingdom. A signifi cant proportion of those to have ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ strong religious beliefs compared to sampled in France and Spain said they were Roman those belonging to non-Muslim faiths. Those belonging to Catholic (which refl ects the countries respective religious other, non-Muslim, faiths were far more likely to say that histories), compared to only 5% in the United Kingdom; their religious beliefs were ‘not very’ strong or that they had whereas, 18% of United Kingdom respondents said they no religious beliefs compared to Muslim youths; especially in were Protestant or another Christian religion, compared the Spanish sample. to only 10% of youths in France and 3% in Spain. It is important to note that a signifi cant proportion of youths These diff erences in the strength of religious beliefs have from all Member States, but particularly the United obvious implications for issues such as the frequency Kingdom, stated that they did not belong to any religion. with which one might worship. Therefore, to refl ect both the nature and strength of religious affi liation, the 2.4.2. Strength of religious beliefs respondents were divided into three groups: ‘Muslim believers’ were those who described themselves as having Those respondents who said they belonged to a religion very or fairly strong belief in the Muslim faith; ‘non-Muslim were asked how strong their religious beliefs were. Figure 2.8 believers’ were those belonging to other faiths who said they had very or fairly strong beliefs; while ‘non-believers’ are those who said they did not belong to any religion or 31 A description of the data weighting process and the religious beliefs of the they did belong to a religion (Muslim or another faith) but unweighted samples is presented in Appendix I (see table I.2) had weak or no religious beliefs.

Figure 2.7: Religious affiliation among respondents in the three Member States

France Spain

No religion 18% No religion 26% Other faith 1%

Islam Other Islam 40% Christian 40% 3% Other faith 1%

Other Christian 10% Catholic Catholic 38% 23% UK

No religion 32% Islam 40%

Other faith 5% Catholic 5% Other Christian 18%

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Figure 2.8: Strength of religious beliefs among those who identified themselves as having a religion (%)

100 90 80 Very / 70 fairly strong beliefs Not very strong / 60 no beliefs 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

Strength of religious beliefs believers were most likely to attend a place of worship at least once weekly; while non-Muslim believers were The research shows that twice as many Muslim strong most likely to attend less than once a week. It was not believers than other strong believers think that common for the French youths who were very or fairly worship or having religion is an important thing in life. strong believers to attend a place of worship at least one When analysing this fi nding, the status of diff erent day per week, regardless of whether they were Muslim religions in the studied countries should be taken into or non-Muslim. Many of the Muslim believers (32% in the consideration. United Kingdom and 19% in Spain, although only 8% in There is a substantial diff erence between following the France) reported attending a place of worship at least four dominant religion in a particular country and following days per week, although it is important to acknowledge a minority religion. Even in a secular state, there are that mosques often represent much more to Muslim numerous vestiges of the previously established communities than a place for religious activity. For religion in public life. One example is that public holidays tend to follow the Church calendar. example, they are commonly used as after-school clubs, meeting places and off er a range of cultural or language In such settings, for many of the followers of the related activities, which may be less commonly the case dominant religion, religion is so strongly embedded for other places of worship. Not surprisingly, non-believers in the way that their society functions, that it ceases to in each Member State were less likely than believers to be noticeable. For the followers of minority religions, to be able to practice their religion is much more attend a place of worship; although the Spanish non- demanding and often means going against the fl ow. believers were more likely than those in France and the United Kingdom to say that they did so occasionally. At the same time, religion is a part of cultural identity. For minorities, this means that, for example, worship 2.4.4. Religious education can be particularly important not so much as a religious act, but as a way of confi rming cultural roots or minority status. This can be important for young people, as they It is important to bear in mind that the way in which are at a point in life where the search for an identity, as young people gain their knowledge about religion often well as for distinctiveness, plays an important role. refl ects the approach to teaching religion and the status of their religion within the country in question, as well as individual choice. Young people receive information 2.4.3. Frequency of worship about religion from a range of diff erent sources, and this varies across diff erent cultures and nations. In this study, Strength of religious belief was related to frequency of the young people were asked who taught them most attendance at a place of worship, and both Muslim and about religion. In France, young people do not receive non-Muslim believers were signifi cantly more likely than any religious education in schools; therefore, the most non-believers to regularly attend a church, mosque or common source of teaching about religion reported by other place of worship. Figure 2.9 shows, however, that the French youths was family members. In Spain, religious there were some diff erences between Member States. In education is taught in schools; however, like the French the United Kingdom, the majority of Muslim and non- sample, most stated that they learned about religion Muslim believers attended a place of worship at least from their family. Family members were less commonly a one day a week (with Muslim believers being most likely source of religious education in the United Kingdom, with to attend on 4 days or more per week). In Spain, Muslim teachers featuring more often than in Spain, perhaps not

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Figure 2.9: Frequency of attendance at a place of worship (%)

90 80

70 At least 60 1 day/week Less often 50 Never 40 30 20 10 0

Non-believers Non-believers Non-believers

Muslim believers Muslim believers Muslim believers

Non-Muslim believers Non-Muslim believers Non-Muslim believers

France Spain UK

surprising since the study of religion until the age of 14 2.5. Key fi ndings is provided to all children in the United Kingdom.32 There were substantial diff erences between the Muslim and • Based on information about their eligibility for non-Muslim respondents, however, as shown in Table 2.2. educational bursaries or entitlements, the young people surveyed in France and the United Kingdom Muslim youths in all three Member States were appeared to be more economically disadvantaged signifi cantly more likely to refer to family members as (based on parental employment and educational the most common source of religious education than subsidies) than the national average, although this non-Muslims. In Spain and the United Kingdom, non- did not appear to be the case for the Spanish sample. Muslims were more likely than Muslims to say that However, respondents from Muslim backgrounds they were taught religion mainly at school. However, a in all three Member States were signifi cantly more signifi cant minority of non-Muslim respondents in all economically disadvantaged than those from non- three jurisdictions reported that nobody taught them Muslim backgrounds. religion. Some French and Spanish youths reported being • At least half of all Muslim and non-Muslim respondents taught religion by their friends, although this was rare in France, Spain and the United Kingdom said they in the United Kingdom. It is notable that in the United associated themselves with more than one cultural Kingdom, Muslim youths were twice as likely to be taught background, which implies the ethnic diversity of about religion by religious leaders compared to non- the samples. Around two thirds of respondents in Muslims; although there was no signifi cant diff erence each Member State said they identifi ed ‘very strongly’ between groups in France and Spain, where the role of with their principal cultural background. Muslim religious leaders was less important in general. This may respondents were slightly less likely than non-Muslim refl ect the greater availability of mosques in the United respondents to identify ‘very strongly’ with their Kingdom, which was noted in Chapter 1, and the fact that principal cultural background, however. mosques provide routine after school care which includes • Many young people were unsure whether non- a signifi cant religious teaching element. indigenous people did enough to fi t in with the dominant culture. However, most Muslims and non- Muslims who held a view in France and the United Kingdom felt that non-indigenous people did enough to fi t in. Opinions were more divided among Muslims and non-Muslims in Spain, and Spanish non-Muslims were most likely overall to say that non-indigenous 32 However, parents have the right to withdraw their child from all or people needed to do more to fi t into Spanish culture. part of the religious education curricula. For further information, visit • In Spain and the United Kingdom, Muslim respondents UK’s Direct government website at: www.direct.gov.uk/en/Parents/ who had very or fairly strong religious beliefs were Schoolslearninganddevelopment.

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Table 2.2: Most common source of teaching about religion (%) France Spain United Kingdom

Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Family 72 41 81 32 67 20 Friends 7 10 4 16 2 2 Self-taught 9 2 2 3 4 9 Teachers - - 6 17 5 41 Religious leaders 6 5 4 6 20 9 Nobody 4 36 3 26 3 19

more likely to attend a place of worship, and to do so therefore most of their religious teaching comes from more frequently, than those of other religious faiths. home. Muslim youths predominantly learn about Frequency of worship was highest among United religion at home, especially in France and Spain. Kingdom Muslim believers. In France, Muslims and A greater proportion of United Kingdom Muslims non-Muslim religious believers were equally likely to receive teaching from religious leaders than in Spain attend a place of worship. or France. A large proportion of non-Muslims do not • French youths do not receive religious education receive religious teaching from anyone, although most in schools, unlike Spain and the United Kingdom, receive some, mainly from family, friends or teachers.

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3. Experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation

The survey asked young people about issues such as the following:

• If they are ever picked on for any reason (experiencing discrimination) • Why they thought they were picked on • Perceived need to adapt to dominant cultural identity of the Member State (i.e. that of the majority population) • Size of peer groups – friends – and their cultural background • Social exclusion experienced, contributions to social exclusion of others, and reasons for such exclusions

3.1. Introduction be direct and indirect, and can include victimisation and harassment, which can all aff ect people’s welfare The literature on discrimination and marginalisation and quality of life. Examples include economic and evidences a range of discrimination indices which show urban segregation, unequal access to resources, racist that many Muslims across Europe, regardless of age, are attitudes in employment and the public sphere, verbal experiencing social marginalization and alienation on a and physical harassment, and generally being picked daily basis. This has been exacerbated by various wars on or unfairly treated. There is a general lack of literature in which Muslims are demonised (such the war with on experiences of discrimination among young people Afghanistan and the Iraq war), localised civil discontent during their teenage years, particularly in terms of (notably the Paris youth riots), as well as large scale identifying distinctions and similarities between Muslim terrorist attacks (including 9/11 in New York, the Madrid and non-Muslim youths. This chapter of the report aims train bombings and attacks in the United Kingdom in to explore young people’s experience of discrimination both London and Glasgow), which have all contributed and social marginalisation, particularly with regards to rising feelings of distrust towards Muslim communities. to perceptions of diff erential treatment due to racism Hostility and suspicion is further fuelled and supported or religion. Here we examine the respondents’ reports by the rise of established right-wing racist groups, such as of being discriminated against in general and, more the National Front in France and the British National Party specifi cally, by adults in the street, in shops and at in the United Kingdom. school or college. We also look at self-reported feelings of happiness and social alienation and the extent to French commentators maintain that contemporary which young people have social support networks. discrimination and prejudice in France is primarily We conclude the chapter by looking broadly at the directed towards Muslims (Bastenier, 2004), and Spain relationship between experiences of discrimination and has a historical tradition of Islamophobia which has been feelings of happiness and social marginalisation. used to legitimate negative attitudes towards Muslim immigration to Spain (Zapata Barrero, 2006). In the United Kingdom, racism and discriminatory practices were traditionally focused on Black African communities, and the Irish community (on the mainland), arguably Muslim identity and discrimination until the publication of Rushdie’s Satanic Verses in 1988, which was highly critical of Islam (Modood, 1992) The results of the study show that there is a strong and elicited condemnation and violent protests from correlation between experiencing discrimination Muslims on a global scale. Thereafter, public fears in and the feeling of alienation. This suggests that the the United Kingdom were redirected towards Muslim negative impact of discrimination and racist attacks communities, in particular focusing on the threat of on the identity of young Muslims should not be radicalised violence inspired by Islamic militancy. The US underestimated. As long as discrimination and racism exist, and are tolerated or remain neglected by states, inspired global ‘war on terror’ has increased suspicion national identities will be exclusive and inaccessible and discriminatory attitudes leading to tension, hostility to those who are subjected to racist attacks and and racist attacks against mosques, Muslim-owned unequal treatment. shops, Muslim cemeteries and members of Muslim Pejorative stereotypes that are projected on young communities across Europe, and beyond. Muslim people often aff ect their identity. Racism and prejudice experienced by members of Muslim Discrimination can manifest in a variety of ways and minorities can be critical in infl uencing young people’s can be motivated by many aspects of individual ability to consider themselves members of national intolerance, including towards religious beliefs, racial communities, regardless of citizenship or whether they background, language and skin colour, but also less were born in the country in question. cultural issues such as age, sex and disability. It can

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

3.2. Experience of discrimination reported being unfairly picked on was signifi cantly greater than that of non-Muslims in France and, especially, Spain; but there was no signifi cant diff erence between the two 3.2.1. General discrimination groups in the United Kingdom.

In the introduction to the survey, young people were The reasons for being discriminated against also varied given a very general defi nition of discrimination as between the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents. being ‘picked on’ or ‘unfairly treated’ by others. This Table 3.1 shows the reasons young people gave for their ‘applied’ defi nition of discrimination was used rather experiences of discrimination, separately for Muslim and than a legal one, given the need to make it as concrete non-Muslim youths in each Member State. It is evident and understandable as possible for the young persons that discriminatory practices against Muslim respondents involved. The particular questions had also been piloted in all three locations were centred mainly on issues and tested with good results that indicated young relating to skin colour, religion, cultural background and people’s understanding of the terms in relation to what language. Nevertheless, a high proportion of non-Muslim could be considered discrimination. During the survey, respondents also reported being discriminated against on they were asked whether they had experienced such the basis of skin colour, cultural background and, as could discrimination for any reason, for example, because be expected, to a lesser extent, language; which refl ects of where they were from, the language they spoke, the fact that many non-Muslim respondents in the the colour of their skin or just for being diff erent. sample were not from a majority population background Approximately one in four young people said this had ever too (looking at respondents place of birth, 27% of happened to them. There was no signifi cant diff erence Muslim respondents in the UK were born in another across the three Member States in terms of the proportion country compared with 19% of non-Muslims, while the of young people who said that they had been picked on respective percentages in France were 19% and 9%, and for some reason (24% in France and the United Kingdom; in Spain 48% and 21%). The main diff erence between the 22% in Spain). However, there were some diff erences in groups was that religion rarely featured as a reason for experience of discrimination between Muslims and non- discrimination against non-Muslims, but was one of the Muslims, and across the three Member States. Figure 3.1 most commonly cited reasons for discrimination among shows that the proportion of Muslim respondents who Muslims, particularly in Spain.

Table 3.1: Reasons given for being picked on (%) France Spain United Kingdom Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Cultural background 46 38 41 40 36 18 Religion 31 8 64 5 44 6 Skin colour 26 28 11 19 45 22 Language 13 5 25 21 18 14 Age 835965 Disability 6 3 1 0 0 4 Gender 5 5 4 4 2 3 Other reason 20 41 11 30 5 63 Note: More than one response permitted so columns do not total 100%.

Figure 3.1: Experience of being unfairly picked on (%)

45 Muslim 40 Non-Muslim 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 France Spain UK

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Discrimination on the basis of skin colour diff ered across picked on or treated diff erently to others by adults. Two the three Member States. In France, just over a quarter of of these questions were about being unfairly treated or respondents who said they were discriminated against picked on by adults when they were out with their friends thought this had occurred because of the colour of their (i.e. adult discrimination against youth groups, rather than skin, but there was no signifi cant diff erence between individual young people). The fi rst involved them walking Muslim and non-Muslim respondents. In Spain, only past adults in the street with their group of friends, while one in ten Muslims said they were picked on because of the second involved being unfairly treated by adult staff skin colour, but this applied to two in ten non-Muslims. when they were inside shops with their friends. The third In the United Kingdom, a similar proportion of non- question asked whether the respondents felt they were Muslims to that in Spain were picked on because of treated better, the same or worse by adults in their school skin colour; however, this was perceived to be a reason (or college, for those who had left school) compared to for discrimination among almost half of Muslims in the other students. United Kingdom. There was no signifi cant diff erence between groups in Spain in terms of the proportion who Figure 3.2 compares the percentage of Muslim and non- were picked on because of their cultural background; Muslim respondents from each Member State who said although, this was higher among Muslims compared to they were discriminated against by adults in the street non-Muslims in France and the United Kingdom. while out with friends. The key point to highlight is that most young people, both Muslims and non-Muslims, said Disability, gender and age did not feature as common they never experienced such discrimination; and only a reasons for discrimination. However, many respondents very small proportion of young people said they were gave other reasons for being discriminated against, discriminated against in this way ‘much of the time’. Overall, particularly those from non-Muslim backgrounds. There the Spanish youths were least likely to be discriminated were a wide variety of ‘other’ reasons; however, these against by adults in the street; while the French youths mainly indicated that young people were picked on were most likely. There was no diff erence in discrimination because they were ‘diff erent’ to other young people in experienced between the Muslims and non-Muslims in some way. For example, respondents stated that they were France; however, there were some diff erences between picked on because of their physical appearance, clothing, the two groups in Spain and the United Kingdom. lifestyle, behaviour or sexuality. Some respondents also Spanish Muslims were slightly more likely to have been noted that they were picked on by individuals who lived discriminated against by adults in the street than non- in a diff erent part of the city or who were affi liated with a Muslims; whereas this was less common among Muslims rival group or what they perceived as a ‘gang’. than non-Muslims in the United Kingdom.

3.2.2. Discrimination by adults The picture that emerged when considering the proportion of Muslim and non-Muslim respondents who There is very little literature about the extent to which were discriminated against by adult shop attendants young people feel discriminated against by adults. was practically identical to that of Figure 3.2. Again, the Therefore, this survey included three questions about majority of young people said they had never experienced whether the young people had ever been treated unfairly, this type of discrimination, and only a small proportion

Figure 3.2: How often young people experience discrimination by adults when out with a group of friends in the street (%) 80 Much of the time 70 Some of the time Never 60

0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

reported that this happened to them ‘much of the time’. Whereas, non-Muslim youths were generally more likely to As with adult discrimination in the streets, Muslim youths say they were treated badly for no particular reason that were more likely than non-Muslims to be discriminated they could identify or because of their behaviour. against by adult shop staff in Spain, but less likely in the United Kingdom; whereas, there was no signifi cant diff erence between Muslims and non-Muslims in France. 3.3. Experience of social marginalisation

Turning to the question about being treated diff erently by One of the key areas of interest for this study was to adults at school or college, the overwhelming majority of determine how isolated or marginalised young people respondents reported that they were treated the same as felt. To do this, three types of question were asked. First, other students; although, the overall fi gure was somewhat they were asked a general question about how happy lower in the United Kingdom (71%) than in France (81%) they were with their life at that moment in time. Secondly, and Spain (85%). Figure 3.3 compares the percentage they were given a short bank of questions from the of Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in the three Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire (Tellegen, Member States who said they were treated better, worse 1982) which has been used in the Edinburgh Study of or the same as other students by adults at their school Youth Transitions and Crime to determine feelings of or college. The key point to note is that all of the groups social alienation (Smith et al., 2001). And thirdly, they have the same overall pattern, with the vast majority were asked about whether they had people in their life declaring equal treatment by adults at school or college. that they could share personal or private matters with, to In fact, there is no signifi cant diff erence in response to this assess the extent of their social networks. question by the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in the United Kingdom and France. In Spain, however, Muslim 3.3.1. General happiness with life respondents were around three times more likely than non- Muslims (17% compared with 5%, respectively) to say they A common method of attaining a general gauge on the were treated better than others by adults in their school. level of contentment among young people is to ask how happy they are with their lives as a whole at that moment The proportion of respondents who said they were treated in time. Figure 3.4 compares the results of this question worse than other students by adults in school or college for the samples across the three Member States. This is very small, which suggests that young people are not shows that the vast majority of young people surveyed in likely to experience discrimination in this context. This is our study felt either ‘very’ or ‘quite’ happy with their lives supported by fi ndings from an additional question on at that point in time. Only 15% in each Member State said school exclusion, which shows that only around 1 in 10 they were neither happy nor unhappy; while less than young people said they had ever been excluded from one in ten felt either quite or very unhappy. Respondents school, with no diff erences between Muslim and non- in France and Spain were more likely than those in the Muslim respondents. However, reasons for being treated United Kingdom to say they felt ‘very happy’, although diff erently by adults in school did appear to vary somewhat a correspondingly higher proportion in the United between the Muslim and non-Muslim groups. In general, Kingdom said they were ‘quite happy’. There was no Muslim youths who felt they were treated worse by adults signifi cant diff erence between Muslim and non-Muslim in school or college were more likely to say that this was respondents in Spain or the United Kingdom in response due to their cultural background, religion or skin colour. to this question. In France, the only diff erence between

Figure 3.3: Differential treatment by adults in school/college compared to other students (%)

100 90 80 Better 70 The same 60 Worse 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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3. Experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation the groups was that Muslim respondents were more likely no signifi cant diff erence between the United Kingdom to report being ‘very happy’ and less likely to be ‘quite and France (both 0.21), although the average for the happy’ compared to the non-Muslims. Spanish sample was signifi cantly lower (0.15). There was no signifi cant diff erence in average alienation scores 3.3.2. Feelings of alienation between the Muslim and non-Muslim youths in any of the three Member States. A measure that has been used to tap into feelings of negative emotionality is the alienation scale of the 3.3.3. Social support networks Multidimensionality Personality Questionnaire (Tellegen, 1982). A shortened version of the alienation scale has Another way of determining whether the respondents been used in other research with young people and felt socially isolated was to ask them whether they had has been shown to be strongly related to victimisation someone they could talk to about personal matters. Few of and anxiety (Smith et al., 2001). This scale consists of the young people surveyed said that they had nobody at six items, each of which tap into a separate aspect of all that they could talk to about personal matters, especially alienation, social isolation and feelings of persecution those in the United Kingdom (5%) and Spain (8%), although (see question 8.2 in Appendix II). Respondents are this was a little higher in France (13%). The majority of asked to agree or disagree with each item, and given respondents said they had at least one source of support the option of neither agreeing nor disagreeing. and, in fact, a large proportion (ranging from 59% in France By adding the scores from each of these items to 65% in the United Kingdom) indicated that they had together and dividing by the highest possible score, more than one source of support for discussing personal a scale is determined which ranges from a score of 0 matters. Non-Muslim respondents were more likely than (representing very low feelings of alienation) to 1 (which Muslims in each of the three Member States to report indicates that the individual feels quite highly alienated). having more than one source of support.

