University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository

Graduate Studies Legacy Theses

2001 The Nemean episode in Statius' Thebaid

Kenyeres, Jennifer Lynn

Kenyeres, J. L. (2001). The Nemean episode in Statius' Thebaid (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/17007 http://hdl.handle.net/1880/41204 master thesis

University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca

The author of this thesis has granted the University of Calgary a non-exclusive license to reproduce and distribute copies of this thesis to users of the University of Calgary Archives.

Copyright remains with the author.

Theses and dissertations available in the University of Calgary Institutional Repository are solely for the purpose of private study and research. They may not be copied or reproduced, except as permitted by copyright laws, without written authority of the copyright owner. Any commercial use or publication is strictly prohibited.

The original Partial Copyright License attesting to these terms and signed by the author of this thesis may be found in the original print version of the thesis, held by the University of Calgary Archives.

The thesis approval page signed by the examining committee may also be found in the original print version of the thesis held in the University of Calgary Archives.

Please contact the University of Calgary Archives for further information, E-mail: [email protected] Telephone: (403) 220-7271 Website: http://www.ucalgary.ca/archives/ UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY

The Nemean Episode in Statius' Thebaic!

by

Jennifer Lynn Kenyeres

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF GREEK AND ROMAN STUDIES

CALGARY, ALBERTA

JUNE, 2001

© Jennifer Kenyeres 2001 The University of Calgary

Abstract

The Nemean Episode in Statius' Thebaic!

by Jennifer Lynn Kenyeres

This thesis presents an analysis of the Nemean episode of books 4 to 6 of Statius' Thebaic! and the relation of these books to the thematic concerns of the poem. While Statius owes much to his literary antecedents, he also contributes a distinct voice of his own by making the Nemean episode thematically relevant to his epic as a whole. Although the Thebaic! is indebted to a constellation of influences, variations and innovations are worked into the text so that Statius' epic does not lack unity. Hypsipyle's presence in the landscape of the Thebaid may seem arbitrary, but her encounter with the Argives is not without consequences. Statius relies heavily on character parallels and foreshadowing, and there is an almost obsessive recurrence of themes and moods throughout Statius' Thebaid. Approached in this way, books 4 to 6 seem less of a digression than a microcosm of the larger epic.

iii ACNOWLEDGMENTS

I extend my utmost gratitude to Professor Peter Toohey for providing moral support and guidance in the early stages of my thesis and invaluable advice on the advanced drafts of my work. I feel strongly indebted to Professor Martin Cropp from whose conversations my thesis took shape. Dr. Cropp's critical reading and crucial suggestions contributed enormous improvements in bringing out subtle points, and in the overall logic and consistency of my arguments.

I am also grateful to the Department of Greek and Roman Studies for its generous support during my graduate years and I thank the Department of

Graduate Studies for awarding me guaranteed funding for two years, the Dean's

Special Masters Scholarship and the Province of Alberta Graduate Scholarship.

I thank John Mastwijk for scanning so many pictures for me (even though they were never used!) and for helping me with the technical side of my thesis. I would also like to express my appreciation to Cliff Mastwijk for his help in proofreading my drafts.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approval page 11

Abstract Mi

Acknowledgments iv

Table of Contents v-vi

PART I: BACKGROUND

Introduction 1-5

Summary of books 4 to 6 of the Thebaid 6-8

Hypsipyle on Lemnos: literary background 9-12

Hypsipyle at Nemea: Background 12-16

Influences: Euripides' Hypsipyle 16-28

Influences: Antimachus and the Hellenism of Naples 28-32

Influences: Vergil 32-40

Influences: Apollonius Rhodius and Valerius Flaccus 40-52

PART II: THEMES AND TECHNIQUES

Introduction 53-56

Delay 57-59

Reversals 59-64

Bacchus and Bacchic Imagery 64-69

Nefas 69-76

Resolution: the return to fas 76-86

Character parallels 86-92

ν Linus and Coroebus 92-95

Opheltes' death and funeral games 95-103

Conclusion 104-106

PRIMARY REFERENCES 107-109

SECONDARY REFERENCES 110-114

vi 1

PART I: BACKGROUND

Introduction

Statius' Thebaid introduces a large number of heroes and engages them in a very complex plot. A true protagonist is absent and subsidiary narratives diversify the material and add new depths of significance to the story of the Seven against

Thebes. Statius, however, makes a conscious effort to resist the dangers of dissipation. Even in the longer episodes which delay the start of the Theban war,

Statius establishes recurring thematic links as well as parallels and foreshadowing in order to advance the development of the principal plot. This thesis offers an analysis of Books 4 to 6 of Statius' epic in which the army of the Seven encounter

Hypsipyle at Nemea and organize funeral games for her nursling, Opheltes, who was killed by a serpent while Hypsipyle was leading the army to water. This is, in some sense, a self-contained episode, but I will also analyze the relation of these books to the thematic concerns of the poem. If this aim is to be achieved, it is also instructive to consider Statius' relation to his literary antecedents. Within the course of my thesis, I will also attempt to show the changes that Statius makes to the tradition of Hypsipyle in order to produce a character and a series of events that fit into the larger design to which I shall allude.

But first some preliminaries. In writing the Thebaid, Statius chose a mythological subject, replete with a complex divine apparatus. His epic has been read as a poem whose main focus is power: Eteocles holds power in Thebes and his brother, Polynices, wants it.1 More precisely, Statius' theme is fraternae acies,

('battles between brothers', 1.1). With the characters overwhelmed by the laws of the cosmos and their predetermined destinies, the Thebaid presents a rather stark outlook. Long ago, in his Post-Augustan Poetry from Seneca to Juvenal, H.E.

Butler offered an evaluation of Statius and his Thebaid. Having faulted the poet for a lack of ingenium, he went on to write:

He [Statius] was further handicapped by his choice of a subject. The Theban legend is unsuitable for epic treatment for more reasons than one. In the first place the story is unpleasant from beginning to end. Horror accumulates on horror, crime on crime...we cannot get away from the fact that the story is ultimately one of almost bestial fratricidal strife, darkened by the awful shadow of the house of Labdacus.2

Despite such objections about theme, it is nevertheless a fact that Statius deliberately chose to write about such dark issues. Terrible violence and horror are fundamental elements of this poetic universe. Readers of the Thebaid must accept this fascination with the macabre, this exploration of evil, if a fair evaluation is to be reached.

The Thebaid, however, is not all brutality. Like Ovid, Statius was primarily concerned with creating a vivid story. Although Statius' epic explores civil war, the political nightmare of the Roman people, Statius did not go out of his way to create an epic that was politically and culturally relevant to his contemporary Roman audience. Rather, Statius portrays civil war as a universal evil and not just as a

1Dominik, (1994a), xii, "What is the Thebaid about? In a word: power." 2Butler, (1909), 207-8. specifically Roman problem.3 Statius' narrative is not heavily moralizing; he does not overtly connect Eteocles and Polynices to the Emperor, Domitian, and his brother, Titus. Nor is there any necessary link between the civil strife at Thebes and the civil wars of 69 AD.4 There is no authorial intervention which over- determines the epic's grand design. This tactic had already been employed by

Lucan. In Lucan's Bellum Civile, the narrator is both authorial and moralizing. It was always clear to the reader that this is not just a story about the conflict between Julius Caesar and Pompey, but it is also a story about the loss of liberty and the degeneration and increasing corruption of the Roman Empire.5 Statius' narrator has much less to say about contemporary politics. The detached portrayal of civil war in the Thebaid is consonant with the mythological distance of the

Theban saga.

It is important to emphasize, first of all, that the subject matter of the

Thebaid would have been well known to a Roman audience. Even before the prologue, which presents a preview of the spectacles contained within the Thebaid

3See Seneca's Oedipus, Phoenissae, and Hercules Furens where Thebes is used the same way. 4See Toohey (1992), 189, who argues that "Eteocles and Polynices need no more represent Domitian and his brother (whom he may have poisoned) than Romulus and Remus. Civil conflict was a persistent theme of Roman literature." This contradicts Dominik's (1994b), 152, argument that "...the fratricide is designed to serve as a warning to Domitian on the consequences of pursuing and abusing imperial power...the fratricide specifically brings to mind Dio Cassius' allegation that Domitian was responsible for the death of Titus (66.26)." 5See Masters (1992) 5 who writes, "Lucan is always on the sidelines, so to speak; often entering into the poem in his own person, he shouts encouragement or cries out in dismay." 4

(1.32-45), Statius' contemporary audience would already have had considerable experience with the Theban cycle of myths and would have known to a certain extent what to expect from Statius' epic. The house of Oedipus and the Argive expedition against Thebes were popular themes long before Statius took them up.

Full-scale Greek epic versions of the Thebaid are known—the Cyclic Thebaid and that of the fourth century poet Antimachus of Colophon.6 In addition, the Greek tragedians were particularly intrigued by Thebes and the war between Eteocles and Polynices, as Aeschylus' Seven Against Thebes and Euripides' Phoenissae and Suppliants indicate.

Second, the Latin tradition also attests to Thebes' enduring popularity. We have fragments of Accius' plays, Antigona, Phoenissae, and Thebais and

Propertius (1.7.1-2) alludes to an epic by Ponticus on the war between Eteocles and Polynices—perhaps the first Roman epic on this theme. Ovid devotes Book 3, and sections of Books 4, 6, and 9 of his Metamorphoses to Theban legend and makes explicit reference to the Argive expedition at 9.403ff.7 In addition, Seneca probably composed his Oedipus and Phoenissae and Hercules Furens within

Statius' own lifetime. Indeed, Statius' Jupiter himself points to the notoriety surrounding the tales of Oedipus' family when he addresses the gods in the first book: quis funera Cadmi/ nesciat... ('who does not know of the bloodshed of

6See pages 29-36 where I shall attempt to show that Antimachus' Thebais influenced that of Statius. 7lt is possible that Statius' decision to forego the stories about Cadmus, Ino and Athamas at 1.4-6 was due to the fact that Ovid had treated these episodes in Metamorphoses 3 and 4. 5

Cadmus...', 1.227-28). Statius is aware of this literary tradition and his place within the course of Roman epic.