Overall, the mean scores for this alienation scale were Table 3.2 shows that most young people were likely fairly close to 0, which indicates that most of the young to conﬁ de in a friend, a sibling or a parent if they had people in these samples did not feel highly alienated. personal matters to discuss. Friends were the most Looking at the mean scores for each sample, there was common source of support, although non-Muslims

Table 3.2: People with whom the youths could discuss personal matters (%) France SpainUnited Kingdom MuslimNon-MuslimMuslimNon-MuslimMuslimNon-Muslim A friend 66 76 50 71 61 70 My brother/sister 36 35 37 33 41 38 My parents/carer 29 47 51 47 58 66 A boy/girlfriend 0 0 8 18 12 19 A religious leader 553265 A teacher 35531216 Someone else 799769 Nobody 15 12 12555 Note: Columns total more than 100% as more than one response was permitted.

Figure 3.4: Rating of happiness with life as a whole (%)

50 45 40 France 35 Spain 30 UK 25 20 15 10 5 0 Very happy Quite happy Neither happy Quite unhappy Very unhappy nor unhappy

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

youths in all three Member States were more likely than and non-believers (i.e. those young people, either Muslim respondents to confi de in a friend. Siblings Muslim or non-Muslim, who had no strong religious were also mentioned frequently, and there was no beliefs). Figure 3.5 shows the percentage of each of signifi cant diff erence between Muslims and non- these groups who had experienced some form of Muslims in the percentage who said they would discuss discrimination, and indicates that the relationship personal matters with a sibling in France, Spain or the between faith and discrimination diff ers across Member United Kingdom. Non-Muslim youths were more likely States. In France, around 60% of each group had to confi de in a parent or carer than Muslim youths in experienced discrimination and there was no signifi cant France and in the United Kingdom, although there was diff erence between them. In Spain, experience of no signifi cant diff erence in Spain. However, non-related discrimination was less common than in France; adults were rarely reported as someone the respondent however, the Muslim believers were signifi cantly more could discuss personal matters with. Very few said they likely than the non-Muslim believers and the non- would confi de in a teacher or religious leader, and this believers to have experienced discrimination. While in did not diff er signifi cantly between Muslims and non- the United Kingdom, the prevalence of discrimination Muslims. Muslim respondents in Spain were more likely was very similar to that of the French respondents, with to say they had nobody to talk to compared to non- the exception of the Muslim believers who were a little Muslims; however, there was no signifi cant diff erence less likely to have experienced discrimination than the between Muslims and non-Muslims in France or the non-Muslim believers. United Kingdom. Respondents were also diff erentiated into immigrant groups in Chapter 2, which distinguished non-immigrants 3.4. Discrimination among diff erent (young people and parents born in the country of religious and cultural groups residence) from those with immigrant parents (young people born in the country of residence, but at least one Analysis was conducted in order to determine whether parent born elsewhere) and immigrants (young people there were diff erences in experience of discrimination and parents born outside the country of residence). among young people from diff erent religious and cultural Looking at the experience of discrimination among these backgrounds. The measure of discrimination used here diff erent immigrant groups, it is evident from Figure 3.6 is a composite variable that diff erentiates those who had that this also varied widely across Member States. Among experienced any of the forms of discrimination described the French respondents, the most highly discriminated earlier in this Chapter (general discrimination and adult against group was young people born in France but who discrimination) from those who said they had not had at least one parent born elsewhere. There was little experienced these. Overall, 46% of Spanish youths had diff erence, however, between the French immigrants experienced at least one form of discrimination, which (born elsewhere) and the non-immigrants. In Spain, was signifi cantly lower than for the United Kingdom the non-immigrant respondents were signifi cantly less (61%) and France (60%). likely to be discriminated against than the young people with immigrant parents or those who were immigrants In Chapter 2, the respondents to this survey were themselves. There was no signifi cant diff erence in diff erentiated into three groups on the basis of their likelihood of discrimination between any of the three religious beliefs: Muslim believers, non-Muslim believers groups in the United Kingdom.

Figure 3.5: Experience of discrimination (any type), by strength and nature of religious beliefs (%)

80 Muslim believers Non-Muslim 70 believers 60 Non-believers

0 France Spain UK

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3. Experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation

Figure 3.6: Experience of discrimination (any type), by immigrant status (%)

70 Non-immigrant Immigrant parents 60 Immigrant 50

0 France Spain UK

3.5. Relationship between discrimination had not experienced discrimination. Still, only 7% of those and social marginalisation discriminated against said they were ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ unhappy. Further analysis was conducted in order to determine Figure 3.8 explores whether this relationship between whether those young people who had experienced any happiness and experience of discrimination varies form of discrimination were more likely than others to according to religious group and immigrant status. feel unhappy or alienated. Even among those who had This chart shows that those respondents who were been discriminated against at least once, the majority of discriminated against were consistently less likely to say young people felt either very or quite happy with their they felt ‘very happy’, regardless of their religious affi liation lives, regardless of religious background or strength or their immigrant status. However, there were some of belief in religion. Nevertheless, there was a strong groups for whom experience of discrimination appeared relationship between experience of discrimination and to have a stronger relationship to feelings of happiness level of happiness, which was very similar across the than others. three Member States. Figure 3.7 shows that those who were discriminated against were signifi cantly less likely The link between discrimination and feelings of happiness to say that they were ‘very happy’ with their lives (but was far stronger among those who were religious rather fairly happy), compared to those who had not believers than those who had no religious beliefs. Both been discriminated against. Respondents who had been the Muslim and the non-Muslim religious believers were discriminated against were more likely to be ambivalent considerably less likely to report being very happy if (neither happy or unhappy) in their response to this they had been discriminated against, compared to non- question, although a slightly higher proportion said they believers; whereas, discrimination appeared to make little were either ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ unhappy compared to those who diff erence to non-believers ratings of happiness.

Figure 3.7: Relationship between experience of discrimination and level of happiness among respondents (%) 50 Discriminated against Not Discriminated 40 against

0 Very happy Fairly happy Neither happy Fairly unhappy Very unhappy nor unhappy

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Diff erences also emerged according to immigrant status, Earlier in this Chapter, it was found that there was no although the extent of the diff erence was not as great as signifi cant diff erence between Muslim and non-Muslim it was for religious beliefs. Young people who had parents youths in terms of their mean scores on a scale of social born in another country were the least likely to say they alienation. However, when this scale was re-analysed taking felt ‘very happy’ if they had been discriminated against, into account young people’s experiences of discrimination and they were signifi cantly less likely to do so than and the strength of their religious beliefs33 and immigrant similar youths who were not discriminated against. Non- status, considerable diff erences emerged between the immigrants who were discriminated against were also groups of those who have not been discriminated against less likely to report feeling very happy than those who did and those who have experienced discrimination. not experience discrimination. However, young people who were not born in the country of residence showed Figure 3.9 shows that respondents who had experienced little diff erence in terms of the percentage who felt very discrimination had signifi cantly higher scores on the happy among those who had and had not experienced alienation scale compared to those who had not discrimination. These fi ndings were broadly similar across experienced such discrimination. This was true for both the three Member States.

33 The respondents, irrespective of their religion, were asked to say, whether their religious beliefs are very strong, quite strong, not very strong or if they have no religious beliefs.

Figure 3.8: Relationship between feeling ‘very happy’ and experience of discrimination, by religious group and immigrant status (%) 60 Discriminated against 50 Not Discriminated against 40

0 Muslim Non-Muslim Non-believers Non-immigrant Immigrant Immigrant believers believers parents

Figure 3.9: Social alienation and experience of discrimination, by religious group and immigrant status (mean score) 0.30 Discriminated against 0.25 Not Discriminated against 0.20

0.15

0.10

0.05

0.00

Immigrant

Non-believers All respondents Non-immigrant Muslim believers Immigrant parents

Non-Muslim believers Note: The scale ranged from 0 to 1, with a value of 0 representing very low feelings of alienation to 1 representing very high feelings of alienation.

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3. Experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation

Muslim and non-Muslim believers, and for those who the street or in shops when they were out with friends. had no religious beliefs, across all three Member States. Adult discrimination was most common in France and It was also true for non-immigrant respondents and those least common in Spain. The experience of Muslim and whose parents were immigrants or who were immigrants non-Muslim youths varied across the Member States: themselves, although the diff erence within the latter compared to non-Muslims, Muslims youths were more group was less extreme. Again, these general patterns likely to be discriminated against by adults in Spain held constant across the three Member States. and less likely to be discriminated against in the United Kingdom, while in France there was no diff erence. • Most young people said they had at least one source Multiple discrimination of social support if they had personal matters to The fi ndings from this report show that many discuss, and many had more than one. Non-Muslim young Muslims, as well as non-Muslims, experience youths reported having a greater number of sources of discrimination on the basis of religion, colour of support than Muslims, however. Friends, parents and skin, cultural background and language. Being an siblings were the most common source of support. immigrant or having immigrant parents also increase French youths were most likely to report having their vulnerability to discrimination. In addition, all nobody to talk to. of these types of discrimination are combined with • Experience of discrimination varied according to the economic deprivation. nature and strength of religious beliefs in Spain and This supports the idea of multiple discrimination, the United Kingdom, although not among the French where diff erent forms of prejudice are interrelated. respondents. In Spain, Muslim believers were more Social and cultural categories such as ethnicity, likely than non-Muslim believers to have experienced religion, nationality and class interact on multiple discrimination; whereas, in the United Kingdom, the levels to appear as inequality. It is necessary to reverse was true. keep in mind this intersection of multiple forms of discrimination in order to properly understand and • Immigrant status was also related to discrimination, address Islamophobia and other forms of religious although this diff ered across Member States. In discrimination. France and Spain, those respondents who were born in the country of residence but who had at least one parent born elsewhere were the most likely to 3.6. Key fi ndings be discriminated against. However, there was no signifi cant diff erence in likelihood of discrimination • Around one in four young people in each Member between any of the three immigrant groups in the State reported they had ever been unfairly treated United Kingdom. or picked on (experiences of discrimination). Muslim • Experience of discrimination was signifi cantly related youths were signifi cantly more likely than non-Muslims to feelings of happiness and alienation among to say that this had happened to them in France and young people. Respondents who had experienced Spain; although, there was no diff erence between discrimination were less likely to feel ‘very happy’ than them in the United Kingdom. those who had not. Similarly, mean scores on a scale • Less than half of all young people said they were of social alienation were signifi cantly higher for those discriminated against at least sometimes by adults in who had experienced discrimination.

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence

The survey asked young people about issues such as the following:

• Exposure to violence from others, and reasons why • Extent of being violent against others, and reasons why • Attitude towards using violence against others

4.1. Introduction 4.2. Attitudes towards violence

This chapter addresses a key concern in current policy A key aim of this research was to explore young people’s discussions and developments in consideration of young experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation in people and, in particular, young Muslims in European the context of their attitudes towards and experiences of societies – namely, attitudes towards and experience of violence. This section of the report presents the fi ndings violence (as both perpetrators and victims). on the attitudes towards violence of the young Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, and compares these While there is no direct link between attitudes attitudes across the three participant Member States. supporting violence and actual engagement in violence, Respondents were asked eight specifi c questions in order the research questionnaire set out to identify any to assess their attitudes towards violence. The fi rst six signifi cant patterns within groups and between groups were general questions asking whether the respondent in the three Member States with respect to support thought it was acceptable for someone to use violence in for and experience of violence. Looking specifi cally at a range of diff erent circumstances. The last two questions attitudes supporting violence, the analysis developed a were more specifi cally about extreme forms of violence, scale indicating the strength of young people’s attitudes and asked whether young people agreed or disagreed that are supportive of violence, which is based on their that it is sometimes justifi ed for people to use war or use responses to a set of questions. terrorism to solve problems in the world.

The results are generally reassuring in that they Justifying the use of violence demonstrate that most young people are not supportive of violence and do not engage in violence – particular Young people’s acceptance of violence varied depending violence that is physical rather than emotional (teasing or on what reason someone might have for using violence. threatening behaviour, for example). However, there are For example, the vast majority of young people in this some notable diff erences both between and within Muslim study did not think it was acceptable to use violence ‘just and non-Muslim groups in the countries, which requires for fun’, as shown in Figure 4.1. On the other hand, around further research beyond the scope of this report, which is four out of fi ve young people felt it was acceptable to use based on results that are specifi c to certain locations and violence either all or some of the time in circumstances certain groups in France, Spain and the United Kingdom. where they themselves might be physically hurt or to stop someone else being physically hurt. Around one in fi ve

Figure 4.1: Attitudes towards justifying violence in different circumstances (%)

All of the time To protect their country Some of the time Never

Someone insulted their religion

Just for fun

Because someone insulted them

To stop someone else being physically hurt

To stop themself being physically hurt

0 20406080100

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

young people thought it was always justifi ed for someone non-Muslims diff ered signifi cantly on all six questions, to use violence in circumstances where they had been with the Muslim respondents being more likely to insulted or when someone had insulted their religion; consider violence acceptable in fi ve of the six questions; whereas one in four said it was alright for someone to although Spanish Muslims were less likely to say it was use violence to protect their country. There were some justifi able to use violence to defend themselves from variations between Member States in terms of young others. Muslim youths in all three Member States were people’s attitudes towards the use of violence. Overall, the less likely to say it was justifi able to use violence to stop French respondents were most likely to support the use of someone else from being physically hurt. violence ‘all of the time’ for each of these items. However, there was no diff erence between the three Member Justifying the use of war and terrorism States in the proportion of young people who said it was acceptable to use violence ‘just for fun’. In order to determine young people’s views about violence in a more global context, they were asked By combining the responses to these six questions, whether they agreed or disagreed that it was sometimes a ‘scale’ was created which indicated the strength of justifi ed for people to use war and terrorism to solve young people’s attitudes towards violence. In order to the problems of the world. These are somewhat diffi cult make the scale easier to interpret, it was set as having a questions for some young people to answer, so they were value between 0 (indicating no support of violence in given the option of saying that they did not know. In the any circumstances) and 1 (indicating strong support for event, only around one in ten young people said they violence in all circumstances). were not sure of how to respond to these questions, and most were able to off er some opinion. In the majority Overall, the respondents in this survey had a score of of cases young people said they disagreed that using 0.28, which indicates that acceptance of violence was war (56%) and, especially, terrorism (75%) to solve the reasonably low. Figure 4.2 shows the mean scores for world’s problems was justifi ed. However, there were some Muslim and non-Muslim respondents across the three variations across the three Member States and between Member States. There was no signifi cant diff erence the Muslim and non-Muslim participants. in mean scores between Muslims and non-Muslims in the United Kingdom, although on the individual Figure 4.3 shows that a very small proportion of both items Muslim respondents were more likely than non- Muslim and non-Muslim youths agreed that war was Muslims to say that it was acceptable for someone to justifi ed to solve the world’s problems; whereas, most use violence if their religion was insulted. In France and young people disagreed with this statement. The Spanish Spain, the Muslim youths had a signifi cantly higher respondents were the least likely to agree, while young mean score on the attitudes to violence scale than the people in France were least likely to disagree. There were non-Muslims, with the French Muslims being the most no signifi cant diff erences in responses to this question accepting of violence overall. The only circumstance between Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in France in which Muslims and non-Muslims in France did or the United Kingdom. In Spain, Muslim youths were not diff er was in terms of using violence ‘just for fun’, slightly less likely than non-Muslims to disagree that war which was considered acceptable by only a small was justifi ed; however, this was largely because a larger minority of respondents. The Spanish Muslims and proportion of Muslim respondents were unsure.

Figure 4.2: Mean scores on attitudes to violence scale

0.40 Muslim Non-Muslim 0.35

0.30

0.25

0.20

0.15

0.10

0.05

0.00 France Spain UK

Note: The scale ranged from 0 to 1, with a value of 0 indicating no support of violence in any circumstances and 1 indicating strong support for violence in all circumstances.

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence

Figure 4.3: Attitudes on whether it is justified to use war to solve the problems of the world (%)

100 Don't know 90 Disagree Neither agree 80 nor disagree 70 Agree 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

The responses to the question on whether terrorism was the problems of the world had signifi cantly higher justifi ed to solve the problems of the world produced scores on the attitudes to violence scale (composed very similar results across the three Member States, in the of six questions, presented in Figure 4.1) than those sense that the majority of young people disagreed with who disagreed with these statements. In addition, this statement, as shown in Figure 4.4. Comparing the the Muslim respondents in this survey were more Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, those in the United likely than non-Muslims to have a higher score on Kingdom showed no signifi cant diff erence in response to the attitudes to violence scale, regardless of whether this question; although the Muslim respondents in France they agreed or disagreed that war and terrorism were and Spain were slightly more likely than non-Muslims sometimes justifi ed. However, only the diff erences in to agree that terrorism might sometimes be justifi ed. the attitudes to violence scores between Muslims and However, it is important to note that this was very much non-Muslims who disagree with the use of terrorism a minority view among Muslim youths overall, with only or war are statistically signifi cant, given the overall low one in ten French Muslims and one in twenty Spanish number of respondents – both Muslims and non- Muslims stating that they agreed with this statement. Muslims – who agree with war and terrorism being sometimes justifi ed. These fi ndings indicate that more When the results from these two questions were needs to be understood about the wider experience of examined alongside the respondents’ attitudes to young Muslim youths to fi nd out why their attitudes to violence more generally, some interesting fi ndings violence vary from those of non-Muslims. In turn, the emerged. Figure 4.5 shows that those who agreed explanation of these results may rest with other factors that it was justifi able to use war and terrorism to solve that cannot be isolated to those of religion.

Figure 4.4: Attitudes on whether it is justified to use terrorism to solve the problems of the world

100 Don't know 90 Disagree Neither agree 80 nor disagree 70 Agree 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Figure 4.5: Mean scores on attitudes to violence scale by whether agree or disagree that war and terrorism are sometimes justiﬁed 0.45 Muslims 0.40 Non-Muslims 0.35 0.30 0.25 0.20 0.15 0.10 0.05 0.00 Agree Disagree Agree Disagree

Attitude to war Attitude to terrorism

4.3. Experience of violence as a victim States was being called names, made fun of or teased by someone. This was reported to have happened at least In order to measure young people’s experiences of once in the last year among half or more of all young violence as victims, they were asked a number of questions people in France and the United Kingdom, although only about things that had happened to them. These are around a third of those in Spain. Being threatened and left separated in this Chapter into ‘emotional violence’, which out or excluded by a group of friends was less common, includes being excluded or left out by a group of friends; although a signiﬁ cant minority of young people had being called names, made fun of or teased; and being experienced these forms of emotional violence. Someone threatened with violence (see questions 5.1-3, Appendix threatening to hurt the respondent was most common II), and ‘physical violence’, which incorporates being in France, where just over a third of young people said hurt on purpose by being hit, kicked or punched; being this had happened in the last year. Overall, experience of hurt on purpose with a weapon; and having something emotional violence was least common in Spain. stolen from them by force or threats (see questions 5.5-8, Appendix II). Rather than collect information about events In the majority of cases, young people who had that had ‘ever’ happened, the respondents were asked only experienced these forms of emotional violence said to refer to incidents that happened during the last school that this had only happened to them on one or two year (i.e. from September 2007 to September 2008). occasions in the last year, although incidents of name calling were more frequently experienced. By combining 4.3.1. Victims of emotional violence the responses to these three questions together, an overall frequency measure of emotional violence was The most commonly reported type of emotional violence created. This measure showed that 46% of respondents reported by respondents in each of the three Member over the whole survey had not experienced any of these

Figure 4.6: Experience of emotional violence as a victim in the last year (%)

60 Left out by friends Called 50 names/teased Threatened 40

0 France Spain UK

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence three types of emotional violence as a victim. However, victims of emotional violence in the last year. The a quarter (25%) of respondents had experienced biggest diﬀ erence between Muslim and non-Muslim emotional violence between 1 and 4 times, while 21% respondents was found in the United Kingdom, where had done so between 5 and 9 times. Around one in ten non-Muslims were more than twice as likely to have (9%) respondents across the whole survey had been experienced ten or more incidents compared to victims of emotional violence on ten or more occasions Muslims. Although the French non-Muslims were more in the last year. There were variations, though, between likely than Muslims to have been victims, they were only the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, and across the more likely to have been victims on between 1 and 4 three Member States. occasions rather then more frequently.

Figure 4.7 illustrates that the Spanish youths were 4.3.2. Victims of physical violence most likely to say they had not experienced emotional violence in the last year, and they were least likely to This section of the report describes the respondents’ have experienced 10 or more incidents. There was experiences of three diff erent forms of physical little diff erence between the French and the United victimization: being hurt on purpose by someone hitting, Kingdom samples overall, although the French Muslims kicking or punching them; being hurt by someone using were more likely than the United Kingdom Muslims to a weapon; using force or threats to steal or try to steal have experienced 10 or more incidents of emotional something from them. The percentage of young people violence. Among the Spanish respondents, there was who said they were victims of actual physical violence no diff erence in frequency of emotional violence was much lower than for emotional violence. Overall, only between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, in both a quarter (25%) of respondents said they were hurt on France and the United Kingdom, Muslims were more purpose by someone hitting, kicking or punching them, likely than non-Muslims to say they had never been while fewer than one in ten were hurt by someone using

Figure 4.7: Frequency of emotional violence as a victim in the last year (%)

100 Never 90 1 to 4 times 5 to 9 times 80 10 or more times 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim

France Spain UK

Figure 4.8: Experience of physical violence as a victim in the last year (%)

45 Hit, kick or punch 40 Hurt with a weapon Theft by force 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 France Spain UK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

a weapon (9%) or had someone use force or threats to 4.4. Involvement in acts of violence steal or try to steal something from them (9%). Figure 4.8 shows that French youths were the most likely to be In addition to measuring young people’s experiences of victims of physical violence overall, predominantly in the violent victimisation, two sets of questions were asked form of hitting, kicking and punching. Spanish youths about whether they themselves had committed acts of were least likely to be victims of all three types of physical emotional or physical violence against other people. First, violence. The United Kingdom respondents were more they were asked how often they had excluded someone likely than those in the other Member States to have or left them out of their group of friends; called someone experienced theft by force or threats. names, made fun of or teased them; and threatened someone with violence (see questions 6.1-3, Appendix II). As with emotional violence, most young people who had Second, they were asked whether they had hurt someone experienced these forms of physical violence said that else on purpose by hitting, kicking or punching them; this had only happened to them on one or two occasions hurt someone on purpose with a weapon; and used in the last year. When the responses to these three force or threats to steal something from someone (see questions were combined, an overall frequency measure questions 6.5-8, Appendix II). As with the incidents of of physical violence was created. This measure showed victimization, they were asked to only refer to incidents that 70% of respondents over the whole survey had not that happened during the last school year (i.e. from experienced any of these three types of physical violence September 2007 to September 2008). as a victim. However, one in fi ve (20%) respondents had experienced physical violence between 1 and 4 times, while 8% had done so between 5 and 9 times and only 4.5. Perpetrators of emotional violence 2% had been victims on ten or more occasions in the last year. Once again, variations emerged between the The responses to the questions on perpetrating Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, and across the emotional violence against others produced very similar three Member States. results to those about being a victim of emotional violence, reported in section 4.2, which suggests a Figure 4.9 clearly shows that the respondents in close connection between victimisation and off ending. Spain were by far the most likely to say they had not Within the survey as a whole, 41% of young people said experienced physical violence in the last year, and in fact they had called someone names or teased them in the none of these respondents had experienced 10 or more last year, while 20% said they had excluded someone incidents. The French respondents were most likely overall from their group of friends and 22% had threatened to say that they had been victims of physical violence, to hurt someone. Figure 4.10 shows that name calling and the French Muslims were again the most likely group and teasing was the most commonly reported type of to have been victims on ten or more occasions. There emotional violence in all three Member States. More were no signifi cant diff erences between the Muslims than half of French respondents reported doing this to and non-Muslims in frequency of physical violence in someone in the last year, compared with around two either Spain or the United Kingdom; however, the French in fi ve United Kingdom respondents and one in four Muslims were victimised on a more frequent basis than Spanish youths. Excluding a friend from a social group the non-Muslims. and threatening another person were less commonly reported by respondents in all three jurisdictions

Figure 4.9: Frequency of physical violence as a victim in the last year (%)

100 Never 90 1 to 4 times 5 to 9 times 80 10 or more times 70 60 50 40 30 20 Note: In Spain, Muslims and non-Muslims have not experienced 10 physical violence as a victim 10 or more times over the last year. 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence

Figure 4.10: Experience of emotional violence as a perpetrator (%)

60 Left out a friend Teased/called 50 somebody names Threatened 40 somebody

France Spain UK

although, as with victimisation, a signifi cant minority of Figure 4.11 illustrates the extent of variation in responses young people had perpetrated these forms of emotional between the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, violence. Youths in France were most likely to have across the three Member States. Overall, there was no threatened to hurt another person, while the Spanish signifi cant diff erence in the frequency of committing respondents were least likely to have committed acts of acts of emotional violence against others between the emotional violence. Muslim and the non-Muslim respondents in France or the United Kingdom. It is clear from Figure 4.11, however, Most young people said they had only done these that the French respondents were more likely to have things once or twice in the last year, although it was committed such acts with greater frequency than in the not uncommon for youths to have called their friends United Kingdom. The Spanish youths were least likely names or teased them on fi ve or more occasions. As for to have committed acts of emotional violence overall; victimisation, the responses to these three questions were however, the non-Muslims were slightly more likely to combined to produce an overall frequency measure of have done so than the Muslim respondents, albeit only in emotional violence. This measure showed that 53% of the 1 to 4 times category. respondents over the whole survey had not committed any of these three types of emotional violence against someone else. However, just under a quarter (23%) of 4.6. Perpetrators of physical violence respondents had done so between 1 and 4 times, and 16% had done so between 5 and 9 times. Less than one Finally, the respondent’s were asked whether they in ten (8%) respondents across the whole survey said they had committed any of the following acts of physical had perpetrated an act of emotional violence on ten or victimization: hurting someone on purpose by hitting, more occasions in the last year. kicking or punching them; hurting someone by using

Figure 4.11: Frequency of emotional violence as a perpetrator (%)

100 Never 1 4 90 to times 5 to 9 times 80 10 or more times 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France SpainUK

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

a weapon; and using force or threats to steal or try to more than once or twice, although a very small minority steal something from someone. As was the case with were more frequent off enders. Looking at the frequency experience of victimisation, the percentage of young of physical violence committed across the three types of people who said they had committed acts of physical act, 70% said they had not committed even one act in violence was far lower than for emotional violence. the last year, which is very similar to the proportion that Overall, 27% of respondents said they had hurt someone said they had not been victims (72%). Overall, 17% of on purpose by someone hitting, kicking or punching young people said they had committed between 1 and them, while a very small percentage had hurt someone 4 acts of physical violence, while 9% had committed using a weapon (7%) or used force or threats to steal or between 5 and 9 acts and only 2% had been off enders try to steal something from someone (4%). As well as on 10 or more occasions. Again, these percentages are being the most likely to be victims of physical violence, very similar to those for victims of physical violence the French respondents were most likely to say they (20%, 8% and 2%, respectively). Figure 4.13 confi rms had hit, kicked or punched someone else in the last that the Spanish respondents were the least likely to year. Figure 4.12 shows that prevalence of this type of physically victimise someone, while the French were violence was around twice as high as for the United the most likely. There was no signifi cant diff erence in Kingdom respondents, and around four times as high the frequency of physical violence between Muslims as the young people in Spain. Other forms of physical and non-Muslims in the United Kingdom; Muslims violence were rare in all three Member States, although in both France and Spain reported being physically the Spanish youths were least likely to have been violent towards others more frequently than did the physically violent overall. non-Muslims. However, it should be noted that fewer than one in ten Muslims in France, and only one percent Among those who had committed acts of physical in Spain, said they had committed 10 or more acts of violence against others, few people tended to do so physical violence in the last year.

Figure 4.12: Experience of physical violence as a perpetrator (%)

45 Hit, kick or punch 40 Hurt with a weapon Theft by force 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 France Spain UK

Figure 4.13: Frequency of physical violence as a perpetrator (%)

100 Never 1 4 m s 90 to ti e 5 to 9 times 80 10 or more times 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France SpainUK

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence

4.7. Reasons for involvement in more likely than non-Muslims to state that they were emotional and physical violence victimised for reasons of cultural background, religion, language and skin colour. Muslims were also more Those young people who reported that they had likely to say they were victimised because of their experienced any form of emotional or physical violence, age, gender and disability; however, the diff erence either as a victim or as a perpetrator, were asked to between Muslims and non-Muslims on these think carefully about why these things had happened measures was not nearly so great. Of the ‘other’ reasons (see questions 5.4, 5.8, 6.4 and 6.8, Appendix II). A that were mentioned for being victims, these tended predefi ned list of possible reasons was presented (which to relate to the individual’s appearance. For example, included culture, gender, religion, skin colour language, many young people said that they had been victims age and disability), but they were also encouraged to of both emotional and physical violence because of add additional reasons if the given list did not apply. their weight, height, hair colour, skin complexion or Interestingly, the pattern of responses given for victims clothes. However, some victims of emotional violence and perpetrators of emotional violence was almost also stated that they felt it was a joke, ‘a laugh’ or not identical, similar to the pattern between victims and really serious. In contrast, fewer victims of physical perpetrators of physical violence. For this reason, only the violence thought that they had been victimised for patterns of response for the victims and perpetrators of ‘a laugh’; however, many stated that the other person physical violence are illustrated in Figures 4.14 and 4.15. was a friend who had turned against them, a bully, or someone who often picked fi ghts with people. In a Most of the young people who had been victims of substantial number of cases, the physical violence was emotional or physical violence gave some reason other said to be a result of a fi ght involving a larger group of than that in the predefi ned list of options; however, it people, and it was not uncommon for young people is clear from Figure 4.14 that Muslim respondents were to say that alcohol had been the cause of the fi ght.

Figure 4.14: Reasons given by victims of physical violence (%)

Non-Muslim Other Muslim Disability

Age

Language

Skin colour

Religion

Gender

Cultural background

0 1020304050607080

Figure 4.15: Reasons given by perpetrators of physical violence (%)

Non-Muslim Other Muslim Disability

Age

Language

Skin colour

Religion

Gender

Cultural background

0 20 40 60 80 100

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The responses from the perpetrators of emotional and the questions on victimisation fi rst it was anticipated physical violence contrasted starkly with those of the that off enders would be less likely to report their victims, as shown in Figure 4.15. It is clear that young victimisation as a means of mitigating their own people who were perpetrators were far less likely to give behaviour. Figure 4.16 shows that the two forms of the reasons included in the pre-defi ned list, and that a behaviour were strongly related among both the great many other reasons were behind their involvement Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in each of the in these forms of violence. Nevertheless, Muslim three Member States. respondents were more likely than the non-Muslims to say that they had perpetrated acts of emotional or Overall, the relationship between victimisation and physical violence against others because of the other off ending for emotional violence was stronger among person’s personal characteristics such as disability, age, the French and the United Kingdom respondents language, gender etc. (Figure 4.15). Also, Muslim victims than among the young people in the Spanish sample. of physical violence tended to identify their personal Figure 4.16 shows a reasonably clear pattern in the characteristics far more often than non-Muslim victims as data, which suggests that it was more common for being reasons for victimisation (Figure 4.14). perpetrators of emotional violence to be also victims than it was for victims to be also perpetrators – bearing The most common reasons given by perpetrators of in mind that the two groups may constitute diff erent emotional violence were that it was a joke or ‘a laugh’, respondents in the survey. This was true of Muslim and that the other person was annoying or provoking, that non-Muslim youths in the United Kingdom and Spain, they themselves had been called names, teased or although only true of non-Muslim youths in France. The threatened fi rst and that it was just a silly argument French Muslims who had been victims of emotional that had escalated. Perpetrators of physical violence violence were more likely to be perpetrators than the tended to give similar reasons, although it was more perpetrators were to be victims. common for them to say that they had hit the other person as some form of retribution, because the other Interestingly, however, the pattern was not quite so person had provoked it by annoying them and calling clear cut for physical violence. Figure 4.17 shows, once them names, or in self-defence because the other again, that the relationship between victimisation and person had started the fi ght. off ending for physical violence was stronger in France and the United Kingdom than it was for Spain. Although the pattern among the United Kingdom sample was 4.8. Relationship between violent similar, in that the perpetrators were more likely to off ending and victimisation be victims than the victims were to be perpetrators; there was no signifi cant diff erence between these two Other research has shown a strong relationship groups among the French Muslims and non-Muslims. between victimisation and off ending (see Smith and Moreover, the Spanish Muslim respondents showed a Ecob 2007), and there is evidence from this study distinctly diff erent relationship between victimisation that those who had been perpetrators of emotional and off ending to the non-Muslims. These fi ndings or physical violence were also likely to report that indicate that the relationship between victimisation and they had been victims. No causal assumptions can off ending is extremely complex and is uniform neither be made about this relationship; however, by asking across cultural groups nor Member States.

Figure 4.16: Relationship between victimisation and offending for emotional violence (%)

90 Victims who were also perpetrators 80 Perpetrators who 70 were also victims 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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4. Attitudes towards and experience of violence

4.9. Key fi ndings agreed with these statements was very small, and there were marginal diff erences between Muslims • Young people rarely thought it was justifi able to and non-Muslims. use violence ‘just for fun’; however, most felt it was • Those who agreed that it was justifi able to use war acceptable to use violence either all or some of the and terrorism to solve the problems of the world time to defend themselves or prevent someone had signifi cantly higher scores on the attitudes to else from being physically hurt. Around one in fi ve violence scale than those who disagreed with these thought it was always acceptable for someone to statements. Muslim respondents were more likely use violence if their religion had been insulted, than non-Muslims to have a higher score on the although Muslim youths in all three Member States attitudes to violence scale, regardless of whether were more likely than non-Muslims to agree that they agreed or disagreed that war and terrorism were this was the case. sometimes justifi ed. • Looking at an overall attitudes score, the level of • Overall, there was no signifi cant diff erence in support for violence was low in all three Member the frequency of committing acts of emotional States, although young people in France were more violence against others between the Muslim and likely than those in Spain and the United Kingdom the non-Muslim respondents in France or the United to have more positive attitudes towards the use of Kingdom. The Spanish youths were least likely to violence. There was no diff erence between Muslim have committed acts of emotional violence overall; and non-Muslim youths in their general level of however, the non-Muslims were slightly more likely support for the use of violence among United to have done so than the Muslim respondents. Kingdom respondents; although Muslim youths in • The relationship between victimisation and off ending France and Spain displayed a higher level of support was strong, for both physical and emotional violence. for violence. For emotional violence, it was far more common • The majority of young people disagreed that using for perpetrators to be also victims than it was for war and, especially, terrorism to solve the world’s victims to be also perpetrators. However, this was problems was justifi able. French respondents were not so much the case for physical violence, and the most likely to agree that war or terrorism were fi ndings suggested that the relationship between justifi ed, while Spanish respondents were least likely; victimisation and off ending was complex and was however, the proportion of young people who not uniform across cultural group or Member State.

Figure 4.17: Relationship between victimisation and offending for physical violence (%)

80 Victims who were also perpetrators 70 Perpetrators who 60 were also victims

0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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5. Political interest, trust and citizenship

The survey asked young people about issues such as the following:

• Concerns about the state of the world • Trust in politicians and institutions • Interest in politics • Willingness to take civic action • Membership of various organisations

5.1. Introduction ethnicity and region of the country in which young people live had little infl uence in structuring political This chapter of the report explores the interest in and attitudes and behaviour. attitudes of young people towards political issues and institutions and their potential likelihood of involvement This chapter examines young people’s level of interest in in local political issues. The literature on political interest politics at the national level, and contrasts this with their among young people emphasises both their political opinions of and attitudes towards a range of global social apathy and a sense of political alienation. Recent research issues. The chapter also explores young people’s level of in the United Kingdom, for example, suggests that whilst trust in a variety of ‘formal’ individuals and institutions, young people support the idea of democratic processes, including political leaders, and compares this with their they are cynical about the structure and conduct of the level of trust in more proximal contacts such as parents and British political system, and are at best indiff erent towards friends. Finally, it explores the notion of active citizenship politicians and political parties (Park, 2000; Kimberlee, and examines the types of action which young people 2002; Henn et al, 2005; Hopkins, 2007). In France, data also indicate that they would take in response to a political issue suggests that young people have little trust in political that directly aff ected them in their local neighbourhood. parties and that around two thirds distrust politicians (Paakkunainen et al, 2005). A similar picture is evident in Spain, where youths have reported feel uninformed about 5.2. Interest in national politics politics (Vidal, Valls and Creixam, 2006). Respondents in this study were asked how interested they A recent European survey has indicated that more were in what was going on in politics in their country of should be done to take account of young people’s residence. Figure 5.1 shows that interest in national politics needs and interests, as well as their ideas and among respondents was fairly low, with only ten percent contributions, as an incentive to encourage greater or less of respondents in each Member State indicating participation in institutional systems of democracy that they were ‘very interested’ in national politics. At least (Analysis of Member States’ Replies, 2003). There is half of the young people in each Member state reported evidence that young people’s views diff er according that they were not interested in politics in their country. to their social class, educational history and gender; Overall, respondents in Spain were more likely than those although interestingly Henn et al (2005) found that both in France or the United Kingdom to say that they were not

Figure 5.1: Level of interest in national politics (%)

100 Not interested 90 Quite interested Very interested 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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interested in politics; although, there was no signifi cant is happening in the world, they do not perceive politics diff erence between France and the United Kingdom on as refl ecting their concerns regarding global issues. Only this measure. Muslims youths in the United Kingdom a small proportion of respondents (20% in Spain and the and Spain were slightly more likely than non-Muslims United Kingdom, and 13% in France) thought their lives to say that they were interested in politics; however, the were aff ected ‘in many ways’ by what was going on in the diff erence between Muslims and non-Muslims was not world today. Many respondents did, however, think that very great in any of the three Member States. their lives were aff ected ‘in some ways’ by global issues; particularly in Spain (67%) and the United Kingdom (63%), although to a lesser degree in France (46%). 5.3. Concern about global social problems Once again, Figure 5.3 indicates some variation between Despite their stated lack of interest in national politics, Member States in terms of the attitudes of Muslim and the majority of respondents reported feeling ‘very non-Muslim youths. In Spain, Muslim youths were slightly worried’ or ‘quite worried’ about the state of the world more likely than non-Muslims to say they were not today. The proportion of young people who reported aff ected by the problems of the world; although, there being ‘very worried’ was highest in France (29%) and was no signifi cant diff erence in this measure among the lower in Spain (24%) and the United Kingdom (21%). French or United Kingdom groups. Non-Muslims in the Overall, the pattern of results was similar across the three United Kingdom were more likely than Muslims to say Member States, as shown in Figure 5.2, although there that their lives were aff ected in many ways by global was some variation in terms of the diff erences between issues; although, France and Spain did not refl ect this Muslim and non-Muslim youths. In Spain, the young diff erence. Overall, there is no clear pattern in terms of people from Muslim backgrounds were signifi cantly diff erence between Muslim and non-Muslim youths. more likely than non-Muslims to say they were ‘very worried’ about the state of the world; while, in the United To explore in more detail the types of social issues that Kingdom, Muslim youths were more likely than non- young people might be concerned about in the world Muslims to say they were ‘quite worried’. There was no today, they were given a list of items and asked to identify diff erence in the level of concern between Muslim and the three that they worried most about (see question non-Muslim youths in France, however. 9.2, Appendix II). The list of items included a number of contemporary issues that were related to religious There is an apparent contradiction between the low level discrimination, such as ‘racism’, ‘confl ict between diff erent of interest shown by young people in national politics cultures’, ‘terrorist attacks’ and ‘immigration’. However, and yet the high level of concern about the state of the it also contained items that were unrelated, including world today. These fi ndings suggest that young people ‘global warming and climate change’, ‘poverty’, ‘disease are not oblivious to the social and political problems and illness’ and ‘nuclear weapons’. Overall, the issue that occurring at a global level, although they appear not to most young people said they were concerned about engage with traditional political activity at the national was poverty (47%), followed by global warming and level. This fi nding refl ects other literature published about climate change (45%) and then racism (38%) and confl ict the attitudes of youth in Europe (Anduíza, 2001; Muxel, between diff erent cultures (38%). This did vary somewhat 2008; Spannring, 2008). One possible reason for this is between Muslim and non-Muslim respondents across the that, although they have some level of concern for what three Member States, however, as shown in Table 5.1.