Third, at the end of the first century A.D., Statius, the son of a poet and teacher from Italy's most Hellenized region, was especially well placed to draw on both Greek and Roman literary tradition for his epic. Statius' range and versatility as a poet cannot be more apparent than in the longest and most unexpected delay in Books 4 to 6. This central Nemean episode in which the Seven meet Hypsipyle displays to the full Statius' desire to be unique and inventive while respecting the talents of his predecessors. As David Vessey remarks,

For a long time the Flavian writers were regarded as little better than plagiarists. Recent investigations have revealed the inadequacy and injustice of this approach. This is especially true in Statius' case. His originality has been thoroughly vindicated. All ancient poets were bound by the principle of imitatio. This implied not merely respect for the past but a desire to reach new and individual standards of excellence. Statius was rarely, if ever, subservient to those whom he would have named with pride as his models.8 Statius creatively reworked inherited material. He utilized the then vast extant mass of Greek and Roman literature, but he was not a superficial translator. Since the story of the Seven against Thebes was common currency in the classical literary tradition, Statius tried to retell the events in a fresh and innovative way.

Summary of books 4 to 6 of the Thebaid

Statius' innovativeness can be seen most effectively by comparing his story to previous models. Before doing so, however, I will provide a summary of Statius' account of Hypsipyle and the essential features of Books 4 to 6 which are at issue

8 Vessey, (1981) 560-561. 6 in this thesis. I will follow this summary with a brief survey of Hypsipyle's literary background in order to determine the literary antecedents on which Statius would have drawn.

The epic begins with Oedipus summoning the Furies of the underworld to punish his sons, who have cast him aside. Oedipus's sons, Polynices and

Eteocles, agree to share the kingship after their father's exile by reigning in alternate years. Eteocles rules first while Polynices goes to Argos and marries King

Adrastus' daughter. When Polynices' turn comes to rule, however, Eteocles refuses to give up the throne. Thus, Adrastus leads an Argive army to Thebes to restore his son-in-law to the throne.

As the Argives journey to Thebes, Bacchus intervenes. As a descendant of

Cadmus, Bacchus' allegiance is to Thebes. Knowing that the war is fated,

Bacchus cannot prevent the Argives from reaching their destination, but instead, he causes a delay so that the Thebans have time to mobilize their forces. The commencement of this delay occurs at 4.650 and it occupies over 2 books. In order to cause a delay, Bacchus summons the river nymphs in the area of Nemea and bids them to dry up their streams and fountains. In accordance with

Bacchus's scheme (4.739), the Argives, who have been severely weakened by thirst, roam through the dense woods of Nemea and happen upon a woman carrying a child. The woman is a nurse named Hypsipyle and the child in her care is Opheltes, the crown prince of Nemea. The Argive, Adrastus, begs Hypsipyle to guide his forces to water. The nurse consents and after leaving the infant alone on 7 the grass (4.786ff), she guides the Argive troops to the only spring which is still abundant with water. The Argives quench their thirst and the book ends with a prayer by an unnamed Argive leader to the nymph of the spring, Langia.

In book 5, Adrastus, asks about Hypsipyle's ancestry and origins. Hypsipyle reluctantly tells her story of horror and unnatural crime. Prior to her servitude at

Nemea, Hypsipyle had been a princess on the island of Lemnos and the inhabitants of the island had failed to worship Venus, the goddess of love. Venus retaliated by preventing sexual relations on the island (5.58ff). The Lemnian men left the island to launch a successful attack on neighboring Thrace. Meanwhile, in a fit of frenzy and frustration, Polyxo convinced all the women of the island to kill their male relatives upon their return from Thrace. Only Hypsipyle refused and saved the life of her father by putting him in a box, which she set adrift at sea

(5.285ff). Hypsipyle remained silent about the rescue of her father amidst all the slaughter and became the queen of the island. Then the Argonauts arrived in a storm and had sexual relations with the women of Lemnos. The leader of the

Argonauts, Jason, forced himself upon Hypsipyle and she bore twin sons from their union (5.461ff). When the Argonauts left, the Lemnian women grew suspicious of

Hypsipyle and sold her to pirates because they no longer believed that she had killed her father. Hypsipyle was then purchased by Lycurgus, the king of Nemea

(5. 496-98).

In this way Hypsipyle has become the nurse of Opheltes. While Hypsipyle is at the spring, telling the Argives her story, Opheltes is killed by a snake, which 8 was sacred to Jupiter. The Argives attack the snake and Capaneus kills it (5.

565ff). The child's father, Lycurgus, wants to kill Hypsipyle for her negligence, but the Argives restrain him with the threat of violence. Meanwhile, Hypsipyle's two sons by Jason, now grown up, eventually find their way to Nemea and discover their mother with the aid of the prophet, Amphiaraus (5.725ff). The book ends with the prophet, Amphiaraus, telling the Argives that the death of Opheltes is an omen of their own doom. He gives the dead child the name "Archemorus," a name which means "the beginning of doom", and insists upon honorary funeral games (5.731-

53).

In book 6, a pyre is erected for Opheltes/Archemorus. The baby's mother,

Eurydice, condemns Hypsipyle and wishes for the nurse to be thrown into the flames of the pyre (6.65ff). The funeral games held in honor of the infant were believed to be the first celebration of the Nemean Games, which were one of the four great Greek athletic festivals.9 In these games, the Argives compete in events such the chariot race, running, boxing, discus-throwing, wrestling, archery and armed combat.

Hypsipyle on Lemnos: literary background

Hypsipyle is best known from the Argo cycle. In the earliest extant accounts of the

Lemnian massacre in which the Lemnian women kill the male population,

The other 3 were the Olympic, Pythian and Isthmian Games. 9

Hypsipyle is not exonerated from the crime.10 The first extant mention of the famous myth of the female uprising appears in Pindar's treatment of the Argo story in Pythian 4.251-54 (462 B.C): o> τ' Ωκεανοί πελάγεσσι μίγεν πόντω τ'έρυΒρώ Αα,μ,νιαλι τε9νει γυναικών άνδροφόνων εν&α και γυ'ιων άε^λοις επεδει- ξαντο κρίσιν έσχατος ά/ιφίς, και συνεύνασ^εν. And they reached the waters of Oceanos and the Red Sea and the nation of man- slaying Lemnian women; and there, they exhibited the power of their limbs in contests over a cloak and became their bed fellows.

Next, the chorus of Aeschylus' Choephoroi 631-34 (458 B.C) testifies to the horror of this myth for a patriarchal society:

κακών οε πρεσβευται τό Λήμνιον λόγω ι, γοάται Si δημό$εν κατά- πτυστον, ηικασεν οε τις το δεινόν αύ Αημνίοισι ττημαση.

And of evils, the Lemnian ranks first in story, and the act is lamented by the people as abominable, and over again, one compares a terrible deed to Lemnian woes.

Herodotus (fl. 440 B.C), in book 6.138.4, also mentions that all of the Lemnian men, including king Thoas, Hypsipyle's father, were killed:

έν^αΰτα 'έδοξέ σφι κτείνειν τούς παϊδαζ τους εκ των Άττικεων γυναικών, ποιεϋσι δε ταύτα, προσαπολλύονσι οε σφεων και τας μητέρας, απο τούτον $ε του έργου και του προτέρου τούτων, το εργά/ταντο αϊ γυναίκες τούς 'άμα Θόαντι άνδρας σφετερους άποκτε'ινασαι, νενόμισται ανά την Ελλάδα τα σχετλια 'εργαπάντ α Αήμνια καλεεσ^αι.

Thereupon, they [the Pelasgians] decided to kill the sons of the Attic women. And they did this, and also killed their mothers. From this and also from the earlier deed, which the Lemnian women performed when they killed their own husbands together with Thoas, it has become customary to call all wicked deeds 'Lemnian.'

10The most useful discussion on the Lemnian myth is Burkert (1970) 10

Thus the earliest versions of the massacre do not yet mention Hypsipyle's refusal to join in the crime of the other Lemnian women.

In Euripides' Hypsipyle and later sources11, however, Hypsipyle is exonerated from participating in the slaughter of the Lemnian men. In Euripides' play, Hypsipyle remains aloof from the slaughter by refusing to succumb to the demands of the other murderous women (fr. 64, 72-78; lines 1593-1599 Cockle):

{Ύφ} aial φυγάς έμ,έ^εν ας ϊφυγον, ώ τέκνον, ί\ βά&οις, Λήμνου πόντιας πολιοί/ ότι πατέρος ουκ ϊτεμον κάρα.

(Ευν.) ή γάρ σ'&ταζαν πατέρα σον κατακτανεΐν;

<Τψ) φόβος έ'χει με των τότε κακών Ίώ τέκνον, οίά τε Γοργόνες εν λεκτροις ϊκανον δύνέτας.

Ah, my son, if you should know it, my banishment from sea-girt Lemnos, which I suffered because I did not cut off the gray-haired head of my father.

Did they order you to kill your father?

Fear of those evils back then holds me. Oh my son, like Gorgons they slew their husbands in their beds.

It is possible, therefore, that Euripides was the first to suggest Hypsipyle's innocence and subsequent sources abide by this version.