Figure 5.2: Level of concern about the state of the world today (%)

100 Not worried 90 Quite worried Very worried 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

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5. Political interest, trust and citizenship

Figure 5.3: Degree to which life is affected by things going on in the world today (%)

100 Not affected 90 Affected in some ways 80 Affected in 70 many ways 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim France Spain UK

Muslim youths were consistently more likely than non- diff erence between the level of trust that young people Muslims to identify racism as a social issue that concerned place in proximal fi gures such as parents and, to a lesser them. In addition, Muslims were more likely than non- extent, friends – compared with people and institutions Muslims to say they worried about confl ict between that were more distantly or remotely related to their diff erent cultures in France and the United Kingdom, day to day lives. Young people showed a general lack of although the reverse was true for the Spanish sample. On trust in fi gures of authority and formal local, national and the other hand, non-Muslims in all jurisdictions were more international institutions. The most striking fi nding is the likely to say that they were worried about global warming lack of trust in politicians and political representatives: and climate change. On some issues, Muslim and non- more than half of all respondents (59%) stated that Muslim youths prioritised similar issues; for example, in they did not trust politicians, including local councillors France, poverty emerged as the major issue of concern for and heads of government. The fi ndings are similar for both Muslim and non-Muslim youth. Interestingly, there heads of state (such as the King of Spain and the Queen were marginal diff erences between the groups in terms of England). Levels of trust in religious leaders and of their concern about terrorist attacks and immigration, in criminal justice authorities, such as the police and although Spanish Muslims were more concerned about the courts, were higher than for politicians, but only immigration than any other group. marginally overall.

Levels of trust in people and institutions varied 5.4. Trust in political institutions somewhat across the three Member States, although each jurisdiction mirrored the general pattern refl ected The respondents were asked how much they felt they in Figure 5.4. On the whole, however, levels of trust were could trust a range of people and institutions, including lowest in France and highest among the United Kingdom politicians at both local and national level (see question respondents. There were some diff erences between 8.5 in Appendix II). The results of this question are Muslim and non-Muslim respondents which were very reported in Figure 5.4, which combines the responses for similar across Member States. For example, non-Muslim all three Member States. Overall, there was a substantial respondents were signifi cantly more likely than Muslims to

Table 5.1: Global social issues that young people worry most about (%) France Spain United Kingdom Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Muslim Non-Muslim Poverty 595055483637 Global warming/climate change 37 45 30 55 42 52 Racism 51 43 49 29 37 28 Conﬂ ict between diﬀ erent cultures 35 29 41 54 46 24 Terrorist attacks 24 22 24 29 44 45 Lack of respect between people 18 26 18 20 23 22 Disease and illness 10 13 14 16 24 29 Inequality between people 18 22 12 16 16 17 Immigration 23 21 37 15 4 8 Nuclear Weapons 7 9 8 11 17 18 Something else 3469512 Note: More than one response permitted so columns do not total 100%.

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

Figure 5.4: Degree of trust in people and institutions (%)

Politicians Trust a lot Trust a bit Local Councillors Do not trust Head of government Head of state European Union United Nations Courts/judges Police oﬃcers Religious leaders Friends Parents

0 20406080100 Note: More than one response permitted so values making up one category do not necessarily total 100

trust their friends (61% compared with 47%, respectively), participation of this type among young people is but they were far less likely to trust religious leaders common (Anduiza, 2001; Spannring, 2008). (16% compared with 50%, respectively). This was the case in all three jurisdictions. However, there were also The most commonly reported form of active citizenship considerable diff erences across the Member States. With was to write a letter of complaint to the local authority the exception of trust in the United Nations (which was (37%), closely followed by starting or signing a petition lower among Muslims than non-Muslims), there were no (34%), and then joining a protest or a demonstration other diff erences between groups in the United Kingdom (26%). These results are encouraging as they suggest sample. The French sample also showed few additional that a large proportion of these young people would feel diff erences between Muslims and non-Muslims. French personally compelled to take action in the event of an Muslims were slightly more likely to trust their parents undesirable event in their local area that would directly than non-Muslims, and slightly less likely to trust the aff ect them. Reliance on adults to take action was less courts and judges. However, for the most part there were common. Around a quarter (23%) of all respondents no signifi cant diff erences between the Muslim and non- stated that they would ask their parents to write a letter Muslim youths in France. The most diff erences were found of complaint; however, reliance on other adults was in the Spanish sample, where the non-Muslim youths were uncommon, as only 9% said they would contact a Head signifi cantly less likely to trust politicians of all types and Teacher and 4% a religious leader. It is salient to point out, yet more likely to trust courts and judges, the European however, that a quarter (26%) of young people said they Union and the United Nations compared to Muslims. did not know what they would do in these circumstances, and a fi fth (22%) said they would do none of the things on the list to register their protest, which might denote 5.5. Active citizenship either apathy or a sense of powerlessness.

Interest in national politics and trust in political There was some variation in the responses to these institutions, both local and national, were found questions across Member States, as shown in Figure 5.5. The to be low among the young people in this survey; most noticeable diff erence is that the Spanish respondents however, there was some evidence that they were were signifi cantly more likely than those in France and relatively positively disposed towards active citizenship the United Kingdom to intimate their likelihood of active themselves. Potential involvement in some form of active citizenship through participating in these activities. In fact, citizenship was explored by asking the respondents to 68% of the Spanish respondents indicated that they would imagine that a favourite park or place where they hang take at least one form of action, compared with 60% of the out with their friends was being closed down so that United Kingdom and 51% of the French respondents. houses could be built on the land (see question 9.8, Appendix II). They were then asked what they would There was little or no diff erence between respondents in be likely to do in response to this closure. When shown France and the United Kingdom in terms of taking direct a list of possible forms of action (including writing a action (such as writing a letter, protesting or petitioning); letter of complaint to the local authority, starting or however, the United Kingdom respondents were more signing a petition and getting involved in a protest likely than the French to say that they would take other or demonstration), 60% of all respondents said they forms of action, especially related to reliance on adults. would take some kind of action. This is in line with Yet a high proportion in all three Member States said they other European studies which have shown that political were unsure what they would do.

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In all three Member States, non-Muslim youths were 5.6. Key fi ndings signifi cantly more likely than Muslims to indicate that they would take at least one form of action. • Despite showing little interest in national politics, the Nevertheless, the general pattern was the same, majority of respondents did report feeling very or fairly with active citizenship being higher in Spain (64% of worried about the state of the world today. Concern Muslims and 71% of non-Muslims) than in the United about global issues was highest in France. Muslim Kingdom (55% of Muslims and 64% of non-Muslims) youths in the United Kingdom and, particularly, in and France (47% of Muslims and 55% of non-Muslims). Spain were more concerned about the state of the Comparing the Muslim and non-Muslim groups world than non-Muslims; however, once again, there within Member States, the Spanish respondents was no diff erence in the level of concern between demonstrated the greatest diff erence. Muslims in Muslim and non-Muslim youths in France. Spain were less likely to participate in almost all forms • The global issues that young people reported being of civic participation compared to non-Muslims, most concerned about were poverty, global warming with the exception of contacting a Head Teacher or and climate change, racism and confl ict between a religious leader, which they were more likely to say diff erent cultures. Muslims were more likely than they would do. non-Muslims in all three Member States to identify racism as an issue that concerned them; and Muslims In contrast, there was little diff erence between the Muslim in France and the United Kingdom also more readily and non-Muslim respondents in France or the United identifi ed confl ict between diff erent cultures as a Kingdom in terms of their levels of active participation. In concern compared to non-Muslims, although the these two Member States, the non-Muslims were slightly reverse was true among the Spanish sample. By more likely to sign a petition or to join a protest than the contrast, non-Muslims in all Member States were more Muslims, but only marginally. Non-Muslims in the United likely than Muslims to express concern about global Kingdom were also more likely to contact the media than warming and climate change. Muslims, but again this was not a commonly reported • There was little or no diff erence in levels of concern form of activism. Importantly, Muslim youths in Spain and between Muslim and non-Muslim youths around the United Kingdom (33% and 30%, respectively) were inequalities, lack of respect between people, disease signifi cantly more likely than non-Muslims (22% and 20%, and illness, and nuclear weapons. There were only respectively) to say that they did not know what they marginal diff erences between the groups in terms would do in these circumstances; although this diff erence of concern about terrorist attacks and immigration; did not apply in France. with Spanish Muslims being most concerned about immigration.

Figure 5.5: Potential involvement in active citizenship, by Member State (%)

UK Don't know Spain France None of these

Other

Contact religious leader

Contact govt dept

Contact Head Teacher

Contact the media

Ask parents to write

Protest/demonstration

Start/sign a petition

Letter to local authority

0 1020304050

Note: More than one response permitted so values making up one category do not total 100.

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• Young people reported a general lack of trust in what they would do and a fi fth said they would do authority fi gures and formal local, national and nothing to register their protest. Spanish respondents international institutions. Levels of trust were highest were signifi cantly more likely to intimate their for parents and friends, and lowest for politicians, both likelihood of active citizenship through participating at local and national level. Levels of trust in diff erent in various activities than those in France and the people and institutions varied across the three United Kingdom. Member States; although, generally speaking, the • In all three Member States, non-Muslim youths were French respondents were least trusting and the United signifi cantly more likely than Muslims to indicate that Kingdom respondents most trusting. they would take at least one form of action. However, • Although levels of active citizenship were high overall there were only marginal diff erences between the – given a scenario where they were asked what action Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in terms of the they would take – a quarter said they did not know types of action that they were likely to take.

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6. Peer groups and leisure activities

The survey asked young people about issues such as the following:

• Perception of their peer groups • Membership in various informal groups or ‘gangs’ • If these groups have political or religious agendas • If these groups were involved in illegal activities • Unfair treatment in and by such groups

6.1. Introduction Member States indicated that they had a large number of friends, with over half saying overall that they had This chapter examines the characteristics of the peer more than 10 friends either at school or in their local networks of the young people in this survey. In particular, neighbourhood, or both. Only a very small minority of it explores the size of the peer groups that young people young people said that they did not have any friends. reported having, both in the context of school and their Figure 6.1 shows the pattern of peer group size across local neighbourhood. The cultural variation within these the three Member States for both friends at school and peer groups is also explored, in terms of how many of in the local neighbourhood. This fi gure illustrates that at their friends were from a diff erent religious or cultural least a third of young people associated with peer groups background, spoke a diff erent language or had diff erent consisting of more than twenty individuals at school or in skin colour. The chapter also explores young people’s their neighbourhood. Generally speaking, young people membership of a specifi c group of friends, whether reported having more friends at school than in their local they considered this group a gang, and their reasons area, although the extent of the diff erence varied across for joining this group. Finally, this chapter explores the the Member States. There was very little diff erence in amount of time young people said they spent with their peer group size at school across the three Member States; peers on weekdays and at weekends, and examines the however, peer group size in the local neighbourhood did types of leisure activities that they reported participating vary signifi cantly, with French youths having most friends in with friends. Among those who said they were part of – considering actual numbers – in their local area. a gang, the peer group’s support for and participation in illegal activities is considered. Within the United Kingdom sample, there was no diff erence in peer group size between Muslim and non- Muslim respondents, either in terms of the number of 6.2. Peer group characteristics friends at school or in the local neighbourhood. Similarly, the Spanish Muslims reported no signifi cant diff erence in 6.2.3. Peer group size and location the size of their peer group in the local neighbourhood compared to the non-Muslims; although they had Young people were asked how many friends they had slightly fewer friends at school than non-Muslims. The at school, and separately in their local neighbourhood. Muslim youths within the French sample, however, were The vast majority of young people across the three signifi cantly more likely to report having large peer

Figure 6.1: Size of peer group at school and in the local neighbourhood, by Member State (%)

100 None 90 1-5 6-10 80 11-20 70 More than 20 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 School Neighbourhood School Neighbourhood School Neighbourhood France Spain UK

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groups compared to the non-Muslims. For example, just diff erent religion, 87% had friends from a diff erent cultural over half of French Muslims said they had more than 20 background, 83% had friends with a diff erent skin colour friends at school (53%) and in the local neighbourhood and 71% had friends who spoke a diff erent language. (54%) compared to the non-Muslims (42% and 39%, respectively). On the whole, however, the patterns Figure 6.2 highlights the strong degree of diversity observed in Figure 6.1 were broadly mirrored for both among peer groups in terms of religious affi liation and Muslim and non-Muslim youths. cultural background across the three Member States, and shows that the general pattern is once again broadly There was a high level of inconsistency among young replicated. The fi ndings on skin colour and language people in terms of their peer group size at school and are not presented here; however, they show the same the neighbourhood. In only a third (36%) of all cases did general picture. Overall, young people in France were young people have the same sized peer group in both most likely to say that some or most of their friends contexts. Most (46%) young people had more friends were diff erent to them in terms of religion, cultural at school compared to the neighbourhood; with only background, skin colour and language than those from 18% having more friends in their local area compared Spain and the United Kingdom. to school. The United Kingdom respondents were most likely to say they had more friends at school than in the There were some signifi cant diff erences in responses to local neighbourhood (58% compared to 44% in Spain this question by Muslim and non-Muslim respondents, and 36% in France). Muslim and non-Muslim respondents however. Within the Spanish and United Kingdom in Spain and the United Kingdom did not diff er samples, Muslim youths were signifi cantly more likely signifi cantly on this measure; however, French Muslims than non-Muslims to say that all or some of their friends were signifi cantly less likely to have more friends at were diff erent from them on the basis of religion, cultural school than in the local neighbourhood (28% compared background, skin colour and language. For example, to 41% of non-Muslims), but more likely to say they had 89% of United Kingdom Muslims and 93% of Spanish the same number of friends in school and their local area Muslims reported that at least some of their friends were (49% compared to 37% of non-Muslims). of a diff erent cultural background, compared to 78% and 67% of non-Muslims, respectively. In France, there 6.2.2. Cultural variation within peer group was no signifi cant diff erence between the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in the extent of variation on the The cultural backgrounds of the respondents in this survey basis of religion and cultural background, and only slight are wide and varied, as shown in chapter 2, which indicates diff erences on the basis of skin colour and language. that the samples were drawn from very multi-cultural Nevertheless, the overall picture among both locations. In order to determine how well young people Muslims and non-Muslims was one of multicultural socialised with others from diff erent backgrounds, they diversity among peer groups. were asked how many of their friends were diff erent from them in terms of cultural background, religious affi liation, 6.2.3. Membership of a group or ‘gang’ language spoken and skin colour. In fact, the vast majority of young people said that at least some of their friends In order to diff erentiate between friends generally and were diff erent from them in each of these ways. Overall, more specifi c friendship groups, the respondents were 84% had at least some friends who belonged to a asked whether they had a certain group of friends that

Figure 6.2: Religious and cultural variation among peer groups, by Member State (%)

100 No friends Some friends 90 All or most 80 friends 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Religion Culture Religion Culture Religion Culture France Spain UK

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6. Peer groups and leisure activities they spent time with, doing things together or just 6.2.4. Reasons for joining the group hanging about. Four out of fi ve young people overall said that they belonged to such a group, although this The respondents were shown a list of reasons for joining a was less common in France (71%) than in Spain (84%) group of friends and asked which of these were important and the United Kingdom (85%). In general, Muslim for them (see question 4.12, appendix II). The ten most and non-Muslim respondents were almost equally commonly reported reasons are shown in Figure 6.3. likely to be part of a group of friends (83% and 86%, This clearly illustrates that young people joined groups respectively); however, non-Muslim youths in Spain predominantly to socialise with other people, since by far (91%) and France (74%) were signifi cantly more likely to the most common reasons given were to make friends be part of a group than Muslim respondents (73% and (81%), hang out together (58%), for company (47%), to 67%, respectively). participate in group activities (46%), and to share secrets with each other (41%). It was far less common for young Only a fi fth (22%) of respondents said that they people to join a group for protection (22%) or in order would call their group of friends a ‘gang’, although the for them to keep out of trouble (21%). There were some French respondents were more than twice as likely diff erences between Member States, as shown in Figure to report being part of a gang (35%) than either the 6.3. Whereas the United Kingdom respondents were more United Kingdom (15%) or the Spanish (16%) youths.34 likely than those from France and Spain to join the group Interestingly, the Muslim respondents in both the United just to hang out, the French respondents were more likely Kingdom and Spain (21% in each Member State) were than the others to join in order to participate in group signifi cantly more likely to report being part of a gang activities or to share secrets and the Spanish respondents than the non-Muslims (11% and 14%, respectively). were more likely than those in the other two Member Muslim respondents in France were also slightly more States to join for company or to make friends. likely to report being in a gang than the non-Muslims (38% and 33%, respectively), although the diff erence was In all three Member States, there was little or no not signifi cant. signifi cant diff erence between the proportion of Muslim and non-Muslim respondents who said that they had Even though due care was taken about how the joined their group for company, to take part in group questionnaire captured phrases like ‘group’ or ‘gang’ in activities, to share secrets with each other or because the diff erent language versions, diverging shades of the a friend was part of the group. Among the Spanish meaning between the three Member States and even respondents, non-Muslims were a little more likely to say between diff erent groups cannot be excluded. they joined the group to make friends (88% compared with 79%, respectively), although there was no diff erence between groups in France or the United Kingdom. In France, Muslim youths were more likely than non-Muslims to say that they joined the group just to hang out (47% 34 The term ‘gang’ was translated to ‘bande’ in French and to ‘banda juvenil’ in Spanish. These terms might have slightly diff erent positive and negative compared with 37%, respectively); whereas it was the connotations in the respective language. non-Muslims in Spain (62%) and the United Kingdom

Figure 6.3: Most commonly reported reasons for joining a group, by Member State (%)

France To feel important Spain UK A friend was in the group

To keep out of trouble

For protection

To feel I belong

To share secrets

Take part in group activities

For company

To hang out

To make friends

0 20406080100

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

(79%) who were more likely to have joined the group with friends per week. This varied slightly across to hang out than the Muslim youths (49% and 70%, Member State, with the Spanish respondents reporting respectively). Among the United Kingdom respondents, a lower number of hours spent with friends on average Muslim youths were far more likely to join the group (16.9) compared with those in the United Kingdom for protection (31%) or to keep out of trouble (28%) (17.9) and France (18.3). There was no signifi cant compared to the non-Muslim respondents (17% and diff erence in the number of hours spent with friends 15%, respectively); however, there was no such diff erence between Muslim (16.5) and non-Muslims (17.1) in Spain; in France and only a slight diff erence on keeping out whereas, the average weekly number of hours spent of trouble in Spain (25% of Muslims compared to 17% socialising with friends for Muslims in France (17.6) and of non-Muslims). Only 10% overall said they joined the the United Kingdom (15.8) was lower than for non- group to get away with illegal activities, and this did not Muslims (18.7 and 19.2, respectively). The diff erence was diff er signifi cantly across Member States or between most marked among the United Kingdom respondents. Muslim and non-Muslim respondents. 6.3.2. Leisure activities with friends

6.3. Peer group activities The respondents were given a list of common leisure time activities and asked what kinds of things they did with 6.3.1. Time spent socialising with peers their friends (see question 10.7, Appendix II). As shown in Figure 6.5, a large proportion of young people reported The survey asked respondents how many hours, on participating in conventional leisure activities with friends, average, they would spend per day socialising with such as going shopping or out to eat with friends or friends on weekdays (outside of school time) and on socialising at their home or that of a friend. Hanging out weekend days. Not surprisingly, young people in all in public places was the third most common activity. A three Member States spent more time socialising with relatively small minority of young people in each Member peers at the weekend than on weekdays, as shown in State said that they and their friends did illegal things Figure 6.4. Nevertheless, around a third of respondents together. French respondents were more likely than in each Member State indicated that they would those in other Member States to go for walks or bike rides spend an average of more than four hours socialising or chat about the news or world events; while Spanish with peers on weekdays, even when school time was respondents were more likely to hang out in public, chat excluded. Closer to a half said they spent more than four about parents and school or do their homework with hours per day with friends at weekends, on average. In friends. The United Kingdom respondents were more likely other words, it was common for young people to spend than the French or Spanish youths to stay at home or go a lot of time socialising with friends in France, Spain and to a friend’s home and to watch TV and fi lms together. the United Kingdom. There was least diff erence in response to this question By adding the answers from the questions on how between the Muslim and non-Muslim respondents in much time the young people spent socialising with France. French non-Muslims were, however, more likely to peers on weekdays and at weekends, it was estimated watch TV or fi lms, hang about public places, play on the that they spent on average a minimum of 17.7 hours computer or internet and go for walks or bike rides, and

Figure 6.4: Number of hours spent socialising with friends during the week (outside school time) and at the weekends, by Member State (%) 100 None Up to 1 hours 90 Up to 2 hours 80 Up to 4 hours 70 More than 4 hours 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Weekdays Weekends Weekdays Weekends Weekdays Weekends France Spain UK

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6. Peer groups and leisure activities

Figure 6.5: Activities with friends, by Member State (%)

France Something else Spain Go to place of worship UK Do illegal things Do homework Chat about news/events Chat about parents/school Walks/bike rides Computer/internet Play/watch sports/games Watch TV/films Hang out in public At home/friend's home Go shopping/eat out

0 10203040506070 less likely to watch or play sports, compared to Muslims. people often off end in groups, and that identifying Compared to Muslims, non-Muslims in Spain and the themselves with a ‘gang’ increases the likelihood of their United Kingdom were more likely to hang about public off ending. No defi nition for the term ‘gang’ was given in places, do illegal things with friends, but also to stay at this study; however, it was true that those who reported home or go to a friend’s home, watch TV or fi lms, go being in a gang were signifi cantly more likely to say that shopping or out to eat and chat about their parents or their group thought it was acceptable to do illegal things school. Muslims in all three Member States were more (49%) and that they actually engaged in illegal acts (47%) likely to worship together with their friends than non- compared to those who did not consider their group to be Muslims, although this could be explained by the fact a gang (28% and 25%, respectively). However, this conceals that they were more likely to worship overall. an important diff erence between the Muslim and non- Muslim respondents, which is shown in Figure 6.6. 6.3.3. Antisocial activities among the group or ‘gang’ Despite being more likely to say that their group of There has been a considerable amount of research friends was a gang, Muslim respondents who did so were across Europe on youth groups and gangs (see Decker signifi cantly less likely to say that their group thought it and Weerman, 2005) and on the involvement of groups acceptable to do illegal acts or that they actually took part of friends in antisocial behaviour and delinquency (see in illegal acts compared with non-Muslims; a result that Hindelang et al., 1981; Junger-Tas et al., 1994). The main could indicate a diff erent interpretation of the meaning of fi ndings from these research studies indicate that young ‘gang’. This was true in all three Member States, although

Figure 6.6: Young people considering themselves to be part of a ‘gang’ and, among those, the percentage whose gang is supportive of and involved in illegal activities (%) 60 Group is gang

50 Illegal acts OK in gang 40 Do illegal acts in gang 30

0 Muslim Non-Muslim

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

the French respondents who said they were part of a • Only a fi fth of respondents said that they would call gang were signifi cantly more likely to have friendship their group of friends a ‘gang’, although the French groups that thought it acceptable (58%) or participated in respondents were more than twice as likely to do so illegal activities (60%), compared to the United Kingdom as in Spain or the United Kingdom. Considering their respondents (46% and 47%, respectively) or, especially, group a gang was more common for Muslims than the Spanish respondents (34% and 22%, respectively). non-Muslims. This may indicate that there is a diff erent understanding • Most young people joined their peer group in order to or usage of the term ‘gang’ between groups. This is in socialise with other people; by making friends, hanging addition to the earlier caution that the translation of a out together, having company and participating in term such as ‘gang’ is problematic. group activities or sharing secrets. Few young people joined a group for protection or to keep out of trouble. • Those who said their peer group was a ‘gang’ were 6.4. Key fi ndings more likely to say that their group considered it acceptable to do illegal things and that they actually • As a refl ection of the survey locations, there was strong engaged in illegal acts, compared to those who did cultural diversity among peer groups, with the vast not consider their group a gang. majority of young people saying that at least some • Muslim respondents were more likely to say that their of their friends belonged to a diff erent religion, had group of friends was a ‘gang’ than non-Muslims, but a diff erent cultural background, had a diff erent skin Muslims who did consider themselves to be in a gang colour and spoke a diff erent language. were less likely to be supportive of or to participate • Four out of fi ve young people belonged to a specifi c in illegal activities in the group than non-Muslims peer group, although this was less common in France. who called their group a gang, which may indicate a Muslim youths in France and Spain were less likely to diff erent understanding of the term ‘gang’. be part of a group of friends than non-Muslims.

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7. Explaining attitudes towards and involvement in violence

7.1. Introduction • concerns about specifi c global issues (racism, inequality between people, confl ict between cultures, The aim of this chapter is to bring together the fi ndings terrorism and immigration); from the previous chapters in order to explore the • lack of interest in politics and lack of trust in politicians; overarching research question for this study: what is • perceived ability to take action in the event of a the relationship between young people’s experiences threat to a local resource for young people (active of discrimination and social marginalisation and citizenship); the identifi cation of attitudes and activities that are • delinquent peer group activities (calling their group supportive of violence? To do this, the chapter uses of friends a ‘gang’, participating in illegal activities with two measures of violent attitudes and two measures of their group of friends and giving illegal activity as a violent behaviour (these are described in more detail reason for joining their group); and in Chapter 4). • the young person’s individual characteristics (age, gender and whether the young person was a Muslim The attitudinal measures included in this analysis are: or a non-Muslim).

• scoring above average on a scale of positive attitudes The results of the analysis are presented as tables towards violence (based on a scale ranging from 0 showing which factors emerged as statistically to 1, where 0 indicates no support for violence and 1 signifi cant in terms of explaining why some individuals indicates strong support for violence); and were likely to have more positive attitudes towards • agreeing that war and/or terrorism are justifi ed (a violence and were more likely to have been involved simple binary measure of yes or no). in emotionally or physically violent behaviour. For simplicity, the results are presented as showing whether The two measures of violent behaviour were binary the explanatory variable has a ‘weak’ eff ect (an odds measures that indicated whether the young person had ratio of between 1 and 1.4), a ‘moderate’ eff ect (an been involved in emotional or physical violence (yes or no). odds ratio of between 1.5 and 1.9), a ‘strong’ eff ect (an odds ratio between 2.0 and 4.9) or a ‘very strong’ eff ect In an attempt to explain why some young people may (an odds ratio of 5.0 or more). Where the variable had be more strongly supportive of violent behaviour and a negative eff ect on attitudes towards violence or more inclined to participate in violence, binary logistic involvement in violent behaviour, this is also indicated. regression analysis was used to determine whether there was a relationship between these measures and a range of possible explanatory variables, already described in 7.2. Explaining attitudes towards violence earlier chapters. Logistic regression is a form of multiple regression that is used when the dependent variables 7.2.1. Attitudes supportive of individual violence (in this case support for and involvement in violence) consist of two discrete categories. This form of statistical Table 7.1, below, presents the results of the logistic modelling allows one to assess the relative importance regression analysis to explore the possible explanatory of each factor or combination of factors in predicting factors for having an above average score on the scale of young people’s propensity to support violence and to be attitudes towards violence. A logistic regression model involved in violence, while simultaneously taking each using the eleven explanatory factors listed in the fi rst of the other possible explanatory variables into account column of Table 7.1 was fi tted separately to the data from (see Field, 2004). The logistic regression modelling each of the three countries. This table shows the factors analysis, which was carried out separately for each that emerged as signifi cant in terms of explaining why Member State, looked at: some individuals were more supportive of using violence in a variety of situations compared to those who had only • whether young people had experienced average or below average scores. discrimination; • measures of social marginalisation (feelings of Overall, there were three factors that the models for all alienation, feeling unhappy with their lives and having three Member States shared: no-one to talk to about private matters); • experience of emotional or physical violence as a • being male; victim for reasons of cultural background, skin colour, • being part of a group that the individual defi ned as a spoken language or religion; ‘gang’; and • concerns about general global issues (the state of the • being involved in illegal activities with that group. world today);

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

These three factors were all found to strongly or war and/or terrorism) was justifi able for dealing with moderately explain having a more supportive attitude the problems of the world – there was no consistent (than average) towards using violence in all three pattern across the three Member States. It is interesting Member States. These fi ndings suggest that anti-violence to note from Table 7.2 that young people in France initiatives targeted at problematic male youth groups are who were supportive of war or terrorism shared some likely to be equally benefi cial in all three Member States. characteristics with young people in Spain and some other characteristics with those in the United Kingdom; There were also some country specifi c factors that however, there was no overlap at all between Spain and emerged in terms of explaining involvement in violence, the United Kingdom. as Table 7.1 shows. Having a Muslim religious background emerged as strongly predictive of having positive In France, young males and those from a Muslim attitudes towards violence only among the French background were at greater risk of supporting the use sample, whereas there was no indication that religious of war and/or terrorism when controlling for a range background had any bearing on attitudes in Spain and of other factors. Risk was also greater among those the United Kingdom. In addition, French youths who who felt highly alienated within their communities, had been victims of discrimination and those who were and among those young people who were involved in distrustful of politicians were also more likely to have youth groups who supported and engaged in illegal stronger that average attitudes towards violence. activities. This indicates that levels of support for global violence in France would be likely to be highest among Experience of discrimination did not emerge as signifi cant young, alienated Muslim males who were members of among the respondents in Spain and the United delinquent gangs. In Spain, risk of support for war and/ Kingdom, However, young people in these two samples or terrorism was also greatest among young Muslims and who had greater scores on a measure of alienation or those who experienced greater feelings of alienation. exclusion were highly likely to be supportive of violence, However, being male and part of a delinquent youth although this was not apparent in France. group did not emerge as signifi cant risk factors. Those who were most worried about the state of the world Among the United Kingdom youths, those who reported were, however, at lower risk of supporting these forms of being worried about immigration and confl ict between global violence, which is indicative of some form of moral cultures at a global level were more supportive of using indignation for such acts. violence at the individual level. While there was no indication that Muslims were more likely to support the Among the UK respondents, religious background and use of violence than non-Muslims in the United Kingdom, experience of alienation did not explain young people’s young people who had experienced either emotional attitudes towards war and/or terrorism. However, like or physical victimisation for reasons of their cultural or the French sample, young males and those who were religious background, their skin colour or for speaking a involved in delinquent youth gangs were at greatest diff erent language, were more likely to have stronger than risk of harbouring these kinds of attitudes. This was average attitudes supporting the use of personal violence. particularly the case for the older teenagers in the UK, and, notably, among those who reported being ‘happy’ 7.2.2. Attitudes supportive of global violence with their lives. In other words, these fi ndings suggest that young males who show a proclivity towards group- There was no consistent pattern across the three based anti-social behaviour at the local level are also likely Member States in terms of explaining young people’s to favour (attitudinally) the use of violence to solve global likelihood to agree that global violence (in the form of problems, at least in France and the United Kingdom.

Table 7.1: Emerging explanatory factors for having stronger than average attitudes towards violence Explanatory factor France Spain United Kingdom Being male Strong Strong Strong Being part of a group that is involved in illegal activities Strong Moderate Moderate Describing their group as a ‘gang’ Moderate Moderate Moderate Having stronger feelings of alienation - Very strong Strong Getting involved in illegal activity as a reason for joining their group Strong - - Coming from a Muslim background Strong - - Being a victim of discrimination Moderate - - Having no trust in politicians Weak - - Being worried about immigration - - Strong Being worried about conﬂ ict between cultures - - Moderate Being a victim of violence for reasons of culture, religion, language or skin colour - - Moderate

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7. Explaining attitudes towards and involvement in violence

Table 7.2: Emerging explanatory factors for being supportive of war and/or terrorism to solve the problems of the world

Explanatory factor France Spain United Kingdom Having higher feelings of alienation Strong Very strong - Coming from a Muslim background Moderate Strong - Being male Strong - Strong Getting involved in illegal activity as a reason for joining their group Moderate - Moderate Being part of a group that is involved in illegal activities Strong - - Being very worried about the state of the world today - Negative - Describing their group as a ‘gang’ - - Strong Being an older teenager - - Moderate Feeling unhappy with life - - Negative

7.2. Explaining involvement in violence Among the United Kingdom respondents only, those who reported being worried about racism as a global social Expressing opinions that are in favour of using violence, issue were less likely to engage in emotional violence than either at an individual level or a global level, is not those who were not concerned about racism. necessarily indicative of a tendency to use violence. However, some similar characteristics to those described As with attitudes that were supportive of violence, the use above emerged among those who said they had used of emotional violence was also explained to an extent by emotional and physical violence. Exactly the same group the tendency to associate with a delinquent peer group. of explanatory variables was used in this analysis, with the In France, young people who said their group was a gang exception that the two attitudinal variables in support of and those whose peer group engaged in illegal activities violence were included as potential explanatory factors were likely to have used emotional violence towards for involvement in emotional and physical violence. others. Youths in the United Kingdom who were part of a delinquent youth group and Spanish youths who said Table 7.3 shows that in all three Member States young they joined their peer group in order to engage in illegal people who felt highly alienated or excluded and those acts were also engaged in emotional violence. Yet again, who had been a victim of either emotional or physical these fi ndings demonstrate the importance of addressing violence themselves because of their cultural or religious the wider problems associated with troublesome youth background, skin colour or language were highly likely to groups. In Spain and the United Kingdom, younger be involved in using emotional violence towards others. In teenagers and those who had stronger than average addition, in France and the United Kingdom, young people opinions in favour of using violence were more likely to use who reported that they had been victims of discrimination emotional violence towards others than older teenagers were highly likely to be emotionally violent towards or those who did not support violence generally; others. These fi ndings demonstrate the widespread although, this was not apparent among the French youths. importance of addressing issues of social marginalisation Interestingly, being male emerged as an explanatory factor and discriminatory behaviour towards those of diff erent for emotional violence only among the United Kingdom cultural origins among young people. Nevertheless, there respondents, and then only weakly in comparison to other was no indication that Muslim youths were more likely to variables. This suggests that emotional violence is as likely engage in emotional violence than non-Muslims; in fact, to be infl icted by females as males in France and Spain the reverse was true among the Spanish respondents. when controlling for these other factors.

Table 7.3: Emerging explanatory factors for being involved in emotional violence Explanatory factor France Spain United Kingdom Having higher feelings of alienation Strong Very strong Very strong Being a victim of violence for reasons of culture, religion, language or skin colour Strong Moderate Moderate Being a victim of discrimination Moderate - Moderate Having no trust in politicians Moderate - Weak Being part of a group that is involved in illegal activities Moderate - Moderate Being an older teenager - Negative Negative Having stronger than average attitudes in support of violence - Moderate Moderate Describing their group as a ‘gang’ Moderate - - Getting involved in illegal activity as a reason for joining their group - Strong - Coming from a Muslim background - Negative - Being male - - Weak Being worried about racism - - Negative

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

There was some similarity in the explanatory factors that violence was related to aspects of concern that young emerged from the regression modelling for emotional and people faced, although this was not uniform across physical violence, although there were also some distinct Member States. For example, Spanish youths who diff erences. Whereas involvement in emotional violence expressed concern about issues of inequality between was only weakly related to being male in the United people at a global level were more likely to engage in Kingdom, and not at all gendered in France or Spain, physical violence than those who were not concerned Table 7.4 shows that being male was strongly indicative about this issue. Similarly, Spanish youths who were of involvement in physical violence across the three worried about terrorism were more likely to be violent Member States (this is predictable, but is a useful indicator towards others than those who were not worried about that adds to the reliability of the study as a whole). In this issue; whereas French youths who were worried addition, being a member of a delinquent peer group about immigration were less likely to be violent than and having stronger than average attitudes in support of those who were not worried. Concerns about global using violence at an individual level were highly likely to issues did not emerge as an explanatory factor for being lead to involvement in physical violence in France, Spain involved in physical violence for respondents in the and the United Kingdom. Having attitudes that were United Kingdom. supportive of war and/or terrorism at a more global level were moderately signifi cant in explaining engagement in In both France and the United Kingdom, engagement in physical violence among the French respondents only. physical violence was more likely among younger than older teenagers. These fi ndings yet again demonstrate the cross-national importance of targeting male youth groups, particularly It is apparent from these fi ndings that there is a high those who believe strongly that it is justifi able to use degree of overlap between Member States in terms of the violent solutions to solve the everyday problems that they possible explanatory factors for both attitudes in support face. Nevertheless, to be eff ective any policy response of violence and actual engagement in violent behaviour. would have to address the issues of discrimination and This analysis shows that policies need to be targeted at marginalisation among such youth groups. For example, young people who cause problems within their own in France and Spain, young people who stated that they communities, particularly in the form of youth groups had been victims of discrimination were far more likely that are predominantly male. However, such policies must to engage in physical violence than those who were not also address the endemic problem of discrimination and discriminated against. Furthermore, youths in Spain and social marginalisation among young people in order to the United Kingdom who reported feeling alienated and have some impact on violent attitudes and behaviours. marginalised within their communities, and youths in There is a strong indication that addressing attitudes that the United Kingdom who were victimised on the basis of are supportive of violence would go some way towards their cultural or religious origins, were highly likely to be tackling involvement in both emotional and physical physically violent towards others. Importantly, there is no violence, although this would need to be adopted as evidence from this study that the religious background part of a wider package of measures. Nevertheless, a of the respondents is an indicator for engagement in uniform policy approach to resolving issues of violence physical violence once other aspects of discrimination would not be appropriate as diff erent factors emerged as and marginalisation have been accounted for. being signifi cant in explaining attitudes and behaviours across the three Member States. Policy makers need to be There is some indication from Table 7.4 – although the attuned to the cultural diff erences across Member States fi ndings are complex and require further exploration in in order to properly understand the issues underlying relation to other factors – that involvement in physical youth violence. Importantly, this study has shown that

Table 7.4: Emerging explanatory factors for being involved in physical violence Explanatory factor France Spain United Kingdom Being male Strong Strong Strong Describing their group as a ‘gang’ Strong Moderate Strong Having stronger than average attitudes in support of violence Moderate Strong Strong Being a victim of discrimination Moderate Strong - Being worried about inequality Negative Moderate - Being part of a group that is involved in illegal activities Strong - Strong Having no trust in politicians Moderate - Strong Being an older teenager Negative - Negative Getting involved in illegal activity as a reason for joining their group - Strong Strong Having higher feelings of alienation - Strong Very strong Having supportive attitudes towards war and/or terrorism to solve world’s problems Moderate - - Being worried about immigration Negative - - Being worried about terrorism - Strong - Being a victim of violence for reasons of culture, religion, language or skin colour - Moderate -

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7. Explaining attitudes towards and involvement in violence discrimination and marginalisation are not restricted to • In Spain, respondents from a non-Muslim Muslim youths – although the reasons behind types of background were more likely to be involved in using negative experience may be diff erent between Muslim emotional violence, whereas in France and the and non-Muslim youth. United Kingdom religious background had no impact on this type of violence. • In France, Spain and the United Kingdom, the use of 7.4. Key fi ndings emotional and physical violence by young people was strongly related to their likelihood of associating • Being more supportive than average in their attitudes with a delinquent peer group and engaging in illegal towards using violence at an individual level (for activities with that group. example, for self-defence or because they were • Emotional violence was as likely to be infl icted by insulted) was at least partially explained in all three females as males in France and Spain, and being Member States by being male, being part of a group male was only weakly predictive of involvement in that the individual defi ned as a ‘gang’, and being emotional violence among the United Kingdom involved in illegal activities with that group. respondents. However, being male was strongly • Being from a Muslim background and being a indicative of involvement in physical violence across victim of discrimination were predictive of having the three Member States. positive attitudes towards violence only for French • The use of physical violence was associated with youths. Whereas in Spain and the United Kingdom, having stronger positive attitudes towards using young people who were more alienated or socially violence at an individual level in all three Member marginalised were likely to be supportive of violence. States; although, supportive attitudes for global • In France and Spain, Muslim youths and those who violence was moderately signifi cant in explaining felt socially marginalised had high levels of support physical violence only among French respondents. for war and / or terrorism to solve the problems of the • In France and Spain, young people who had world. In France and the United Kingdom, support for experienced discrimination were far more likely to such global violence was greater among young males engage in physical violence than those who were not than females, and among those who were members of discriminated against. Furthermore, youths in Spain and delinquent peer groups. the United Kingdom who reported feeling alienated • In all Member States, young people who felt socially and marginalised within their communities, and youths marginalised and those who had been a victim in the United Kingdom who were victimised on the of violence because of their cultural or religious basis of their cultural or religious origins, were highly background, skin colour or language were more likely likely to be physically violent towards others. to use emotional violence towards others. In France • There is no evidence from this study that the religious and the United Kingdom, young people who had background of the respondents is an indicator for experienced general discrimination were also likely to engagement in physical violence once other aspects be emotionally violent towards others. of discrimination and marginalisation had been accounted for.