Hypsipyle continues to play a prominent role once the Argonauts arrive on

Lemnos. The Iliad refers briefly to the Argo's sojourn on Lemnos and the birth to

Jason and Hypsipyle of Euneus ('He of good ship') in books 7.468-9, 21.41, and

23.747. Homer, however, is silent on the circumstances of the birth. Pindar names

Hypsipyle among the Lemnian women in the context of the Argo story (in the

11See Apollod. 1. 9.17, 3.6.4, and Nem. hyp. 2 in which Hypsipyle is said to have saved her father. 11 framework of athletics) without further allusion to its event. In Olympians 4.27,

Hypsipyle and the other Lemnian women considered Erginos, one of the

Argonauts, to be too old and looked upon him with disgrace. Erginos, however, surprised everyone by winning the foot race during the athletic contests on the island:

αττερ Κλυμενοιο nalda Λαμνιάδων γυναικών ελυσεν έζ ατιμίας. χαλκεοισι ο'εν εντεσι νικών ΰρόμον εειπεν 'Τφιπυλεία μετα στεφανον Ίων ούτος εγώ ταχυτατι· (4. 23-27)

It was that which released the son of Clymenus from the Lemnian women's disgrace. And in bronze armor, having won the foot race, he spoke to Hypsipyle, after going to collect the crown of victory: "Such am I in swiftness."

Despite the limited information concerning the relationship between the Lemnian women and the Argonauts in Pindar's account, Hypsipyle's name in isolation must suggest her prominence. The scholion on Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica 1.769ff says that Aeschylus' lost play, Hypsipyle, dramatized the arrival of the Argonauts and their encounters with the Lemnian women.12 Hypsipyle, therefore, must have been the central figure because of her relations with Jason or because she saved her father. Writers of comedy also wrote on the subject: Aristophanes, Nicochares,

Antiphanes, Alexis and Diphilus all wrote a Lemn/'a/'.13 As for Roman writers,

Turpilius wrote a comedy on the subject and the sixth letter of Ovid's Heroides

(Hypsipyle to Jason) should be mentioned in this connection too. The most

12Frankel (1961). 13Poortvliet(1991), 66. 12 detailed stories about Hypsipyle and her adventure with the Argonauts before

Statius, however, are the two full-scale epic versions by Apollonius Rhodius

(1.601-909), and Valerius Flaccus (2. 72-427), which will be discussed later.

Hypsipyle at Nemea: Background

There is too little evidence to establish whether Hypsipyle was ever part of the

Argive-Theban story before Euripides' Hypsipyle. A picture on an elbow guard of a sixth century shield-strap from Olympia (see fig. 1 below) depicts Adrastus interupting an impending confrontation between what appears to be Lycurgus and

Amphiaraus.14 It has been suggested that this Lycurgus figure was Opheltes' father, the king of Nemea, and that the scene on the shield-strap depicted

Lycurgus' anger toward Amphiaraus over the recent death of his child.15 Against this possibility, however, is the fact that there is no woman or child on the shield- relief. Therefore, it is impossible to prove that the dispute even took place at

Nemea.16 The shield strap portrays two men pulling back Lycurgus and two men

14Unfortunately, the names on the combatants are incomplete, but on the left, [...mph.ar.o...] is preserved, which is likely Amphiaraus. Written on the right side is [,...]orgos, which is very likely Lycurgus. 15See Welcker (1849) 351, Brillante (1983) 47 and Simon (1979) 32, who link this shield- relief with Statius' narrative (5.660ff) in which Lycurgus wishes to kill Hypsipyle, but is threatened by Tydeus against harming her. Amphiaraus and Adrastus must intervene in order to prevent violence between the two men. 16Brillante (1983) also refers to a Lakonian cup by the Hunt Painter, which is now in Cyrene. Only a portion of the cup survives and it shows a warrior grabbing the wrist of another warrior. The name of Parthenopaios is clearly written beside the figure of the restrainer. Behind Parthenopaios is another man whose name appears to end in -os (Adrastus?). Since we do not know if Lycurgus 13

pulling back Amphiaraus with Adrastus in the middle. This could have been an

internal quarrel between the Seven before they even departed for Thebes. It is

probable that the figure of Lycurgus on the shield-relief was not the son of Pheres

and the father of Opheltes, but rather, the son of Pronax17, to whom Pausanias

refers. Pausanias (3.18.12) wrote that Bathycles of Magnesia made the throne of

the Amyclean Apollo on which there was a relief of Adrastus and Tydeus stopping

a fight between Amphiaraus and Lycurgus, the son of Pronax. Pronax was the son

of Talaos and the brother of Adrastus (Apollod. 1.9.13), which would make this

Lycurgus figure the nephew of Adrastus and possibly a member of the Argive

expedition against Thebes.18 In fact, Lycurgus is further linked to the expedition

against Thebes in Stesichorus's Eriphyle (PMG fr. 194). In the Eriphyle,

Stesichorus mentions that Zeus killed Asclepius because he brought Lycurgus and

Capaneus back to life after they died in the war at Thebes.

was even depicted in this scene, we can safely dismiss the possibility that this scene depicted quarrelling over the death of Opheltes. 17Apollodoros 1.9.14 distinguishes between two figures of Lycurgus: one was the son of Pronax about whom nothing more is mentioned and one was the son of Pheres and brother of Admetos, who married Eurydice and sired Opheltes. 18see Gantz (1993) 511-512. 14

fig. 1. 6th century shield-strap from Olympia19

According to the scholia on Pindar, there was a feud between the descendants of Melampous, of whom Amphiaraus was one, and Talaos and his family, who were descendants of Melampous's brother, Bias (Schol. Nem. 9.13-

17). According to one version, Amphiaraus killed Talaus and Adrastus fled to

Sikyon where he became the heir to the throne (Schol. Nem. 9.30b). Later, the feuding parties reconciled with each other when Amphiaraus married Eriphyle, the sister of Adrastus. If this was not the cause of the dispute which was illustrated on the sixth century shield, then perhaps Hekataios provides a clue. Hekataios wrote that Amphiaraus once fell asleep during his guard duty and suffered the consequences (fr. 340). Perhaps this mistake aroused the anger of Lycurgus, or perhaps the cause of the conflict has simply been lost to us. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that Nemea was the location of this dispute, and it is presumptuous to

19This image is from Kunze (1950) 13. 15 claim that the Lycurgus on the shield-relief was the same Lycurgus who wished to kill Hypsipyle after his son, Opheltes, was killed by a serpent.

Literary evidence of Hypsipyle's involvement in the Argive-Theban story is also weak. Bacchylides (9.10-18) narrates the death of Archemorus in whose honor the Nemean games were founded, but he mentions no mother, let alone a

Hypsipyle figure. Simonides fr. 553 mentions an unidentified "they" mourning the death of Archemorus. Aeschylus wrote a Nemea of which nothing exists.20

Aeschylus' play could have been part of a Lemnian trilogy—Lemniai21, Hypsipyle, and Nemea, but this is just speculation. The first play may have been about the massacre, the second play may have involved the arrival of the Argonauts, and the third play may have linked an exiled Hypsipyle with the story of Opheltes' death and the Seven in Nemea or even Hypsipyle's reunion with her sons. 22 Based on the fragment, TrGF III F *149a, which is an excerpt from the third hypothesis of

Pindar's Nemeans, it is more likely that Aeschylus' Nemea was part of a Theban trilogy in which Nemea was the mother of Opheltes/Archemorus:

τα Νέμεά φασιν άγεσθαι έπ'ι Όφέλτη τω Εύθήτου και Κρεούσης παίδι....τούτον δε ετυξε τροφευουαα 'Ύφιπύλη, ψ ητησαν οϊ Άργεΐοι ύδωρ- της δέ απελθούσης Ιδρεύσασθαι όφις έπελθών άνεΐλε τον παΐδα. Αμφιάραος δέ τούτοις μαντευόμενος Άρχέμορον αυτόν έκάλεσεν, ότι αύτοΐς αρχή μόρου έγένετο ο του παιδός θάνατος- έφ' ώ και τον αγώνα διέθηκαν την Ύφιπύλψ παραμυθοΰμενοι. άλλοι δέ, ώ έστι και Αισχύλος, έπ' Άρχεμόρω τω Νεμέας παιδί· οι δέ έπ'ι τω Ταλαοί παίδι, Άδράστος δέ άδελφώ.

zusee Radt (1985) 262, Mette (1959) 183. 21There are differing opinions among scholars as to whether Aeschylus' play was entitled Lemnioi or Lemniai, See Gantz vol. 2 (1993), 345. 22Aelion (1986), 83 suggests that the lost tragedy of Aeschylus included Hypsipyle, her sons, Opheltes, and his parents, but not the Seven. 16

They say that the Nemean games were held for Opheltes, the son of Euphetes and Creusa... and Hypsipyle happened to be his nurse, whom the Argives begged for water, and when she went off to fetch water, a serpent attacked and killed the child. Amphiaraus, prophesying to them, called him Archemorus, because the death of the child was the beginning of doom for them. For him, they also arranged games, consoling Hypsipyle. And others, among whom is Aeschylus, say the games were for Archemorus, the child of Nemea; and others say they were for the child of Talaos, the brother of Adrastus. Aeschylus' play may have taken its name from the resident nymph, the mother of the baby who dies from a snakebite, which, in turn, becomes an ominous beginning for the expedition against Thebes. We do not know, however, if Nemea had a nurse, and if she did, who that nurse may have been. Based on the scarce evidence available, it seems unlikely that Hypsipyle was involved in the Theban myth before the time of Euripides. Although there was already a tradition of the

Seven stopping at Nemea on their way to Thebes, it seems that Statius, by placing

Hypsipyle at Nemea, followed a tradition established by Euripides' Hypsipyle.

Influences: Euripides' Hypsipyle

I have summarized Statius' version of events and Hypsipyle's literary origins. Now

I turn to a survey of some of Statius' literary predecessors, whom he would have studied in preparing to write about Hypsipyle. Euripides seems to have been the first to weld together in dramatic form the stories of Hypsipyle, her nursling

Opheltes, and the Argives in Nemea.23 For this reason, the play is of greatest significance for Statius. The action of Euripides' play begins with Hypsipyle narrating her past history and present circumstances (Eur. Hyp. fr.752N, fr. 70+96).