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8. Conclusions

Main conclusions

Both violent attitudes and behaviours were strongly predicted by being male and being part of a delinquent peer group that was disposed to engaging in illegal activities. Young people who had experienced social marginalisation and discrimination were highly likely to support the use of violence and, more especially, to engage in emotional and physical violence themselves. Involvement in emotional violence (such as being teased or made fun of, or threatened in some way) was increased among those who had said that they had experienced violence because of their cultural or religious backgrounds; however, this was not restricted to Muslim youths. There was no indication that Muslim youths in any Member State were more likely than non-Muslims to be emotionally or physically violent towards others, once other aspects of discrimination and social marginalisation had been taken into account. Some young people indicated that they would support the use of violence in the case of self-defence or to protect someone else, but most young people showed no support for engaging in violence ‘just for fun’ (mindless violence). Some Muslim respondents were more likely to indicate their support for violence than non-Muslims – particularly if their religion was insulted; however, there is no indication that these respondents would translate their thoughts into action. Discrimination and marginalisation are not restricted to Muslim youths and religious aﬃ liation is less important in determining young people’s involvement in violent behaviour than their peer group characteristics and their broader attitudes and experiences.

It is important to bear in mind when interpreting the household income could not be collected. Perhaps recent fi ndings in this report that the survey – based on 3,000 immigration is a factor which partly explains why young interviews with young people, aged between 12 and Muslims were less likely than non-Muslims to associate 18 years, across the three Member States – cannot be themselves with the dominant culture of their country of said to be representative of all young people from France, residence, particularly in France; although they were very Spain and the United Kingdom. This is so given the strongly supportive of their own cultural background. sampling strategy, which was designed to ensure a large These fi ndings are important as they indicate that young enough sample of young Muslim people and which, people are sensitive to cultural and religious diff erences therefore, was concentrated in particular geographical and so individual identity must be understood in the areas. Nevertheless, the fi ndings provide important context of such diff erences. information about the experiences of young people from both Muslim and non-Muslim backgrounds that can be It is a positive sign that this study found that most young used by policy makers to address some of the key issues people had not been discriminated against and, in fact, the facing young people in terms of their experiences of vast majority were happy with their lives and did not appear discrimination and social marginalisation, and how this to feel alienated or socially marginalised. Nevertheless, relates to their attitudes towards the use of violence and some young people had experienced discrimination and their involvement in behaving violently towards others. marginalisation, and there were diff erences between the experiences of Muslim and non-Muslim youths in each For most of the young people in this study, their religious of the three Member States that deserve much greater and cultural backgrounds were important aspects of attention. Around one in four young people in each their individual identities and this was particularly the Member State reported they had ever been unfairly treated case for young people whose families had migrated to or picked on (experiences of discrimination). Muslim their country of residence. In particular, Muslim youths youths were signifi cantly more likely than non-Muslims to were more likely to attend a place of worship and say that this had happened to them in France and Spain; to worship more frequently in Spain and the United although, there was no diff erence between them in the Kingdom, although this was less so in France. There was United Kingdom. Young people were picked on for a range some indication that the Muslim youths sampled in this of reasons, including their cultural background, religion, survey may have been less affl uent than young people skin colour and language; with Muslims being particularly from other backgrounds, on the basis of information likely to experience religious discrimination. However, collected on entitlement to educational subsidies, and there were many other reasons why young people were more tenuously on parental employment, and on the unfairly treated that did not relate to cultural or religious basis that their parents were more likely to be recent background. Moreover, young people who experienced immigrants; however, this is not certain as information on discrimination were signifi cantly more likely to be socially

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

marginalised and unhappy compared to others. A key exposure to physical violence or committing acts of factor in discriminatory behaviour (according to the victims) emotional or physical violence. So while attitudes towards was that young people were merely identifi ed by others violence were more supportive among Muslim youths, as being ‘diff erent’, which suggests a need to tackle issues there was no evidence that they were more extensively of general intolerance as well as specifi c areas of targeted or consistently exposed to violence in Spain or the United discrimination. Kingdom; although this was clearly not the case in France. In all three Member States, however, the reasons given The fi ndings on young people’s attitudes towards by Muslims for being both a victim and a perpetrator of violence did not suggest that there was large-scale violence did tend to focus on issues relating to cultural or support for using violence to resolve individual problems, religious diff erence. and they were particularly unsupportive of violence just ‘for fun’. Young people were more supportive of activities Young people’s level of interest in institutional national where violence might be needed for self-defence or to politics was low overall; however, the majority did say protect someone else than they were for other types that they were worried about the state of the world today of situation, such as in the case of their religion being and clearly evidenced political consciousness in their insulted. Muslim youths in France and Spain were more responses to global issues. Most young people thought likely to demonstrate support for violence than non- their lives were aff ected to at least some extent by what Muslims, particularly if their religion was insulted. While was going on in the world around them, and there there were no diff erences in the responses between was little diff erence between Muslim and non-Muslims Muslims and non-Muslim youth in the UK on most items in this respect. However, Muslim youths were more concerning support for violence, UK Muslim respondents, likely to be concerned about global issues relating to as well as Muslim respondents in France and Spain, were religious and cultural identity, such as racism, compared signifi cantly more ready to accept the use of violence to non-Muslims who were more likely to be concerned when their religion was insulted, compared with non- about more generic issues such as global warming and Muslim respondents. Support for more globalised climate change. These fi ndings indicate that young forms of violence, including using war and terrorism Muslims have a much greater level of concern about to solve the problems of the world, was less common. tolerance towards cultural identities both at a personal Muslim respondents did not diff er from non-Muslim and a global level which is likely to have some impact respondents, overall (the data from the three countries on their understanding of the way in which such issues combined), regarding their views on the use of war. The are dealt with politically. There was a general lack of Muslims respondents overall were slightly more likely to trust in authority fi gures and social institutions, with be supportive of the use of terrorism than non-Muslims; politicians being rated as least trustworthy in society by however, it is important to note that being sympathetic both Muslims and non-Muslims. However, Muslim youths towards the use of violence does not necessarily translate appeared less willing to participate in some form of into violent behaviour. protest or active citizenship than non-Muslims.

Experience of violence among young people was not Peer groups are an important aspect of young people’s particularly common, particularly physical violence, lives and the majority of people in this study stated although for a small minority it was a fairly regular that they had a group of friends at school and/or in occurrence. Nevertheless, patterns in experience of their local neighbourhood, many of which were very violence varied considerably across the three Member large peer groups. This study found strong cultural States. Around half of all young people had experienced diversity among peer groups, which may be related to at least one incident of emotional violence (such as being the sampling method which targeted areas with a large teased or made fun of, threatened or excluded by a group Muslim component. The vast majority of young people of friends), although it was less common to experience said that at least some of their friends belonged to a actual physical violence (such as being assaulted or hit diff erent religion, had a diff erent cultural background, had with a weapon), and even rarer to have perpetrated a diff erent skin colour and spoke a diff erent language. emotional or physical violence against others. French Cultural diversity was greatest among the French youths were the most likely to be exposed to violence, respondents, regardless of whether respondents were both as victims and off enders, and French Muslim youths Muslim or non-Muslim. Most young people said that they were the most likely to experience physical violence as had a specifi c group of friends that they spent a lot of a victim and a perpetrator. Experience of violence was time with, although Muslims in France and Spain were least common in Spain, both for victims and off enders; less likely to be part of a group than non-Muslims. One although here, the non-Muslims were as likely to be in fi ve respondents described their group of friends as a victims of violence and more likely to be perpetrators ‘gang’, with French respondents around twice as likely to than the Muslim youths. In the United Kingdom, non- do so those in Spain or the United Kingdom. Many young Muslims were more likely than Muslims to experience people participated in conventional leisure activities with emotional violence, but there was no diff erence in friends, with few young people saying they did illegal

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8. Conclusions things together. However, those who said their peer causes of such experiences. There is not a directly group was a gang were more likely to say that their group symmetrical relationship between attitudes that considered it acceptable to do illegal things and that they are supportive of violence and actual experience of actually engaged in illegal acts, compared to those who violence, particularly among young Muslims who did not consider their group a gang. Interestingly, being display a greater degree of verbal support than actual part of a gang was more common for Muslims than non- engagement in violence. However, there is some Muslims; however, Muslims who did consider themselves evidence to suggest that addressing attitudes that are to be in a gang were less likely to be supportive of or to supportive of violence would go some way towards participate in illegal activities in the group than non- tackling involvement in both emotional and physical Muslims who called their group a gang. violence, particularly if this were adopted as part of a wider package of measures. One of the main aims of this study was to understand the relationship between experiences of discrimination Despite the fact that there were many similarities in the and social marginalisation and attitudes towards and fi ndings between Member States, it is also important to involvement in violence, taking into account some of realise that the three countries included in this research the other key characteristics of young people’s lives. had considerable diff erences in terms of young people’s This study found consistent evidence that both violent experiences. It was recognised in the introductory chapter attitudes and behaviours were strongly predicted in all to this report that the three samples varied somewhat three Member States by being male and being part of a due to their cultural and historical development, delinquent peer group that was disposed to engaging including the immigration histories, of each country, and in illegal activities, whether or not that peer group was that this was likely to have some impact on the fi ndings. described as a gang. In addition, there was evidence in While this research cannot be said to be representative of all three Member States that young people who had all European Member States, as only three were included experienced social marginalisation and discrimination in the sample, the fi ndings indicate that a uniform were highly likely to support the use of violence and, cross-European policy approach to addressing issues of more especially, to engage in emotional and physical discrimination, marginalisation and violence have to be violence themselves. Involvement in emotional violence adjusted to the local situation in order to be eff ective in was increased among those who had said that they tackling violence as diff erent factors appeared to explain had experienced violence because of their cultural or attitudes and behaviours within the three Member States. religious backgrounds; however, this was not restricted For this reason, policy makers need to be attuned to the to Muslim youths. The fi ndings indicated that young cultural diff erences and issues of intolerance aff ecting Muslims were more supportive than non-Muslims in young people’s lives in each Member State in order to their attitudes towards using violence in France and, to properly understand the underlying reasons for youth a lesser extent, Spain; however, there was no indication violence. Further research to understand these diff erences that Muslim youths in any Member State were more likely in other European Member States would be advisable than non-Muslims to be emotionally or physically violent before specifi c policies were developed. towards others, once other aspects of discrimination and social marginalisation had been taken into account. Importantly, this study has shown that discrimination Nevertheless, the use of physical violence was associated and marginalisation are not restricted to Muslim youths with having stronger positive attitudes towards using and that, crucially, religious affi liation is less important violence at an individual level in all three Member States; in determining young people’s involvement in violent although, supportive attitudes for global violence was behaviour than their peer group characteristics and moderately signifi cant in explaining physical violence their broader attitudes and experiences. However, the only among French respondents. reasons underlying young Muslim’s experiences of discrimination, marginalisation and violence may be This study shows a high degree of overlap between diff erent to those of non-Muslims and this needs to be Member States in terms of the factors that might addressed in any policy response. contribute towards explaining attitudes in support of violence and actual engagement in violent behaviour The scope of this report builds on several previous among young people. The results indicate that to studies of the Agency. A further development in this be eff ective, policies may need to be targeted at area is the linkage with the indicators on the rights young people who cause problems within their own of the child, elaborated by the FRA. Future research communities, particularly in the form of youth groups by the Agency will draw on the methodology and that are predominantly male. However, in order to fi ndings of this report, where applicable, to advance the have the most widespread impact on violent attitudes development of indicators by the Agency in the fi eld and behaviours such policies must also address the of fundamental rights – including areas such as social experiences of discrimination and social marginalisation marginalisation and violence as they relate to non- among young people and seek to understand the discrimination and integration.

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Jobard, F., Nevanen S. (2007) ‘La couleur du jugement. Laurence, J., Vaïsse, J. (2005) Integrating Islam: Political And Discriminations dans les décisions judiciaires en matière Religious Challenges in Contemporary France, Washington, d’infractions à agents de la force publique’ in: Revue DC: Brookings Institution Press. française de sociologie, No. 48, Vol. 2. Laurence, J., Vaïsse, J. (2007) Intégrer l’islam. La France et ses Junger-Tas, J., Terlouw, G. J., Klein, M. W. (1994) Delinquent musulmans, enjeux et réussites, Paris: Editions Odile Jacob. behaviour among young people in the western world, Amsterdam/New York: Kugler. Le Goaziou, V., Mucchielli, L. (eds.) (2006) Quand les banlieues brûlent... Retour sur les émeutes de novembre 2005, Junger-Tas, J., Terlouw, G-J., Klein, M. W. (1998) Delinquent Paris: La Découverte. behavior among young people in the Western World: First results of the International Self-Report Delinquency Study, Levau, R. (ed. ), Mohsen-Finan, K., Wihtol de Wenden, Amsterdam: Kugler Publications. C. (2001) L’islam en France et en Allemagne. Identités et citoyennetés, Paris: La documentation française. Kakpo, N. (2007) L’islam, un recours pour les jeunes, Paris: Presses de Sciences-Po. Lorcerie, F. (2000) La lutte contre les discriminations ou l’intégration requaliﬁ ée, VEI Enjeux, No. 121. Kepel, G. (1987) Les banlieues de l’islam, Paris: Seuil. Lorcerie, F. (2005) ‘Quand l’islam revendique la laïcité’ in Kepel, G. (2000) Jihad: expansion et déclin de l’islamisme, dossier Education et religion, Ville Ecole Intégration – Diversité. Paris: Gallimard. Lorcerie, F. (2007) ‘Le primordialisme français, ses voies, Kepel, G. (2004) Fitna: Guerre au cœur de l’islam, Paris: ses ﬁ èvres’ in Smouts M. C. (ed) La Situation postcoloniale, Flammarion. Paris: Presses de Science-Po.

Khedimallah, M. (2001) ‘Jeunes prédicateurs de Lorcerie, F. (ed.). (2003) L’École et le déﬁ ethnique. Immigration mouvement Tabligh. La dignité identitaire retrouvée par et intégration, Paris: ESF et INRP (2ème et 3ème parties). le puritanisme religieux’ in: Socio-Anthropologie, No. 10, available online at : socio-anthropologie.revues.org/. Lorcerie, F. (ed). (2005) La Politisation du voile – en France, en Europe et dans le monde arabe, Paris: L’Harmattan. Khosrokhavar, F. (1997) L’islam des jeunes, Paris: Flammarion. Lorcerie, F., Rømhild Benkaaba, K., Tietze, N. (2007) Khosrokhavar, F. (2002) Les nouveaux martyrs d’Allah, Paris: ‘Politisation autour de l’islam et légitimation des ordres Flammarion. politiques nationaux en Europe. Une comparaison France, Danemark, Allemagne’ in: Foret F. (ed.) L’Espace public Khosrokhavar, F. (2006) Quand Al Qaeda parle – européen à l’épreuve du religieux, Bruxelles: Éditions de Témoignages derrière les barreaux, Paris: Grasset. l’Université de Bruxelles.

Kimberlee, R. (2002) ‘Why Don’t Young People Vote at Lorcerie, F. (1996) ‘Laïcité 1996. La République à l’école de General Elections?’ in: Journal of Youth Studies, No. 5, Vol. 1. l’immigration?’ in: Revue Française de Pédagogie, No. 117.

King’s College London (undated) Recruitment and Masood, E. (2006) British Muslims: Media Guide, British Mobilisation for the Islamist Militant Movement in Europe, Council, available online at: www.counterpoint-online.org/ London: King’s College London, available online at: download/305/British-Muslims-Book-mailing.pdf. ec.europa.eu/justice_home/fsj/terrorism/prevention/docs/ ec_radicalisation_study_on_mobilisation_tactics_en.pdf. Modood, T. (1992) Not Easy Being British: Colour, Culture and Citizenship, Runnymede Trust and Trentham Books. Lagrange H., Oberti M. (eds.) (2006) Émeutes urbaines et protestations. Une singularité française, Paris: Presses de McPherson, W. (Lord) (1999) The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Sciences-Po. (Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny), presented to Parliament by the Home Secretary. Lamont, M. (2002) The Dignity of Working Men: Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class, and Immigration, Cambridge, Modood, T. and Shiner, M. (2002) ‘Help or hindrance? MA: Harvard University Press. Higher education on the route to ethnic equality’ in British Journal of Sociology of Education, No. 23, Vol. 2, available online at: heerd.open.ac.uk/733. 82 Final version - 27 Oct 2010 launch

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Tribalat, M. (1995) Faire France, Paris: La Découverte. Zapata-Barrero, R. (2006) ‘The Muslim community and Spanish tradition: Maurophobia as a fact and impartiality Tribalat, M. (1996) De l’immigration à l’assimilation, Enquête as a desideratum’ in: Modood T., Triandafyllidou A., Zapata sur les populations d’origine étrangères en France. Paris: La R. (eds.) Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: a découverte/INED. European approach, London: Routlegde.

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APPENDIX I: Technical details of study design and sample

Sampling strategies Neighbourhoods with high rates of minority ethnic groups from Muslim countries were identifi ed and then France schools located in these areas. Originally, it was intended to survey around 4 schools in each location. However, In France, there are strict legislative restrictions on the this fi gure had to be revised because the proportion of collection of data (either through the offi cial census children from Muslim backgrounds attending schools was or through research studies) on the ethnicity and severely limited. This was partly due to the small numbers religion of individuals residing in the country. Therefore, of Muslim households with school children of the relevant it was not possible to base the sampling strategy on ages living in the communities, but also due to legislation offi cial data about Muslim populations within specifi c introduced by the Spanish government to limit the intake geographic locations. Instead, local knowledge based on of minority ethnic youths in Spanish schools to 20%. As a previous research was used to select areas with higher consequence, a much larger number of schools had to be concentrations of minority ethnic residents. Bordeaux was sampled (21 in total) and fi eldwork was widened out to selected because it contains several neighbourhoods with include other organizations, such as centres for immigrant a particularly high concentration of Muslim households. children, mosques and Arab language schools. Within Bordeaux, two specifi c areas were selected: one of which was a socially deprived neighbourhood with high The United Kingdom concentration of ethnic minorities; the other was a satellite city with a vocational school where there were known The United Kingdom Census questionnaire includes a to have been problems with racism during the previous question on individual religion; however, for reasons of academic year. The suburbs of Paris were chosen partly confi dentiality, this information is not routinely published because of the high level of interest in the high profi le and was not available to the research team. Therefore, clashes between minority ethnic groups and the police in information on ‘ethnic group’ was used as a proxy recent years; however, the authorities have also become measure for religious affi liation. The ethnic group of the concerned there by the growing recruitment of young Head of the Household (or household reference person) people into traditional fundamentalist Muslim groups. is routinely published at administrative Ward level. Using One particular area was selected because if its reputation the 2001 Census, the administrative Wards with the for having social and educational challenges and a high highest concentrations of households with dependent concentration of minority ethnic youths. The vocational children that had a Head of Household belonging to and upper secondary schools were selected on the basis Pakistani or South Asian origin were identifi ed. Having of the social and ethnic composition of their intake. identifi ed the most important Wards, the next stage was to identify the school catchment areas overlapping these Spain Census Wards in order to sample from schools within these areas. The aim was to sample a total of around eight In Spain, it was not possible to construct a sampling schools and four colleges from in and around these areas, design that was based on known concentrations of selecting those schools and colleges that were known to Muslim households because census data and offi cial have a good mix of both Muslim and non-Muslim young statistics in Spain do not contain this information, people attending. either for individuals or collectively for administrative areas (Spanish Home Offi ce 2006).35 The only available It was not possible simply to select those schools from information relates to the nationality of foreign residents. within the identifi ed wards, as these did not always refl ect Demographic information on foreign residents in Madrid the population density of the local area. This was due and Granada was drawn from three sources: a Granada to issues of parental choice, school admission policies Council study of ethnic minorities’ perceptions; from and the proximity of schools within and across wards. In offi cial immigrant advisors in Granada and Madrid; and many areas of the United Kingdom, pupils do not attend from TEIM at the Autonomous University of Madrid36. their closest school but travel to other neighbouring areas for their education. In the selected location in London, this had led to signifi cant problems of school 35 The same sampling problem was encountered in a research study looking segregation, making it very diffi cult to fi nd schools with at public opinion of Muslim populations carried out by Metroscopia for the Spanish Home Offi ce in 2006. an ‘even’ balance of Muslim and non-Muslim youths. In 36 TEIM is a research group about social development and intervention Glasgow and Edinburgh, there were also some issues in the Mediterranean land, and specifi cally about Arabic issues. It is an with parental choice (i. e. parents deciding to send their organization dependent on the Department of Arabic and Islamic studies children to non-catchment schools). However, because of the Autonomous University of Madrid.

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the concentration of Muslim households is not nearly so to the whole population of the individual Member States, great in Scottish cities, a bigger problem for sampling was far less other Member States. However, it is hoped that the fi nding schools with a high enough density of Muslim fi ndings are refl ective of the experiences, attitudes and pupils. For this reason, advice was sought from the local behaviours of young people from Muslim and non-Muslim education authorities in both England and Scotland as to backgrounds living in areas of high ethnic diversity. During the most appropriate schools to sample (the aim being the course of the study, the research team faced some purposive rather than random sampling). fairly diffi cult challenges which may have impacted in some ways on the fi ndings presented in this report. The Within each school, one class from each year group that main challenges are summarised below: covered the ages 12 to 18 was randomly sampled. In Scotland, this was fi rst to sixth year of secondary school; In each of the three Member States, schools were whereas, in England this was years seven to twelve. In sometimes reluctant to participate in the research because order to ensure a large enough sample of 18 year olds of the high demand for such research and the great (who were severely under-represented in the school burden placed on school staff and pupils by researchers. samples) 2 colleges in Scotland and 2 sixth form colleges in England were visited and young people meeting the The access and ethical requirements for this study are criteria in terms of age, sex and religious background outlined above; however, it is worth restating here were randomly selected to participate. the importance to schools, parents and students of guaranteeing anonymity and confi dentiality as this was raised many times during this survey. Questionnaire administration One hour was requested to administer our survey, Questionnaire administration started with a although it was not always possible to provide this amount comprehensive introduction to the survey. The young of time. Therefore, there were problems with getting some people were informed about the nature, aims, background young people to fully complete the questionnaire. and confi dentiality of the study, and some time was spent explaining how to complete the questionnaire (e. g. The concentration of Muslim youths within Member reading instructions, following routing, etc). Participants States is variable and it is often hard to pinpoint were reassured that they would be completely households with young people of the relevant ages, anonymous, but given the opportunity to withdraw if so fi nding schools with a high enough number of they wished, even though their parents had consented. respondents was problematic. Educational policies that Thereafter, the survey was administered and the young limit numbers of minority ethnic pupils (for example, in people completed the questionnaires in exam type Spain) compound this problem. conditions. The average length of time for completion varied depending on the age, educational level and fi rst The fi eldwork for this study coincided with two periods of language of the respondents, but response time ranged the Muslim holiday Eid, so it was necessary to make return from 15 to 55 minutes. Researchers were available at all visits to schools or colleges to ensure a high enough times to answer questions or assist respondents and, for sample of Muslim youths was achieved. those who had more diffi culty completing the survey, one to one assistance was off ered. Once questionnaires were completed, they were checked briefl y (to ensure Achieved samples and data weighting the minimum possible amount of missing data) and then gathered in by the researchers. Young people who The requirement of this study was to achieve a completed the survey were given additional, fun tasks minimum sample of 1000 young people, with equal to complete during the course of fi eldwork in order not numbers of males and females, aged between 12 to disturb or distract those who were still fi lling in their and 18, from Muslim and non-Muslim backgrounds. questionnaire. Immediately following fi eldwork, the Despite all the challenges faced by the research team, questionnaires were coded for identifi cation purposes (i.e. the minimum achieved number of 1000 respondents given unique reference numbers and codes for location, was met in all three Member States. Table I.2. 1, below, school/college type and year group) and then the data presents a summary of the number of schools and were input into computer software for analysis. other institutions that were visited for this study, and the number of young people that were surveyed during fi eldwork. In France eight schools were visited, including Challenges of fi eldwork 2 vocational schools. The United Kingdom research also involved eight schools, but fi eldwork in four colleges The research team faced a number of challenges in was necessary to boost the number of 18 year olds. In conducting this research. The nature of the research design Spain, signifi cant over-sampling was required in order to is such that the fi ndings cannot be said to be generalisable achieve a large enough number of Muslim respondents.

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APPENDIX I: Technical details of study design and sample

Around three quarters of the fi eldwork was conducted in from any other religious or non-religious background form schools, with the remaining work taking place in various the non-Muslim sample. Despite over-sampling, it was centres, mosques and community groups in order to not possible to achieve a high enough number of Muslim boost the number of Muslim respondents. respondents to form 50% of the sample in any one member state. The highest was 40% in Spain, with slightly less (36%) A minimum of 1000 respondents was surveyed in each in France and the United Kingdom. Since a principal aim member state, as shown in Table I.1. However, these of this study was to compare Muslim respondents against fi gures had to be adjusted for two main reasons. Firstly, those who did not follow Islam, the subsequent analysis in the over-sampling carried out in Spain and the United this report is broken down only by these two categories. Kingdom caused signifi cant imbalance in the achieved However, it is important to note that the composition of sample sizes. In order to ensure that each of the Member the non-Muslim respondents in each of the three Member States had approximately 1000 cases for analysis, it was States is somewhat diff erent. For example, the proportion decided to exclude some respondents from non-Muslim of Roman Catholic respondents in Spain (39%) and France backgrounds from the Spanish and United Kingdom (24%) is signifi cantly higher than it is in the United Kingdom samples by randomly selecting a proportion of cases. (5%). In addition, the proportion of those young people This resulted in an adjusted sample of 1010 for Spain and who declared that they did not belong to any religion was 1029 for the United Kingdom. Second, in order to meet high in both the United Kingdom (34%) and France (28%) the objectives of the research, it was also necessary to compared to Spain (16%). These diff erences, while refl ective ensure that the samples were equally distributed with of the populations within the schools and colleges we regards to religious profi le, sex and age. Unfortunately, sampled, may have some impact on the comparability of 52 cases from the French sample had to be excluded results across the Member States. from analysis as there was no information about their cultural background. In addition, two French cases and Sex and age profi le one Spanish case had to be excluded because there was no information about the sex of the respondent. The fi nal Ideally, each of the samples should have had 50% males adjusted sample sizes were 952 for France, 1009 for Spain and 50% females. However, Table I.3 shows that the and 1029 for the United Kingdom. French and Spanish samples contained more female students (54%) than males; whereas the United Kingdom Religious profi le sample included fewer females (44%) than males. This was merely a refl ection of the school age populations in Table I.2 shows the religious profi le of the adjusted samples the sampled areas, and does not indicate any particular in each member state. Those who reported that their sampling bias. However, it was important to address this religion was ‘Islam’ form the Muslim sample, while those imbalance for the purposes of comparison.

Table A1: Achieved and adjusted samples in each Member State

France Spain United Kingdom Number of schools surveyed 8 21 8 Number of students surveyed in schools 1006 1072 1007 Number of colleges or other institutions surveyed 0 5 4 Number of students surveyed in colleges or other institutions 0 213 219 Total number of respondents surveyed 1006 1285 1226 Adjusted sample size 952 1009 1029 Note: Samples adjusted to balance sample sizes, and exclude cases with no information on age, sex or religious aﬃ liation.

Table A2: Religious aﬃ liation of the achieved samples in each Member State (unweighted) France Spain United Kingdom N N N % % % (952) (1009) (1029) Islam 345 36 406 40 375 36 Roman Catholic 233 25 389 39 48 5 Protestant 30 3 6 1 73 7 Other Christian 64 7 20 2 123 12 Buddhism 10 1 1 * 8 1 Jewish 2 * 0 0 2 * Sikh 3 * 0 0 13 1 Hindu 2 * 0 0 12 1 Other religion 1 * 22 2 24 2 Do not belong to a religion 262 28 165 16 351 34 Notes: N and percentages shown here are based on unweighted data. Percentage columns may not total 100% due to rounding; * denotes less than 0.5%.

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Table A3: Sex of the achieved samples in each Member State (unweighted) France Spain United Kingdom N N N % % % (952) (1009) (1029) Male 443 47 466 46 580 56 Female 509 54 543 54 449 44 Notes: N and percentages shown here are based on unweighted data. Percentage columns may not total 100% due to rounding.

The age profi les for the three Member States are also representation of the older age groups. Whereas, the somewhat diff erent, as shown in Table I.4, largely due to United Kingdom sample signifi cantly over-represents diff erences in the school systems which prevented equal the very youngest respondents (aged 12 or under), numbers of each age bracket being sampled, particularly because these some of the schools sampled were only in France and the United Kingdom. The earliest school able to make available students in the lowest years. grades sampled contained some pupils aged 11; while, Overall, the average age of the respondents was very in the highest grades (in France) and in colleges (in the similar in the United Kingdom (14.5 years) and Spanish United Kingdom) some of the students were aged over samples (14.7 years); however, the French sample was 18. However, the majority of respondents (84% in France, signifi cantly older at 15.7 years on average. 92% in the United Kingdom and 100% in Spain) fell within the 12-18 year age range. Thus, the samples include some Data weighting youths up to age 12 at the lower end and some youths over 18 at the upper end. The research design required a selected sample of 1000 respondents, with equal numbers of males and Ideally, each year of age should have been represented females from age 12 to 18, from Muslim and non-Muslim by approximately 14% of the sample within each backgrounds. The analysis described above shows that Member State. Table I.4, however, shows that there there were some diff erences in sample size (even after is some degree of bias in the achieved samples, achieved samples had been adjusted) and there was with the older respondents (aged 18 or over) being some bias in terms of age, sex and religious background signifi cantly over-represented in the French sample in all three Member States. Since the analysis presented in and under-represented in the United Kingdom and this report is intended to refl ect the diff erences between Spanish samples. This over-representation in France the three Member States according to the selected was caused by a larger proportion of students being samples, the data have been weighted to refl ect equal achieved in the vocational schools, which had an sample sizes (of 1000) and an equal balance across sex older age range; whereas, the under-representation in and age groups. In order to prevent creating weights that Spain and the United Kingdom was due to diffi culties are too large, the samples have been weighted to refl ect in accessing young people who were either involved 40% Muslim and 60% non-Muslim respondents in each in fi nal examinations at the time of the survey or who member state. Since most of the analysis presented in had already left secondary education. The French this report provides a comparison of respondents within sample also under-represents those respondents Muslim or non-Muslim groups, this does not present a aged 15 or less, largely as a consequence of the over- problem for comparison.

Table A4: Age of the achieved samples in each Member State (unweighted) France Spain United Kingdom N N N % % % (952) (1009) (1029) Up to 12 91 10 142 14 240 23 13 105 11 178 18 137 13 14 95 10 151 15 163 16 15 87 9 185 18 137 13 16 136 14 170 17 148 14 17 176 19 143 14 109 11 18 or over 262 28 40 4 95 9 Notes: N and percentages shown here are based on unweighted data. Percentage columns may not total 100% due to rounding.

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom)

37  Male  Female  I was born in England  I was born in another country (please write in which country) know where  I was born but I don’t in another country, know  I don’t what languages) (please say Yes  Q1.6  No – Go to only box  I speak English all or most of the time  I speak English and another language about the same amount  I speak another language all or most of the time 1. About you and where you live you and where you 1. About in. live you where section and the place This asks some questions about you 1.1 age write in your Please you? How old are old. I am ______years 1.2 only Tick ONE box male or female? you Are 37 of the questionnaire readability facilitate to been removed have boxes Tick 1.3 In which country only born? you Tick ONE box were only languages other than English at home? Tick ONE box speak any Do you 1.4 describesspeak at home? Tick ONE the languages you Which of the following 1.5 erent erent erent APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom) APPENDIX II: Questionnaire nd out about experiences of racism and discrimination fi aims to This questionnaire about 3000 The study will involve today. people living in Europe faced by young Scotland and Spain. France, England, people from young friends your and school, know life, in getting to about your more interested are We and about diff and attitudes, beliefs your time, free do in your what you family, them as best just answer much about answering the questions, think too Don’t can. you nd out about experiences of racism and discrimination fi aims to This questionnaire about 3000 The study will involve today. people living in Europe faced by young Scotland and Spain. France, England, people from young friends your and school, know life, in getting to about your more interested are We and about diff and attitudes, beliefs your time, free do in your what you family, them as best much about answering the questions; just answer think too Don’t can. you problems you might have faced. faced. might have you problems are but you personal experienceopinions, about your and The questions are which means that you is anonymous, The questionnaire them or not. answer to free will not see and teachers parents name on it and your write your to do not have answers. your with everybody together will be grouped this questionnaire to give you The answers the University of Edinburgh. from and analysed by researchers answers else’s understand please ask the assistants who have don’t questions you any If are there help you. school to your come to faced. might have you problems are but you personal experienceopinions, about your and The questions are which means that you is anonymous, The questionnaire them or not. answer to free will not see and teachers parents name on it and your write your to do not have answers. your with everybody together will be grouped this questionnaire to give you The answers the University of Edinburgh. from and analysed by researchers answers else’s understand please ask the assistants who have don’t questions you any If are there help you. school to your come to

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States Tick ALL that apply. Just Tick ALL that apply. Father’s girlfriend/partner  Father’s boyfriend/partner Mother’s Stepmother  Stepmother  Stepfather  How many?  How many?  How many?  How many? (Please say who) say (Please tell us about the people who live in the house where you live most often live you in the house where tell us about the people who live I live alone  I live just stay with for holidays include people you Don’t who) (please say  Yes  No with her now live don’t even if you birth only . That means your Tick ONE box mother,  She was born in England  She was born in another country what country) (please say know where  She was born but I don’t in another country, know  I don’t with him now live don’t even if you birth only . That means your Tick ONE box father,  He was born in England  He was born in another country what country) (please say know where  He was born but I don’t in another country, know  I don’t Stepbrother  Stepbrother  Sister  Stepsister friends etc) other relatives, grandparents, parents, Somebody else (foster   Birth mother  Birth father  Brother 2. Your family 2. Your with. live section family and other people you This asks about your with most of the time? live Which of these people do you 2.1. with other people? sometimes live Do you 2.2 In what country mother born? was your 2.3 In what country father born? was your 2.4

y gangs in my y gangs in my e man neighbourhood There ar  There There are some problems in my in my some problems are There neighbourhood In in the neighbourhood live you In other places My neighbourhood is nice Safety is a problem in my neighbourhood in my is a problem Safety My neighbourhood is very quiet People in my neighbourhood are willing neighbourhood are in my People help each other to People in my neighbourhood generally in my People get along with each other People in my neighbourhood can be in my People trusted                                   Agree Neither agree Disagree agree Neither Agree Tick ALL that apply  No or adult carer parents my Yes,  brother/sister my Yes,  a teacher Yes,  a boyfriend/girlfriend Yes,  a friend Yes,  leader a religious Yes,  someone else (please say who below) Yes,  answers: each line . Respondents could choose between the following Respondents could choose between the following answers: Respondents could choose between the following line.

1.6 Do you have anyone with whom you can discuss personal matters? can discuss personal matters? with whom you anyone have Do you 1.6 on time? Tick ONE box free in your the streets hang around How often do you 1.7 Most days Some days Rarely

Tick ONE box on each describe in? Tick ONE box you the neighbourhood live How would you 1.8 disagree nor

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom) . Tick ONE you Are erent. erent language erent (please say what) My religion  My religion  I speak a diﬀ  My gender  Other reason Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box  Scottish  Welsh  Pakistani  Indian  Something else box for each cultural background you belong to, and write in which one e.g. English and write in which one e.g. belong to, you background for each cultural box Respondents could choose between the following answers: very answers: quite Respondents could choose between the following strongly/ / not at all strongly strongly language they speak, the colour of their skin being diﬀ or just for ever picked on for any reason? reason? any pickedever on for Yes (go to Q3.4) (go to  Yes Q3.5)  No (go to  My skin colour  My cultural background  I am disabled  My age  English  Irish  British  Chinese  African as ______I identify myself as ______I identify myself as ______I identify myself the from, they are or bullied because of where on’ ‘picked Sometimes people are 3.3 3.4 picked are on? Tick ALL that apply think you do you Why 3. Your identity 3. Your background cultural means your – that section identity This is about your describe yourself. would you and how 3.1 Tick up to THREE only describecultural background? you your How would cultural background(s)? with your identify yourself do you How strongly 3.2 Tick on weekdays on weekdays Friday)? (Monday to at weekends and Sunday)? (Saturday What you do or where you go in your spare time spare go in your you do or where What you Your friendshang out with or the people you Your in clothes or music taste Your or cultural beliefs religious parents’ Your political beliefs parents’ Your homework or school work Your . Respondents could choose between the following answers: . Respondents could choose between the following                             your parents (e.g. talking, eating, playing sports, playing or going out)? talking, worshipping eating, (e.g. parents your answers: on each line . Respondents could choose between the following ONE box Tick ONE box on each line Tick ONE box please answer about your step-father or mother’s partner step-father about your or mother’s please answer he has a job  Yes, a job just now he does not have  No, work to unwell or too he is retired  No, he looks after the family  No, partner step-father or mother’s father, with my live  I don’t partner step-mother about your please answer or father’s she has a job  Yes, a job just now she does not have  No, work to unwell or too she is retired  No, she looks after the family  No, partner step-mother or father’s mother, with my live  I don’t Tick ONE box only. If you don’t live with your father, father, with your live If don’t you only. a job? Tick ONE box father have Does your 2.5 mother, with your live If don’t you only. a job? Tick ONE box mother have Does your 2.6 doing things with usually spend each day time do you free How much of your 2.7 None Up to Up to 1 hour 2 hours Up to things? about the following parents 4 hours with your argue How much do you 2.8 than More 4 hours a lot Argue a bit Argue argue Never

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States English Scottish Irish Welsh Tick ONE box only . Tick ONE box erent language from you? from language erent  16-18 Friends who are a diff you? from religion erent a diff who are Friends cultural background erent a diff who have Friends you? from skin erent you? colour from a diff who have Friends who speak a diff Friends         12-15  26 or older          All or most of them  Some of them  None of them line . Respondents could choose between on EACH Tick ONE box you? to erent diff answers: the following of friends like that? a group have about. Do you or just hanging things together only Tick ONE box Q4.7) (go to  Yes Section No (go to 5) Tick ALL that apply  Under 12  19-25 Respondents could choose between the on each line. Tick ONE box belong to? answers: following friends having who are of you approve would parents think your Do you 4.5 Yes No know I don’t a certain of friendsSome people have that they spend time with, doing group 4.6 best describesgroup? the ages of people in your Which of the following 4.7 group do the people in your cultural backgrounds Which of the following 4.8 All of them Most of them   Some of them  None                   4.4 know friendsparents of your do well? How many erent religion religion erent erent cultural erent Friends at school Friends in the you from erent Friends in your neighbourhood in your Friends They belong to a diff They belong to from you? from They have a diff They have you? from background They have a diff skinerent colour a diff They have you? from They speak other languages? Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box                           in this country? only Tick ONE box t in fi to do more non-English people need to  Yes, t in fi do enough to non-English people already  No,  I do not know answers: choose between the following . Respondents could choose between on each line Tick ONE box ways? following answers: the following  All or mostly boys  About equal  All or mostly girls 3.5 Do you think people who are not English need to do more to fi the culture t into fi to do more not English need to think people who are Do you 3.5 friends 4. Your like. are they section friends and what This asks about your on each line . Respondents could Tick ONE box friendshave? do you How many 4.1 None  5 1 to 10 6 to 20 11 to than 20 More All or most of them Some of them None of them  4.2 friends your all or mostly boys girls? Are diff friends of your are how many know, far as you As 4.3