Aelion (1986) 82-83; see also Pulhorn, (1981) 472. 17

Hypsipyle had been the queen of Lemnos, but had saved her father, Thoas, from the slaughter of all the males on the island. Subsequently, the other Lemnian women sold Hypsipyle into slavery and she became the wet nurse of the crown prince of Nemea, Opheltes. Possibly before the slaughter of the Lemnian men,

Jason and the Argonauts arrived at Lemnos and Jason sired Hypsipyle's twin sons,

Euneus and Thoas.24 When Jason left, he took the twins with him to Colchis and after his death25, Orpheus brought the children back to Thrace and reared them (fr.

64.ii.36-45; Cockle, c.1614-1623).

When we first see Hypsipyle in the play, she is delivering a prologue speech. Hypsipyle leaves and two strangers arrive outside of Lycurgus' palace. In due course, Hypsipyle encounters the two strangers and they ask her for shelter.

The strangers happen to be her long-lost sons, Euneus and Thoas. Neither the sons nor Hypsipyle are unaware of each other's identity (fr. 764N, fr. 1.i, fr. 2;

Cockle, c.130ff). Hypsipyle admits them to the palace and is once again left alone with Opheltes, to whom she sings. A chorus of Nemean women enter, and as

Hypsipyle rhapsodizes to the chorus about the Argo, Amphiaraus approaches her.

24Reussner (1921) 38 argues that Euripides changed the chronology so that Jason could take the twins with him. Hence, in Euripides version, the massacre occurs after Jason and the Argonauts depart. Z5ln Euripides' story, Jason may have died at Colchis. There is possibly an iconographic tradition of this. A famous early 5th century vase painting by Douris depicts Jason either being swallowed or regurgitated by the dragon who guarded the golden fleece. Bond (1963) 134 suggests that, since Jason's eyes are open, he is alive and deliberately entering the dragon's belly in order to kill it. Giangrande (1977) 165-168, however, argues that Jason is definitely dead; his body is limp and lifeless, and a corpse's eyes can be open. 18

He asks Hypsipyle to lead him to fresh flowing water from a spring because he wishes to perform sacred libations (fr. 1 .iv, 29-32; Cockle, c.338-341). The text breaks off, but when it resumes, Opheltes has been crushed by the serpent that guards the holy spring (Fr. 18). Opheltes' mother, Eurydice, blames Hypsipyle for her child's misfortune and wishes to end her life. Hypsipyle, however, is spared by the intercession of Amphiaraus. Amphiaraus says that the child's death foretells the Argives' own demise. He then names the child, Archemorus, "beginning of doom," and calls for funeral games in the child's honor (Frr. 60.Ί + 87; Cockle, c.

832-879).

The events that take place between lines 950 and 1579 are lost to us.

Lycurgus, the father of Opheltes, may have returned and Hypsipyle may have faced more danger upon his arrival. Funeral games must have taken place, as well as a recognition scene between Hypsipyle and her sons. A Dionysiac sign, a cluster of grapes, may have served as the proof of the sons' identity in the recognition scene near the end of the play, after they had won victories in the

Nemean Games.26 When the text resumes, the Argive army departs and Euneus and Thoas stay with their mother. Dionysus appears ex machina (fr. 64.Hi. 41;

26ln fr. 64, 111; Cockle, 1633, Euneos mentions an olvumm βότρυν (a ruddy cluster of grapes). Bond (1963) 136 believes that this must refer to a Dionysiac sign. Although the recognition scene between Hypsipyle and her sons has not survived, the 4th century Anthologia Palatina 3.10 mentions the use of a grape vine in the recognition, perhaps to convince Eurydice. The χρνσψ 'ά^ηκλον in the Anthologia Palatina is surely a gold brooch in the shape of a vine. Furthermore, Fr. 765N discusses (out of context) a UQOV βίτ^υ^, a "holy cluster of grapes," which may also refer to a recognition token. 19

Cockle, 1676) and the play ends about 67 lines later.27 Although the god's decree is not known for certain, an epigram preserved in the Anthologia Palatina (3.10.5) suggests that Dionysus ordered Euneus to take Hypsipyle back to Lemnos and then he bade Euneus to continue on to Athens where he would establish the

Euneidae, a family of priests, which provided sacred music for Athens: στείχε dk και

συ λιπών Άσωπ'ιδος, Ε'ύνο', 'άρουραν/γειναμένη ν 'άζωνΑημνο ν ες ήγα$εψ (Come, you, and leave behind the land of Asopos, Euneus, you, who are about to convey your fertile mother to divine Lemnos).28

Roughly speaking then, the Hypsipyle's praxis is covered by the end of book six in Statius' Thebaid. In the Thebaid, the Argives also stop at Nemea and the exiled Hypsipyle leads them to fresh water. A snake kills her nursling, Opheltes, and her negligence almost results in her death as a punishment. The Argives save

Hypsipyle, found the Nemean games in honor of Opheltes' death, and there is a recognition scene between Hypsipyle and her sons. There are, however, notable differences in plot between Statius and Euripides. It would be unwise to reconstruct the gaps in Euripides' tragedy by using Statius' plot. It is also unsatisfactory to assert, on the basis of plot differences, that Statius neither knew

""Cockle (1987)40. 28lbid. 20. Another possibility is that Euripides invented the idea of Hypsipyle bearing twin sons because, if Euneus was going to Athens, someone else (i.e Thoas) had to take Hypsipyle back to Lemnos. 20 nor used the drama.29 Some of the main differences may be summarized as follows:

Euripides Statius

Hypsipyle's identity is known to The Argives mistake Hypsipyle the Argives almost immediately. for the goddess, Diana, and do not learn her true identity until after she has led them to a spring and they have quenched their thirst.

The Argives stop at Nemea Bacchus causes the stop-over by their own free will at Nemea

Amphiaraus seeks a spring The Argives seek water for a libation because they are dying of thirst

Dionysus has no overt Bacchus blatantly displays ill- contempt for the Argives will toward the Argives

Lycurgus is absent and Lycurgus returns in time to deal Hypsipyle must deal with with Hypsipyle. Eurydice's role Eurydice's wrath. is subordinated

Amphiaraus consoles Eurydice Tydeus threatens Lycurgus with and quietly urges her to pardon violence if he does not pardon Hypsipyle. Hypsipyle.

Cause of Opheltes' death: Cause of Opheltes' death: Hypsipyle left him on the grass Hypsipyle's lengthy narrative and led the Argives to a spring. while she was at the spring.

As noted previously, fragments indicate that at the commencement of

Euripides' Hypsipyle, Hypsipyle explains her identity, and history, and her

Vessey (1970)48-49. 21 relationship to the baby she cradles. If this is the first time that Hypsipyle is linked with the foundation of the Nemean games and the Argive-Theban saga, then it would have been important for Euripides to introduce Hypsipyle's Lemnian origins and her identity as Dionysus' granddaughter as soon as possible. Likewise,

Hypsipyle is introduced to Amphiaraus early in the play in order to establish her novel presence at Nemea.30 Significantly, however, Hypsipyle's initial appearance in Statius' Thebaid is reduced from narrative monologue to silent tableau. Neither the Argives, nor the reader, are aware of Hypsipyle's identity at 4.739ff: tandem inter silvas—sic Euhius ipse pararat— errantes subitam pulchro in maerore tuentur Hypsipylen; Hi quamvis et ad ubera Opheltes non suus, Inachii proles infausta Lycurgi, dependet—neglecta comam nec dives amictu— regales tamen ore notae, nec mersus acerbis exstat honos... At last as thy roamed the woods—Bacchus himself Had purposed it—they suddenly beheld, Most lovely in her grief, Hypsipyle. She carried at her breast a child not hers, Opheltes, King Lycurgus' ill-starred son, And though her dress was mean, her hair unkempt, Yet in her face were marks of royalty And dignity surviving unsubmerged By better times. No explanation of her mysterious presence or miserable countenance is given; even her name is unknown to the Seven until 5.39. The essential facts of

Hypsipyle's identity, that she is both a woman of Lemnos and a granddaughter of

Bacchus, their enemy, are withheld from the Seven. In turn, they cannot identify her. The Seven seek only one interpretation of the sight before them, that is, one

Reussner(1921)39. 22 which will serve their heroic purpose. The stupefactus Adrastus is quick to assess the spectacle, and act upon his conclusions, 4.753-60:

'diva potens nemorum (nam te vultusque pudorque mortali de stirpe negant),quae laeta sub isto igne poli non quaeris aquas, succurre propinquis gentibus; arquitenens seu te Latonia casto de grege transmisit thalamis, seu lapsus ab astris non humilis fecundat amor (neque enim ipse deorum arbiter Argolidum thalamis novus), aspice maesta agmina...' Goddess of the groves—for sure Your fair frank face denies a mortal birth— Who, to your joy, beneath this vault of fire Do not seek water, help this people here, Your neighbors; whether Diana from her chaste Troop sent you forth for wedlock, or from heaven Some high love made you fruitful (Jove himself Is no new judge of Argive charms), look now Upon our grieving columns...

Amphiaraus assumes that the female before him belongs in the environment in which she is presently found, and connects her in a maternal relation to the child she is nursing. Moreover, if not Diana herself, she must be a follower of that goddess; in any case, she appears able to meet the army's pressing need for water.

Statius withholds the true identity of Hypsipyle in order to call to mind the scene in book 1 of the Aeneid where Venus, disguised as a huntress on the Libyan shore, directs Aeneas to the city of Carthage. Aeneas also mistakes this seemingly mortal huntress for the goddess, Artemis (Aen.325-334). This scene from the Aeneid is based on the incident in Homer's Odyssey when Odysseus encounters the princess, Nausicaa, playing with a ball on the beach and calls her a goddess, 6. 614-616. By recalling successful heroes, Statius adds pathos to the 23

Argives' predicament. The Seven are not successful heroes like Aeneas and

Odysseus: they are fated to lose the war at Thebes and die miserable deaths.

Euripides' play does not concern itself with the Seven's arrival in Thebes. The scene of the play is in Nemea, and its main character is Hypsipyle. Therefore,

Euripides uses a more direct approach in introducing Hypsipyle to the Seven.

In so far as we know, the motif of Dionysus' hatred for the Seven was not a factor in Euripides' Hypsipyle. In Euripides' version, Amphiaraus seeks a spring in order to pour libations to the gods. In Statius, the Seven seek water because they are dying of thirst. Bacchus causes a drought at Nemea in order to delay the

Argive expedition to Thebes. This plot change adheres to Statius' flair for the dramatic. Hypsipyle is Bacchus' granddaughter and Statius allows this irony to shine forth. Bacchus knows that it is fated for the Argives to die at Thebes. The most that Bacchus can do is delay the inevitable. Knowing that the Argives cannot die at Nemea, Bacchus arranges an encounter between Hypsipyle and the

Argives: tandem inter silvas—sic Euhius ipse pararat—Zerrantes subitam pulchro in maerore tuentur/ Hypsipylen ('at last wandering in the woodland—for so had

Euhius himself devised—they behold on a sudden Hypsipyle, beauteous in her grief,' 4.739-41). Thus, Hypsipyle is merely an instrument of Bacchus' divine plan:

Bacchus must provide salvation to the Argives before they meet an untimely end.

Therefore, in the Thebaid, Hypsipyle's good intentions are undermined by the fact that fate decrees that the Seven will die at Thebes. By putting an end to their thirst, Hypsipyle precipitates their demise. 24

Eurydice appears to play a much more crucial role in Euripides' Hypsipyle than in Statius' Thebaid. In Euripides' play, Lycurgus is absent at the moment of his son's death, acting as a priest of Zeus. Therefore, when Opheltes dies, it is his mother's sorrow and wrath that places Hypsipyle in danger first.31 In Statius' version, Lycurgus is present at Nemea and threatens Hypsipyle's life even before

Eurydice learns about the misfortune. The grief of a mother who has lost her child would have been very effective on stage in a Euripidean drama, but Statius prefers to capture the essence of a Roman family in which the father takes control of the situation. Before the mother even appears, it has been decided that

Hypsipyle is not to suffer punishment. The break between Books 5 and 6 effectively turns the mother's appearance into an afterthought. Moreover, a close father-son relationship is a common motif in epic. Hector has a loving relationship with his son, Astyanax, in the Iliad; the Odyssey incorporates two father-son relationships: Odysseus and his father, Laertes, and Odysseus and his son,

Telemachus. Furthermore, Aeneas has a strong relationship with his father,

Anchises, in the Aeneid. Since the Thebaid is largely about a father's wrath towards his sons, Statius places the close bond between Lycurgus and Opheltes in contrast to Oedipus and his sons, Eteocles and Polynices.

We have fragments of Euripides' Hypsipyle in which the prophet,

Amphiaraus, addresses a consolation to Eurydice, the mother of the dead child,

Much of the latter half of Euripides' Hypsipyle is lost to us. Lycurgus may have returned before or during the funeral games for his son and placed Hypsipyle's life in danger once again. 25

killed by a snake due to Hypsipyle's negligence, and makes predictions about

Archemorus/Opheltes and the start of the Nemean games (frr.60 i + 87; Cockle c.833-893). The consolation and the predictions are present in almost all attested versions of the myth. Statius, however, avoids the pattern of consolation addressed by a hero to a mourning mother. In the Thebaid, Lycurgus has just returned from sacrificing to an angry thunder-god who gives him a fearful prophecy concerning the fate of his son (4.638). By the time Lycurgus reaches Nemea, the prophecy has already been fulfilled. The Argive army accompanies Opheltes' corpse back to the palace where they meet Eurydice and her women mourners

(5.650). Statius replaces the dramatic debate between the mother and the nurse in

Euripides' play with a confrontation between Lycurgus and the Seven (5.653). In fact, it is doubtful if Lycurgus appeared at all in Euripides' play.32 Euripides'

Amphiaraus interrupts the confrontation and convinces Eurydice to spare

Hypsipyle by persuasive words of wisdom. In Statius, the physical presence of

Tydeus convinces Lycurgus to spare Hypsipyle (5.662-6).33 The rumor that

32As mentioned on pages 12-14, the scene on the 6th century shield-strap (fig. 1) may show that there was a pre-existing version of the story in which there was a violent confrontation between the Seven and Lycurgus after the death of Opheltes. I am doubtful that the picture represents such events. Either Statius was the first to mention this violent confrontation, or a violent confrontation may have occurred if Lycurgus returned to Nemea in Euripides' Hypsipyle and once again threatened her life. 33Euripides' Hypsipyle did much to improve the reputation of Amphiaraus. On the basis of Schol. Ar. Frogs 53, Euripides' Hypsipyle between 412 and 407 B.C. The Athenians gained control of Qropus in c. 430 and in the last quarter of the fifth century (Aristophanes' Amphiaraus gives a terminus ante quern of 414), they established a sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Oropus (Parker, 1996) 136. 26

Lycurgus had attacked Hypsipyle, the savior of the Argive army, makes the troops attack Lycurgus' palace with the intent to overthrow the king (5. 690ff). The Argive troops riot and almost clash with the Nemeans on behalf of Hypsipyle, but they never formally acknowledge Hypsipyle's mourning with consolation. For that matter, Opheltes' mother, Eurydice, is not consoled in Statius' version. Instead, it is to Lycurgus and the Argive nobles that Amphiaraus addresses his speech of consolation and prophecy. This literary choice can again be connected to the precedents in epic of strong father-son relationships. Moreover, Hypsipyle is rescued because those who defend her are stronger than those who want to punish her. To the characters of the Thebaid, peace is an unacceptable anomaly.

Statius poses this 'might is right' philosophy only to reject it. One of the underlying thematic concerns of the epic is the destructive nature of war. This scene is yet another example of extreme emotions and rashness of temper which Statius denounces.

In Euripides and in all of the ancient mythographers, the only cause for the death of the child is that Hypsipyle sets him down to show the spring to the troops.

In Statius, the emphasis is on Hypsipyle's long speech, which becomes the cause for Opheltes' death by an interesting tour de force. The story about the murder of children on Lemnos produces another child-murder: talia Lernaeis Herat dum regibus exul/ Lemnias et longa solatur damna querela,/ inmemor absentis—sic di suasistis!—alumni... ('While Lemnos' exiled queen thus told her tale/ To Lerna's princes and in long lament/ Found consolation, never thinking of/ The little child 27

she'd left—so Heaven willed...,' 5. 499-501). Here, Hypsipyle's lengthy narration is to blame for Opheltes' untimely end. Even Hypsipyle herself has self-chastising words about her need to narrate to the Argives (5.623-25). Hypsipyle explicitly connects the Lemnian narrative she unnecessarily told the Argives with the death of Opheltes: dum pathos casus famaeque exorsa retracto/ambitiosa meae—pietas haec magna fidesque!-,/ exsolvi tibi, Lemne, nefas ('While I recounted my/ Dear country's fortunes and my own proud fame-/ Such loyalty, such love!-- I paid my home/ The crime I owed!,' 5.626-28). By telling her Lemnian tale and inadvertently killing the baby, Hypsipyle believes that she has paid her debt of nefas to Lemnos.

Opheltes' death is the price that Hypsipyle has to pay for not having killed her father; the death she owes to Lemnos has been exacted from the next generation.

Statius creates a world in which everything is overturned by civil strife—justice, familial relations, religious belief, even the benevolence of the gods. The death of

Opheltes displays the unnaturalness and perversity of such a world: an innocent baby must die for the crimes of Lemnos and Thebes.34

Broadly then, Statius covers the major plot elements of Euripides' Hypsipyle by the end of book 6. Statius reworks Euripides' tragedy in an attempt to serve the

34Destruction of one's children or childlessness is a key Theban theme. Niobe, the daughter of Tantalos, boasted that she was better than Leto because she had 12 children and Leto had only two (Apollo and Artemis). Thus, in anger, Apollo and Artemis slew Niobe's 12 offspring; on the orders of Hera, Isis and Lyssa (Madness) caused Heracles to slay his 3 children and his wife, Megara; Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was struck dead with a lightning bolt while pregnant with Bacchus (though Bacchus either survived or was resurrected); Ino, the daughter of Kadmus, was driven to madness and killed both her children before jumping into the sea; Agave killed her son, Pentheus, in a fit of Bacchus-inspired frenzy. 28 martial nature of his epic and his emphasis on power and the effects of civil strife on society. As the likely inventor of Hypsipyle's servitude at Nemea, surely

Euripides would have been an important model for Statius.

Influences: Antimachus and the Hellenism of Naples

Too little remains of Antimachus' massive and learned fourth century epic, Thebais, to enable much comparison between Antimachus and Statius. There is no reason, though, to reject the possibility that Statius was influenced by Antimachus' epic.

After all, Statius was born in Naples to a father who was both a poet and a teacher.

Statius maintained connections in Naples throughout his career and returned to

Naples at the end of his life.35 At Naples, the varied influences of Hellenism were predominant.36 Furthermore, Statius' father was a poet and teacher, specializing in the explication of Greek texts.37 These influences cannot but have helped to

35There are several allusions to Naples in the Silvae: 1.2.261; 2.2.84; 3.1.93; 3.1.152; 3.5.79; 4.8.3; 5.3). 36ln the city of Naples, Greek institutions and certain aspects of the original Greek legal system remained in place. As a civitas foederata (326 B.C) and later as a municipium (90 B.C), Naples was allowed to keep its Greek constitution, organs of local government, civic and religious institutions, and its educational system. The Greek heritage of Naples survived well into the Empire, as well as the extensive use of the Greek language. See Strabo (5.4.7) and Tacitus (Ann. 15.33.2). Romans on vacation in Naples sought the company of Greek intellectuals, attended shows, and sometimes they even adopted Greek dress. Bowersock (1965) 80-84; Dyson (1992) 66; Hardie (1983) 2-3; Lomas (1996) 7. 37lt was customary for Roman children to begin their studies with the reading of Homer's Iliad and Odyssey before proceeding to an epic in their own tongue, Vergils' Aeneid. See Bonner (1977) 212-13 and Marrou (1956) 255-56. Statius described his debt to his father's example and tutelage in Silvae 5.3 and mentions some of the Greek authors on whom his father lectured: Homer, 29 determine the course of Statius' career and have had a bearing on the nature and content of his works.