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom) Just to hang out  Just to erent things erent roup has recognised leaders has recognised roup The g The group has a symbol or sign The group meetings has regular The group Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box group? your only Tick ONE box together? only Tick ONE box . Respondents could choose between the following answers: answers: on each line . Respondents could choose between the following Yes / No Yes   Boys and girls do diﬀ The group has special values or codes  The group join the group do special things to to have  You special clothes members wear  Group tattoos members have  Group   Yes (please say what issue)  Yes  No  Yes  No  Yes  No  Yes  No Another reason (please say what) (please say  Another reason For company  For meet members of the opposite  To

4.14 Does your group promote or support promote a particular issue? group Does your political or religious 4.14 by or OK for accepted the law) Is doing illegal things (things that break 4.15 actuallythe law) do illegal things (break group Do people in your 4.16 ‘gang’? of friends be a to special group consider your Do you 4.17 Tick ONE box characteristics describegroup? Which of the following your 4.13

Pakistani Chinese Indian African Something else (please say what)  Between 5 and 10 years  Between 11 and 20 years than 20 years  More To feel important feel  To keep out of trouble  To secrets share  To with illegal activities get away  To a territory have own of your  To get money or other things  To Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box Which of these were important reasons for you to join your group? group? join your to importantyou for Which of these were reasons Tick ALL that apply Tick ONE box only or the neighbourhood? Tick ONE box shopping areas  Yes  No  3 months or less than 3 months but less 1 year  More  Between 1 and 4 years (please say what)  Yes  No make friends  To the future for prepare  To protection  For like something I belong to feel  To participate activities in group  To respect parents get my  To was in the group or sister  Because a brother  Because another family member was in the group  Because a friend was in the group      

             like in public places, the park, spend a lot of time together Does the group street, 4.9         existed? 4.10 How long has this group  a name? have group 4.11 Does your joining groups. for people give that young is a list of reasons The following 4.12

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more  Once  4 times  Once  4 times  Once  4 times never’ to all 3 questions above, go to Q5.5 now. to all 3 questions above, never’ iends? ‘ Never Never   3 times  Never  3 times  Never  3 times group of fr group fun of you or teased you? you? or teased fun of you ou ticked ou ticked 5. Things that have happened to you have that Things 5. done to you have section other people may This is about things that September from means the school year only – that in the last year 2007 to September 2008. family members did to you. your tell us about things that Please don’t or left out by a been excluded you times have how many In the last year, 5.1 made names, times has someone called you how many In the last year, 5.2 hurt to times has someone threatened you? how many 5.3 In the last year, go to Q5.4 now. of these things happened to you, If one or more If y erent cultural background, religion, skin religion, cultural background, erent Being in my group makes me feel like makes I belong somewhere me feel group Being in my Tick ONE box only or picked Tick ONE box unfairly on by adults who work there? treated unfairly treated or pickedunfairly on by adults walking treated only Tick ONE box past you? Tick ONE box on each line. Respondents could on each line. Tick ONE box with these statements? disagree / nor disagree / Neither agree Agree answers: choose between the following Disagree     group enjoy being in my I really  is like me My a family to group       important makes me feel group Being in my    support provides My each other and loyalty group for   respected makes me feel group Being in my  like makes a useful person me feel group Being in my   Much of the time  Some of the time  Never  Much of the time  Some of the time  Never

feel how often do you of friends in shops, group with your are And when you 4.20

colour or language feel how often do you of friends in the street, group with your are When you 4.19 4.18 The next set of questions is about your group of friends. Do you agree or agree Do of friends. you The next group set of questions is about your 4.18 like people with a diﬀ doesn’t My group agree nor Agree Neither disagree agree disagree

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom)  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more Your cultural background Your gender Your religion Your skinThe colour of your speak The language you age Your a disability have You Some other reason what) say (Please  Once  4 times  Once  4 times  Once  4 times never’ to all 3 questions above, go to Q6.5 now. to all 3 questions above, never’ ‘ iends? Never Never                      3 times  Never  3 times  Never  3 times them or teased them? them or teased ou ticked ou ticked stolen by force. Do you think these things happened for the following reasons? reasons? the following think these things happened for Do you by force. stolen on each line . Respondents could choose between the following Tick ONE box none of the time some of the time / No, Yes, all or most of the time / Yes, answers: group of fr group 5.8 Please think carefully about all the times you were hurt were about all the times you on purpose or had things think carefully Please 5.8 all or most Yes, some Yes, of the time none No, of the time of the time done have might you Things 6. done to other people in the have might section you This is about things that September 2007 to September – from 2008. last school year family members. did to your you tell us about things that Please don’t your from or left out anyone excluded you times have how many In the last year, 6.1 made fun of called someone names, you times have how many In the last year, 6.2 hurt to threatened someone? you times have how many In the last year, 6.3 go to Q6.4 now. of these things happened to you, If one or more If y  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more Your cultural background Your gender Your religion Your skinThe colour of your speak The language you age Your a disability have You Some other reason what) say (Please ou? t include things your family members did to you. t include things your ’  Once  4 times  Once  4 times  Once  4 times ing or punching y never’ to all 3 questions above, go to Q6.1 now. to all 3 questions above, never’ ear, and don ear,                    Never  Never  3 times  Never  3 times  Never  3 times threatened. Do you think these things happened for the following reasons? Tick reasons? the following think these things happened for Do you threatened. answers: on each line . Respondents could choose between the following ONE box none of the time some of the time/ No, Yes, all or most of the time / Yes, hitting, kickhitting, using a weapon? you? something from steal to ou ticked ‘ ou ticked

5.4 Please think carefully about all the times you were made fun of, excluded or excluded made fun of, were about all the times you think carefully Please 5.4 all or most Yes, some Yes, of the time none No, of the time of the time in the other people did to you Remember – only tell us about things that last school y been hurt you times have on purpose how many by someone In the last year, 5.5 been hurt you times have on purpose how many by someone In the last year, 5.6 or try steal to or threats times has someone used force how many In the last year, 5.7 go to Q5.8 now. of these things happened to you, If one or more If y

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States  Other Christian  Islam  Something Your cultural background Your gender Your religion Your skinThe colour of your speak The language you age Your a disability have You Some other reason what) say (Please Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box At least one day per week per week  At least one day  Never strong  Quite Beliefs no religious  I have Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box Protestant  Protestant  Jewish  Hindu ou do these things for the following reasons? Tick ONE reasons? the following ou do these things for . Did y                     Buddhism  Sikh religion any belong to  I don’t per week days or more  Four than once a week  Less what) else (please say  Very strong  Not very strong  Roman Catholic . Respondents could choose between the following answers: Yes, Yes, answers: on each line . Respondents could choose between the following box none of the time some of the time / No, Yes, all or most of the time / things using force 7.2 a place of worship? attend How often do you 7.3 beliefs? religious your are How strong all or most Yes, some Yes, of the time none No, of the time of the time 7. Religious beliefs beliefs. section and your This includes questions on religion 7.1 only Tick ONE box belong to? do you What religion

6.8 Please think carefully about all times you hurt about all times you think carefully Please someone on purpose or stole 6.8  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more  2 times  5 times or more Your cultural background Your gender Your religion Your skinThe colour of your speak The language you age Your a disability have You Some other reason what) say (Please our family members. our family members. ou did to y  Once  4 times  Once  4 times  Once  4 times never’ to all 3 questions above, go to Q7.1 now. to all 3 questions above, never’ ‘ er ’t include things y ’t Nev                      3 times  Never  3 times  Never  3 times kicking or punching them? Tick ONE box on Tick ONE box reasons? the following do these things for Did you someone. all or Yes, answers: each line . Respondents could choose between the following none of the time some of the time / No, Yes, most of the time / steal something from someone? something from steal ou ticked ou ticked 6.5 In the last year, how many times have you hurt you times have someone on purpose how many by hitting, In the last year, 6.5 6.4 Please think carefully about all times you made fun of, excluded or threatened or threatened excluded made fun of, about all times you think carefully Please 6.4 all or most Yes, some Yes, of the time none No, of the time of the time did in the last school year, you Remember – only tell us about things that and don hurt you 6.6 times have someone by using a weapon? how many In the last year, or try steal to or threats to used force you times have how many In the last year, 6.7 go to Q6.8 now. of these things happened to you, If one or more If y

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom) cers Your local councillors Your To worship or have religion or have worship  To and secure safe feel  To peace in the world have  To help others  To hurt being physically themselves stop To hurt someone else being physically stop To them Because someone has insulted fun Just for their religion Because someone has insulted their country protect To  oﬃ leaders Police or church Religious . Respondents could choose between the following answers: . Respondents could choose between the following          Politicians Queen  Courts and judges   The Minister The Prime   Union The European Nations The United   parents friends  Your  Your  Tick THREE boxes only Tick THREE boxes life? . Respondents could choose between the following on each line . Respondents could choose between the following Tick ONE box a bit / Do not trust Trust a lot / Trust answers: one box on each line one box never some of the time / No, Yes, all of the time / Yes,             

8.3 Choose THREE things from the following list that you think are most important think are list that you in the following THREE things from Choose 8.3 fun have  To a lot of money have  To friends real have  To friendly be environmentally  To be famous  To situations? Tick use violence in the following someone to think it is OK for Do you 8.4 all Yes, or most of of the time some Yes, of the time the time none No, people or institutions? can trust the following you feel How much do you 8.5 a lot Trust a bit Trust Do not trust  Neither happy nor unhappy A religious leader/organisation  A religious me about religion  Nobody teaches Quite happy  Quite  Very unhappy me for hard I don’t know I don’t Teachers at school  Teachers family  My  My friends  Very happy I learn it myself from books, books, from  I learn it myself only box the truth that tells is only one religion  There religions in many can be found  Truth the truth tells  No religion unhappy  Quite . Respondents could choose between the following answers: Agree / Neither Agree answers: line . Respondents could choose between the following Disagree nor disagree/ agree Attitudes and opinions Attitudes      lies about me on purpose I know spread that people have like what success I have take Some people would to away        of people try Lots push me around to   no good reason against me for Some people are  My back friends or do things behind my often say successful if people did not make be more things I would

7.4 only Tick ONE box most about religion? you Who teaches 8. think about you section questions on what This includes some general things. only 8.1 as a whole at the moment? Tick ONE box life with your you How happy are Internet, TV, etc. TV, Internet, think that? Tick ONE Do you beliefs. uenced by their religious inﬂ people are Many 7.5  on each Tick ONE box about you? with these statements or disagree agree Do you 8.2 nor Agree disagree Neither agree disagree

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States ected ways ected in many ected in some ways ONE box only ONE box only Tick ONE box the world today? What would was being closed so that houses could be built on the land. do? Tick ALL that apply you Tick ALL that apply 9.6 How interested are you in what is going on politics England? Tick you are How interested 9.6  Very interested interested  Quite  Not interested going on in ected by things that are is aff life think your How much do you 9.7  Aff  Aff  Not aff friends park hang out with your or place that you Suppose that a favourite 9.8 the Council of complaint to a letter  Write of complaint write a letter to parents my  Ask school at my teachers head teacher/other  Contact my  Start a petition or sign TV or a newspaper  Contact radio,  Contact a government department leader  Contact a religious or demonstration  Go on a protest  None of these things know  I don’t what)  Something else (please say in? involved you or clubs are groups if any, Which of the following, 9.9 judo) netball,  Sports football, club (e.g. dancing music, e.g. group  Recreational club  Youth politics group Young club  After-school or faith group  Religious  Community group  None of these erent erent Confl ict between diff Confl War Iraq e.g. cultures  Disease and illness  Immigration  Poverty  Inequality between people   About the same know  I don’t nor disagree  Neither agree know  I don’t nor disagree  Neither agree know  I don’t (please say what) Tick THREE boxes only Tick THREE boxes Tick ONE box only be? Tick ONE box as it used to Tick ONE box only of the world? Tick ONE box the problems solve only of the world? Tick ONE box the problems solve to Terrorist attacks  Terrorist  Nuclear weapons  Something else  Global warming change and climate or about the same dangerous more think the world is safer, do you In view, your 9.3  Safer  Racism  Lack of respect between people dangerous  More use war to people to ed for that it is sometimes justifi or disagree agree Do you 9.4  Agree  Disagree use terrorism people to ed for that it is sometimes justifi or disagree agree Do you 9.5  Agree  Disagree 9. today world The today. section about some social issues in the world This asks you 9.1 only Tick ONE box of the world today? about the state you How worried are  Very worried worried Quite  Not worried THREE social issues worry of the world today? most about the state you Which 9.2

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom) Tick ONE on weekdays on weekdays Friday)? (Monday to at weekends and Sunday)? (Saturday Someone else (please say who below) Someone else (please say My parents or adult carer  My or adult carer parents  My and brothers/sisters parents  Friends 

eligious leader eligious things with your friends (e.g. talking, eating, playing sports, playing talking, worshipping eating, friends things with your (e.g. on each line Respondents could choose or going out)? Tick ONE box 2 hours / Up 1hour / Up to None / Up to answers: between the following than 4 hours 4 hours / More to box only box            10.5 Who do you spend most of your free time with outside school? free spend most of your Who do you 10.5 10.6 How much of your free time do you usually spend each day doing usually spend each day time do you free How much of your 10.6 None Up to Up to 1 hour Up to 2 hours than More 4 hours 4 hours What kinds friends? do with your Tick ALL that apply of things do you 10.7 lms together TV/ﬁ  Watch meals  Go shopping/out for  Hang about public places sports/games or watch  Play  Do illegal things together a place of worship  Go to home home or a friend’s  Spend a lot of time at your games or go on the internet computer  Play  Chat about the news or world events walks or bike rides Go for or school  Chat about parents  Do homework  Other what) things (please say On my own  On my  Brothers/sisters  A boyfriend/girlfriend  A r  Film/TV sites  Download sites sites  Religious  Education/homework on weekdays on weekdays Friday)? (Monday to at weekends and Sunday)? (Saturday The area you live in live you  The area brothers/sisters  Your look like What you Respondents could choose between the following Respondents could choose between the following Music sites  Music sites  Email  News/weather  Online games  Bebo/Myspace/Facebook  Other (please say what) sites Tick FIVE boxes only) describe( Tick FIVE boxes use to yourself? you list that would the following Tick ONE box on each line. on each line. Tick ONE box answers: None / Up to 1hour / Up to 2 hours / Up to 4 hours / More than 4 hours 4 hours / More 2 hours / Up to 1hour / Up to None / Up to answers:            Your age  Your interests  Your parents gender  Your friends family background  Your  Your religion  Your cultural background  Your school  Your  The country in live you  Your skin colour  Your speak  The languages you 10. About your free time free your About 10. time. free do in your section about the things you This asks you on the internet? usually spend each day time do you free How much of your 10.1 None Up to Up to 1 hour Up to 2 hours than More 4 hours 4 hours on the internet? Tick ALL that apply What kind are visit when you do you of sites 10.2  Chatrooms  Celebrity sites  Job adverts  Sports sites  Jokes or e-cards sites  Political write in below Please websites? favourite your are say you What would 10.3 ______choose FIVE things from own internet web-page, setting up your If were you 10.4

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Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence : a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box  The language I speak a disability  I have no good reason  For y, so please tell the researcher. y, e  No You are now ﬁ nished the questionnaire now ﬁ are  You Q11.7 – Go to  Worse  No nished with the surv

Tick ONE box only other students? Tick ONE box to school compared to THREE boxes How many times?  How many  Yes by adults in your the same or worse better, treated are think you Do you 11.6  Better  The same being young  Just for  My behaviour school? Tick up by adults in your worse treated are think you do you Why 11.7 gender religion  My cultural background  My  My  My skin colour are brothers/sisters  Who my what) (please say  Some other reason fi now are You taking for part you in this importantThank study. Tick ONE box only school meals? Tick ONE box get free entitled to you 11.4 Are  Yes school? from been excluded ever you 11.5 Have Tick ONE box on Tick ONE box I like school my school miss my If I would move I had to I often skip or skive classes on purpose Most praise me when I do well teachers school t in at my like I fi feel I don’t . Respondents could choose between the following answers: Agree / Agree answers: each line . Respondents could choose between the following Disagree nor disagree/ Neither agree only Tick ONE box      school at my a lot of problems are There  sports,ers lots of activities clubs e.g. My school off  help me get a job at school won’t Doing well 11. About School 11. About questions about school. section a few This asks you school or college/university? go to 11.1 Do you Q11.2  School – Go to Section – Go to  College/university 12 about school? with these statements or disagree agree Do you 11.2            agree nor Agree disagree Neither agree disagree    class? other pupils in your to usually do in school compared do you How well 11.3  Better  The same  Worse

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APPENDIX II: Questionnaire (United Kingdom)  The language I speak a disability  I have no good reason  For y, so please tell the researcher. y, e nished with the surv

Tick ONE box only other students? Tick ONE box to college/university compared Tick up to THREE boxes Thank you for taking for part you in this importantThank study. 12.5 How long is it since you left12.5 How long is it since you school? than 1 year  Less  1-2 years than 2 years  More college/university? been attending you 12.6 And how long have than 1 year  Less  1-2 years than 2 years  More studying at college/university? What subject(s)you are 12.7 ______by adults at the same or worse better, treated are think you Do you 12.8  Better nished the questionnaire now fi are  You  The same  Q11.7 – Go to Worse by adults at college/university? worse treated are think you do you Why 12.9 Just for being young  Just for  My behaviour gender religion  My cultural background  My  My  My skin colour are brothers/sisters  Who my what) (please say  Some other reason fi now are You Tick ONE box on Tick ONE box Tick ONE box only Tick ONE box  No I liked last school my I missed school when left often skipI used to or skive classes on purpose at school Most praised me when I did well teachers last school in at my tted like I fi I did not feel school at my a lot of problems were There sports, lots of activities clubs ered e.g. My school off at school has not helped me get a job Doing well  No Respondents could choose between the following answers: Agree / Agree answers: Respondents could choose between the following each line. Disagree nor disagree/ Neither agree only ONE box 12. About College/University About 12. or University. College attending this section are Only complete if you about school? with these statements or disagree agree Do you 12.1                   class? Tick other students in your to do in school compared did you How well  12.2 agree nor Agree disagree Neither agree disagree     Better  The same  Worse excluded? ever you were at school, were When you 12.3 How many times?  How many  Yes only at school? Tick ONE box were meals when you free entitled to you Were 12.4  Yes

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European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights

Experience of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence: a comparative study of Muslim and non-Muslim youth in three EU Member States

2010 — 101 pp — 21 x 29.7 cm ISBN 978-92-9192-512-4 doi: 10.2811/48977

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carried out by based on a survey, ndings are no partliation plays violent in explaining

FRA - European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights Fundamental Union Agency for FRA - European 11 Schwarzenbergplatz Wien 1040 - Austria +43 (0)1 580 30 - 0 Tel.: - 691 +43 (0)1 580 30 Fax: E-Mail: [email protected] http://fra.europa.eu Social marginalisation and discrimination have severe severe and discrimination have Social marginalisation as society be addressed need to – both any for consequences in violent behaviour directly to linked as they are a priority, of overlap a high degree shows research This people. young when considering EU Member States three between explanatory factors violent attitudes or acts to of violence main factors that can be The people. young by committed part being being male, are with violent behaviour associated being discriminated group/gang, of a delinquent youth – when these against, and being socially marginalised background religious consideration, aspects into taken are and/or aﬃ Its ﬁ behaviour. in years aged - the FRA in -, of , children Kingdom Member United Spain and the three – France, attacks associated terrorist all experienced that have States youth immigrant to related with radical Islam or urban unrest Muslim background. with a predominantly Final version - 27 Oct - 27 version launch 2010 Final