Antimachus of Colophon was known in antiquity as both an epic and an elegiac poet. Undoubtedly, however, his most famous work was his Thebaid, which narrated the first expedition against Thebes. Antimachus' poems were preserved well into the Roman Empire, and four important Latin sources refer to

Antimachus as an epic poet. Catullus in poem 95, mentioned Antimachus along with another poet, Volusius. Both were noted above all for their long- windedness.38 Cicero was also well aware of Antimachus, and in Brutus 191 he reported that when Demosthenes read Antimachus' poetry to an audience, all of his listeners left him except Plato. Once again, Antimachus was criticized by a

Roman writer for his turgidity. Propertius and Quintilian, however, had high praise for Antimachus' poetry. Propertius, in 2.34.43-45, placed Antimachus alongside

Hesiod, Epicharmus, Pindar, Ibycus, Alcman, Stesichorus, Sappho, Callimachus, Lycophron, Sophron, and Corinna (5.3.151-58). For details on Statius' and his father's life in Naples, see Ahl (1982) 925, Dewar (1991) xv-xvi, Duff (1960) 373-74, Hardie (1983) 2-14, Kenney vol. 2 (1981) 560. The context involves a comparison with the Annals of Volusius in antithesis to the Callimachean epyllion of Catullus' friend, Cinna. Catullus' criticism of Antimachus' verbosity coincides with the literary criticism of Callimachus (fr. 398): Λύ&η και τιαχί γράμμα και οί τορόν (The Lyde is thick and not clear). Scholars, however, are divided whether Catullus is referring to Antimachus' Lyde or his Thebaid. Solodow (1987) 142, Matthews (1996) 65-66, Goold (1983) 261 argue that Catullus was referring to Antimachus' Thebaid. Quinn (1970) 433, Forsyth (1986) 535-36 on the other hand, argue that Catullus was referring to Antimachus' Lyde 30

Homer in the epic canon, and Quintilian, a contemporary of Statius, claimed that many ancient sources rated Antimachus second to Homer (10.1.53).

Since few fragments of Antimachus survive today,40 we tend to dismiss his influence on the Romans. Instead, we exaggerate Callimachus' influence on

Roman literature. As Richard F. Thomas notes,

At times in discussions of Roman poetry the term 'Callimachean' seems to mean little more than 'clever', 'very Callimachean', little more than 'very clever,' and in such cases it does not even seem to matter whether the 'cleverness' has any specific connection to Callimachus...the terms Hellenistic, Alexandrian and Callimachean tend still to be used interchangeably. If we mean some feature is Hellenistic, why do we keep calling it Callimachean?41 We seem to focus excessively on Callimachus at the expense of other Hellenistic poets. Moreover, we are doing this based on the accident of survival. Propertius mentions Philitas almost as much as he mentions Callimachus, and Richard F.

Thomas suggests that Vergil's portrayal of the old man of Tarentum in Georgics 4

39ln 2.35, Propertius advises his friend, Lynceus, to reject his pedantic studies now that he is in love and to turn to imitating the poems of Philitas. Propertius mentions Homer and Antimachus as great epic poets who are simply unsuitable as models for a love poet. Propertius makes a similar point in 1.7 and 1.9: epic poetry is useless if the poet falls in love. Ponticus is composing a Thebais, which will sing ot..Cadmeae..Thebae/ armaque fraternae tristia militiae ('Cadmean Thebes and the somber warfare of fraternal strife,' 1.7.1-2). Propertius goes on to say that in writing about such a lofty theme, Ponticus is vying with Homer himself (1.7.3). Although Antimachus is not mentioned by name, he was probably on Propertius' mind as he was in the poem about Lynceus (2.34). By replacing Antimachus with Ponticus alongside Homer, Propertius is 39 alluding to the fact that Ponticus would be a Roman Antimachus, writing a Latin Thebais. Ponticus, like his Greek predecessor, may be compared to Homer in greatness. Although Antimachus' name is not present in 1.7 and 1.9, he lurks in the shadows of the poem, with his place in epic canon being seized by Ponticus, whom Propertius visualizes as his Roman counterpart. 40About 70 fragments can be attributed to Antimachus' Thebaid. Matthews (1996) 20. 41Thomas (1993) 198 31 may have been influenced by the poetry of Philitas. Furthermore, Apollonius

Rhodius had such an influence on Latin literature that the poet Varro of Atax adapted Apollonius' Argonautica into Latin. And there are others:

What about Eratosthenes, Euphorion and later Parthenius, all of whom are embedded in the Augustan poets. And what of Theocritus and Apollonius? Why, when Virgil can produce a book of poems generically and formally, and in many of its details, based closely on Theocritean pastoral—more so arguably than any Roman poem is based on a poem of Callimachus—or when Apollonius' epic imposes its stamp so clearly on the Aeneid...why, when all of this is so, do we never use the adjectives "Theocritean" or "Apollonian" in the same way that we use the word "Callimachean"—that is, as indicating a programmatic attitude, stylistic outlook, or general poetic and scholarly position?43 Perhaps these other Hellenistic writers deserve the same attention that has been accorded to Callimachus. Statius derived details concerning the myth of Linus and Coroebus (1.557-672) from Callimachus.44 Why should it be impossible to imagine that Statius utilized other Hellenistic poets, such as Antimachus?

Scholars have expressed doubt that Statius relied on Antimachus in writing his own Thebaid. Wyss dismissed the idea that there were traces of Antimachus in

Statius.45 More recently, Vessey has further down-played Antimachean influence on Statius 46 Ahl has taken a more balanced approach:

Statius' vast knowledge makes it unwise to base arguments on his ignorance of certain authors and traditions: notably Antimachus of Colophon's Thebaid. The remains of Antimachus are so fragmentary that there really is not enough evidence to decide the matter one way or the other...Much of the debate on Statius and Antimachus seems based on the assumption that Antimachus was long and

Ibid. 198-199. 'ibid. 199. 'Kenneyvol. 2(1981), 560. VVyss (1936), xiii-xviii. Vessey (1970b), 138-140; Vessey (1973), 69. 32 tedious. Scholars who like Statius tend to dissociate him from Antimachus; those who dislike him presume he is an imitator of Antimachus.47

It seems equally clear, however, that merely because of our meager knowledge of

Antimachus' Thebaid, he should not be dismissed as a source of inspiration to

Statius. That Statius used Antimachus is entirely probable. Just because Statius does not always adopt the same view of the Theban legend as Antimachus, it does not follow that he did not read Antimachus or did not use him as a source. Lucan, in writing his epic, Bellum Civile, for example, used Julius Caesar's De Bello Civili even though he disagreed with Caesar's views. Statius was never subservient to his models. To a certain extent, he was bound by a principle of imitatio, but he also strove to be innovative and fresh. This was a characteristic of Silver Age writers. While we cannot measure the degree of Antimachus' influence on Statius, we should not assume that he was of no importance to Statius.

Influences: Vergil

Against this background of literary antecedents, Statius' explicit comparison, or rather, his profession of respectful imitation, is to Vergil's Aeneid: nec tu divinam

Aeneida tempta, sed longe sequere et vestigia semper adora ('nor try to match the heavenly Aeneidl But follow from afar and evermore/ Worship its steps,' 12. 816-

817). Hypsipyle's narration invites comparison with Aeneas' narration to Dido of

47Ahl (1986), 2815, n. 21; Matthews (1996) 24 supports Ahl's conclusions. 33 the fall of Troy in book 2 of the Aeneid. In Statius' Thebaid, Hypsipyle understands the notoriety of her name and that her audience will already know much of her story:

...ilia ego nam, pudeat ne forte benignae hospitis, ilia, duces, raptum quae sola parentem occului...... claro generata Thoante servitium Hypsipyle vestri fero capta Lycurgi (5.34-39).

Yes, I alone, my lord (you need not feel Ashamed of your kind host), alone concealed And saved my father...I am Hypsipyle, the child Of famous Thoas, now in servitude, To your Lycurgus.

In a similar tone, Aeneas also knows that the mere mention of his name provides

Dido with his life story: coram, quern quaeritis, adsum, Tro'ius Aeneas, Libycis

ereptus ab undis (' I am here, before you, the one you look for,/ Trojan Aeneas,

saved from out the Libyan sea,' 1.595-96).48 Although Hypsipyle's and Aeneas'

respective audiences already know their biographies, they nevertheless desire to

hear the stories first-hand (Theb. 541, 43; Aen. 1.749-56). Moreover, Hypsipyle

professes the same anxiety as Aeneas about narrating it once more. Hypsipyle

says:

...immania vulnera, rector, integrare iubes, Furias et Lemnon et artis arma inserta toris debellatosque pudendo ense mares (5.29-31).

...Terrible Wounds you bid me revive, my lord, the tale Of Lemnos and its Furies, blades thrust home In narrow beds and manhood overwhelmed

In book 8 of Homer's Odyssey, Odysseus' reputation precedes him. When he tells the Phaeacians who he is, they are eager to hear his story. 34

By wicked swords.

Likewise, Aeneas tells Dido:

Infandum, regina, iubes renovare dolorem, Troianas ut opes et lamentabile regnum eruerint Danai, quaeque ipse miserrima vidi et quorum pars magna fui (2.3-6). Ο queen, the griefs you bid me reopen are inexpressible— the tale of Troy, a rich and a most tragic empire Erased by the Greeks; most piteous events I saw with my own eyes And played no minor part in.

For both Hypsipyle and Aeneas, this is not simply recollection; it is closer to re- experience. Their memories assume a life of their own. Thus, Hypsipyle and

Aeneas hesitate to begin their tales, but they both concede to the desires of their listeners because the memories of these traumatic events occupy their thoughts continually, obsessively. They cannot help but discuss a past that still impinges on their present lives in significant ways.

Hypsipyle's narration of the night that the Lemnian men were massacred parallels Aeneas' narration of the night Troy fell. The situation is so similar as not to require verbal parallels. When the Lemnian men returned from warring in

Thrace, they were greeted with festive dinners and drinking: ditibus indulgent epulis vacuantque profundo aurum inmane mero... ('they relished sumptuous feasts,/ Draining deep draughts of wine from massive gold...,' 5. 187-188). None of the Lemnian men were aware that their wives were plotting to kill them at these banquets; the celebration over Thrace's defeat was their primary concern. 34

By wicked swords.

Likewise, Aeneas tells Dido:

Infandum, regina, iubes renovare dolorem, Troianas ut opes et lamentabile regnum eruerint Danai, quaeque ipse miserrima vidi et quorum pars magna fui (2.3-6). Ο queen, the griefs you bid me reopen are inexpressible— the tale of Troy, a rich and a most tragic empire Erased by the Greeks; most piteous events I saw with my own eyes And played no minor part in.

For both Hypsipyle and Aeneas, this is not simply recollection; it is closer to re- experience. Their memories assume a life of their own. Thus, Hypsipyle and

Aeneas hesitate to begin their tales, but they both concede to the desires of their listeners because the memories of these traumatic events occupy their thoughts continually, obsessively. They cannot help but discuss a past that still impinges on their present lives in significant ways.

Hypsipyle's narration of the night that the Lemnian men were massacred parallels Aeneas' narration of the night Troy fell. The situation is so similar as not to require verbal parallels. When the Lemnian men returned from warring in

Thrace, they were greeted with festive dinners and drinking: ditibus indulgent epulis vacuantque profundo aurum inmane mere... ('they relished sumptuous feasts,/ Draining deep draughts of wine from massive gold...,' 5. 187-188). None of the Lemnian men were aware that their wives were plotting to kill them at these banquets; the celebration over Thrace's defeat was their primary concern. 35

Likewise, in the Aeneid49, the Trojans had received the gift of a wooden horse from the Achaeans and had presumed the gift signified the surrender of the Greeks.

The Trojans prepared a huge celebration, not aware that their enemy hid within the horse. Just as the Lemnian men were slaughtered after hours of feasting and drinking, so too were the Trojans besieged unawares: invadunt urbem somno vinoque sepultam... ('they broke out over a city drowned in drunken sleep...,'

2.265). Hypsipyle's situation parallels Aeneas' predicament during these massacres. Both rush to their father's home and the parent and the child journey through a city under siege (Theb. 5.248-51; Aen. 2.725-29).50 Both Hypsipyle and

Aeneas successfully save their fathers.

The actions of the Lemnian women can be compared to book 5 of the

Aeneid, in which the Trojan women, worn out by their travels, set fire to the Trojan ships. Just as book 5 of the Thebaid has been criticized for being 'digressional,' book 5 of the Aeneid has suffered the same fate. What S. Georgia Nugent has to say about the fifth book of the Aeneid can be just as accurately applied to book 5 of the Thebaid:

We need to replace the earlier view of the book as merely 'episodic' with a reading which will identify its underlying thematic...l concur with the consensus that book 5 needs to be understood functionally, for its role in the forward movement of Aeneas' quest.51

Vergil was probably influenced by an earlier tradition concerning the fall of Troy (i.e lliu Persis). 50Nugent (1996), 47-49, 64. 51Nugent(1992), 258-59. 36

In Aeneid 5, the Trojan society is divided within itself. Similarly, the Lemnian community is also divided. In both cases, the males and females have lost communication and the women feel isolated, excluded and mournful. The goddess, Iris, infiltrates the group of Trojan women by taking the form of a mortal woman, Beroe. Just as Polyxo, in an impassioned speech, inflames the Lemnian women to commit violence, so does Iris, and the Trojan women seize fire from altars and hearths and set fire to the Trojan ships. In fact, there are verbal echoes.

The Lemnian women shared the same fury (furor omnibus idem, 5.148), and the

Trojan women on Sicily share a single voice (vox omnibus una, 5.616).52 The

Trojan men, who were participating in funeral games for Aeneas' father, Anchises, arrive in time to save most of the ships. Aeneas and his captains decide to leave the troublesome element, namely the women, on Sicily and they depart with the youths, the strong, the men: lectos iuvenes, fortissima corda ('chosen youths, the strongest of heart,' 5.729). This results in the same situation as on Lemnos: the women are left alone on an island without a male population.

There are also poetic associations between the landing of the Argonauts on

Lemnos and the landing of the Trojan survivors at Carthage. In particular, the relationship between Hypsipyle and Jason invites comparisons with the relationship between Dido and Aeneas. Both Dido and Hypsipyle are queens and when Hypsipyle begins her tale, Lemnos, like Carthage, is flourishing (Theb. 5.54-

55). The goddess responsible for the ensuing disaster on Lemnos is Venus, and

Nugent (1996) 59. 37

Venus and Juno are also responsible for Dido's fall. Dido falls in love with Aeneas and, based on literary precedent, one would assume that Jason's affair with

Hypsipyle would follow the same pattern as that of Dido and Aeneas. After all, in

Ovid's Heroides 6, and in the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius and Valerius

Flaccus, Hypsipyle falls in love with Jason. In Statius' version, however, Hypsipyle does not fall in love with the new arrival, Jason. Instead, she maintains her sense of temperance and moral respectability. In the Thebaid, Hypsipyle presents Jason as an experienced seducer whom she must marry against her will:

....cineres furiasque meorum testor: ut externas non sponte aut crimine taedas attigerim—scit cura deum—etsi blandus lason virginibus dare vincula novis (5.454-57). ...By the ashes and the avenging ghosts of my Own kin I swear—Heaven's mercy knows—that by No will of mine and guiltless I became A stranger's wife, though Jason used his charm To ensnare young innocence.

Hypsipyle's and Jason's marriage was enforced and she bore him twins unwillingly. This is the opposite of what Dido felt for Aeneas. Dido is carried away by passion and willingly cohabits with Aeneas and destroys herself when he inevitably leaves. Hypsipyle gets what Dido wants: a marriage and children.

Hypsipyle, however, considers her union with Jason a moral sin and cannot enjoy her circumstances.53 Statius wants to distance Hypsipyle from the licentiousness of the other Lemnian women. Therefore, Hypsipyle is never shown in the Thebaid to act on feelings of passion or love. Instead, Hypsipyle acts on pietas. Hence,

Gruzelier, (1994) 153-57, 160-61 38 there are parallels between Hypsipyle and Dido, but the women react differently to similar events. One is ruled by pietas; one by amor.54

In fact, the Lemnian women are more likened to the character of Dido than

Hypsipyle is. Just as Polyxo is compared to a Teumesian Bacchant (5.92) after the men of the island have departed, so too is Dido compared to a Bacchant (4.302) after Aeneas leaves her. Dido cannot understand why Aeneas would be so eager to leave his new home and marriage in the middle of winter: quin etiam hiberno moliris sidere classem et mediis properas Aquilonibus ire per altum, crudelis... mene fugis? (Aen. 4.309-314).

Now, in the dead of winter, to be getting your ships ready And hurrying to set sail when northerly gales are blowing, You heartless one!... Am I your reason for going?

In a similar manner, the Lemnian women cannot understand why their husbands would desire to leave their homes and families in the middle of winter to make war on Thrace: cumque domus contra stantesque in litore nati, dulcius Edonas hiemes Arctonque frementem excipere, aut tandem tacita post proelia nocte fractorum subitas torrentum audire ruinas. (Theb. 5.77-80) Though home was near and on The shore their children stood, far sweeter seemed To brave that country's winters, bear the brunt Of the icy north or, when at last night fell Silent after the fighting, hear the roar Of sudden broken torrents crashing down. In an ironic reversal, however, Dido cries vengeance for her desertion when she sees the fleet of Aeneas sailing off into the sunrise {Aen. 4.584ff). In the Thebaid,

Vessey (1973) 177. 39 the cry of vengeance arises as the women see the gleaming sails of their husbands' ships returning to the harbour at Lemnos (Theb. 5.130). This is followed by a series of horrors: Polyxo's dream of Venus urging the deserted women to the use of the sword (134ff) and the Lemnian women's word to carry out wholesale butchery in the dark grove, calling upon Enyo, Proserpina, and the Stygian goddess (152ff). This is reminiscent of Dido's essay into the arts of black magic, ostensibly to purge herself of Aeneas's power (Aen. 4.504ff).

Hypsipyle's construction of her father's funeral pyre distinctly echoes Dido's construction of her own pyre. After Thoas disappears from Lemnos, Hypsipyle becomes as ferociously active as any Lemnian woman. To deceive the other women, she builds a funeral pyre for her father in the innermost part of the palace, on which she places his regalia, 5.313ff. The unmistakable allusion is to the pyre built by Dido, intended first to deceive her sister, Anna, Aen. 4.494ff, 645ff. Dido's pyre is also built in the most intimate and secluded region of the palace, penetrali in sede ('in her innermost dwelling', 4.504). Consigned to the pyre are the tokens of Dido's erotic relationship with Aeneas. To kill herself, Dido symbolically uses

Aeneas' sword, which her servants discover bloodstained, 4.664f. Hypsipyle stands beside the fake pyre ense cruentato, ('with a bloody sword,' 5.317). This is a significant allusion to Dido since Hypsipyle has no reason to wield a sword. For that matter, whose blood is even on the sword? In 5.314, Hypsipyle claims to have thrown all of her father's weaponry on the pyre. Thus, to whom does this sword belong unless it is meant to be a blatant reference to Dido? 40

Statius owes a large debt to the Aeneid for poetic inspiration, but he was not adverse to reshaping more than one incident in his new presentation. As Statius himself states in his programmatic epilogue, Vergil's epic is a lofty model for the

Thebaid and one that he should "follow at a distance," 12.816f. For Statius, the

Aeneid was not only a model, but also a stimulus to innovation.

Apollonius, Valerius and Statius

Among Statius' antecedents concerned with the events on Lemnos, Apollonius

Rhodius' Argonautica and Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica occupy a central position.55 The Lemnos episode receives roughly the same number of lines

(Apollonius, 306 lines; Valerius, 351 lines) in both poets, who relate the story as follows: the Argonauts stop at Lemnos and are amorously received by the women there (these having previously murdered the male inhabitants in revenge for their infidelity), until, rebuked for their sloth by Hercules, they sail away. In this section, I will examine closely the three full-scale epic versions of this story provided by

Apollonius, Valerius and Statius.

Statius' epic modifies these literary antecedents for specific reasons, and this can be seen in no better way than in the portrayal of Polyxo. In Apollonius and

55Vessey (1973) 178 argues that Valerius' epic was written well before Statius and that due to a large number of verbal echoes, Statius used Valerius as a source. Vessey goes on to say that Statius may have considered Valerius a rival. Poortvliet, (1991) 68 argues that "there is every reason to believe that Statius incorporated the story of Hypsipyle in his Thebaid because Valerius had dealt with the same subject only shortly before: it was a juicy story, offering him the opportunity to beat Valerius on his own ground." 41

Valerius, Polyxo plays no part in causing the massacre of the Lemnian men, but is instrumental in persuading the Lemnian women to receive the Argonauts as their guests and lovers. In Apollonius, Polyxo is Hypsipyle's nurse, in Valerius she is a prophetess, and in Statius she is the wife of Charopeus. Polyxo's ability to incite the Lemnian women to slaughter their husbands offers a good example of Statius' preoccupation with the causes of civil strife. For Statius, there is no well-defined reason for civil war; civil war is irrational or it is driven by ira:

Statius's attitude towards ira is essentially the same as Seneca's. It is not necessary to posit that Statius was directly influenced by the treatise; the similarity in treatment merely indicates their common philosophical origin. To Seneca, ira is a form of insanity, for, to the Stoics, all evil is madness and all evil men are by definition also madmen: it leads to arma, sanguis, supplicia; it lusts for vengeance, even if the avenger himself is destroyed in the process. Ira destroys whole families, whole nations; it has countless forms. In these terms is ira presented in the Thebaid. It has demonic power which maddens and destroys.56 In Statius' version, Hypsipyle begins her story by explaining that strife had arisen among the Lemnians because Venus was offended by their neglect of her divinity. As a result, sexual relations deteriorate, procreation ceases, and the men decide to wage war against the neighboring Thracians. Impatient and resentful at the lack of sexual encounters, the women of Lemnos spend their days and nights mourning: illae autem tristes /sub nocte dieque/ adsiduis aegrae in lacrimis solantia miscent/ conloquia (The wives in sadness...day and night/ In endless tearful converse, sick at heart,/ Sought solace,' 5.81-84)—that is, until Polyxo enters the scene.

Vessey (1973) 58. 42

Seemingly possessed by Furies and raging like a Bacchant (91-4), Polyxo dashes through the city and calls an assembly of Lemnian women. She emphasizes the unnaturalness of the women's sterile existence and proposes that they kill the Lemnian men when they return from their attack upon Thrace. Polyxo assures the women that the gods would favor such an action at two points: nec numina desunt ('nor are the deities absent,' 5.109) and superisne vocantibus ultro/ desumus? ecce rates! deus hos, deus ultro in iras/ apportat coeptisque favet (The ships! Look, see them! Heaven,/ Avenging Heaven, is bringing them to our rage,/

Blessing our plan,' 5.132-34). Polyxo goes on to argue that, by committing such murder, they can win back sexual relations (renovanda Venus, 110). At the very height of her entreaty, the Lemnian men return from Thrace and the women are persuaded to swear an oath in the blood of Polyxo's son to slaughter the men later that evening.

In Statius, the persuasion to kill the Lemnian men is a result of the rhetorical skill of Polyxo (5.104ff). Her public speech in front of the gathered women is in many ways parallel in its rhetoric and impact to that of Tydeus (3. 348-65). As

Tydeus' speech is key to the launching of the civil war between the two cities, so

Polyxo's speech starts with the lists of wrongs that call for retaliation (5. 136ff), culminating in the suggestion that the men intend to replace their wives with

Thracian brides (5.142). In the same way, Tydeus' speech (3. 348) starts with the complaint that law has disappeared from the earth and men should take action to set the situation right. Both speeches gain effect from the demonstration of a 43 personal suffering which the speaker is ready to set aside in order to sacrifice everything for the cause: Tydeus is ready to fight again despite his fresh wounds;

Polyxo marshals her four infant sons, whom she is ready to slay in order to incite the women's desire for revenge. As Polyxo's rhetoric motivates the women's unnatural conduct, so Tydeus' speech causes the Argives to forget their natural attachment to wives and children: mens una subit viduare penates,/ finitimas adhibere manus, iamque ire... ('One purpose springs, to leave their homes forlorn,/

Clasp neighbors' hands, and go,' 3. 385-6). In Apollonius and Valerius Flaccus,

Polyxo urges the Lemnians to invite the Argonauts, but has no role in persuading them to kill their husbands. Statius deviates from his predecessors by creating the public figure, Polyxo, whose speech gains power from her personal example and her Medea-like passion to slay her four sons in order to take revenge on their father (5.125-28).57 Statius has transformed the impersonal and abstract agency of

Fama as instigator of the women's wrath into a public figure, a disturbing duplicate of Tydeus, who with her public speaking incites the women to commit murder.

Polyxo offers the women three reasons to take up arms. First of all, she suggests that the absence of sexual relations and childbirth are due to their husbands' unjust and unnatural expedition against the Thracians (5.116-117). As the Lemnian fleet approaches, Polyxo offers a second reason. Polyxo claims that

Venus had appeared to her in a dream urging the Lemnian women to take action

57ln Statius, this is a variant of a civil war metaphor. Gender conflict within a society reflects the overall theme of brothers at arms. 44 against their husbands upon their return. She displays a sword which she claims

Venus left behind in order to prove that the plan had divine sanction. Lastly,

Polyxo suggests, at the very end of her speech, that the men might bring back new

Thracian wives with them: Bistonides veniunt fortasse maritae ('Perhaps Thracian brides come with them,' 5.142).

Despite the emotional power of her arguments, the reasons and solution

Polyxo offers are astonishing. First, the plan she has found 'by which Venus can be restored' (qua renovanda Venus, 5. 110) necessitates the murder of all Lemnian men. It is paradoxical, to say the least, to claim that the murder of the male population will solve the childbearing problem on the island—this action would preclude the possibility of procreation! On the contrary, Polyxo's actions in

Apollonius' version have the opposite effect. Instead of urging the Lemnian women to commit murder when the Lemnian men return from Thrace as she does in

Statius' version, Polyxo, in Apollonius, encourages the women to receive the

Argonauts so that they can escape their bleak future of sterility (1.668-96).

Secondly, in Statius, although Venus had come to Polyxo in a dream and told her to take action, the words Polyxo recalls do not necessarily call for murder. Venus says: age aversis thalamos purgate maritis./ ipsa faces alias melioraque foedera iungam ('Go, purge your beds/ Of husbands who disdain you. I myself/ Shall light new torches, bring you better unions,' 5.137-138). This statement does not have to imply the men's deaths. Purgate may indicate the purification that would follow the men's departure (and not necessarily their deaths). Finally, Polyxo's suggestion 45 that the men are returning with Thracian brides is not substantiated by anything else in the narrative. In fact, when the Lemnian men return, no Thracian captive- brides are accompanying them. Yet, despite the paradoxical nature of her arguments, Polyxo is able to successfully rally the Lemnian women to commit murder: furor omnibus idem,/ idem animus solare domos... (One frenzy, one intent, to desolate/ The homes...', 5.148-149). They have all been affected by Polyxo's furor.

By omitting any external evidence to buttress Polyxo's arguments, Statius has deliberately highlighted the irrationality of the Lemnian women's course of action. Not everything can be explained and that which is incomprehensible is all the more disturbing. In addition, perhaps Statius desires to stress the horror of spilling kindred blood since this is the main theme of his epic. Apollonius and

Valerius Flaccus58 both make the presence of Thracian captives (actual or perceived) an explicit and central element of the women's motivation. That is, these versions provide clear, external reasons for the Lemnians' revenge, though they do this in different ways. Apollonius explicitly tells us that the men had rejected their wives out of passion for Thracian captives (1.611-14), and this fact provides the women with a potent motivation: jealousy (1.616).59 In Statius, this is only suggested as a possibility. Apollonius even gives a justification for the

58For an overview of similarities between the accounts in Apollonius, Valerius and Statius, see Vessey (1970) 44-48, and Vessey (1973) 171-179. 59Vessey (1970) 44 notes that this would have been "a valuable justification for the massacre", but Statius decides to ignore it. 46 women's slaughter of the entire male population, not just their husbands (1.617-

19): ουκ οίον συν τγισιν έούς ερραισαν άκοίτας/ άμφ' si/vjj, παν δ'άρσ-εν όμοϋ γένος, ως κεν οπίσσω/

μήτινα λευγαλέοιο φόνου τίσειαν άμοιβψ (They destroyed not only their husbands together with the slave-girls in their beds, but also the entire male population with them, so that there could be no requital in the future for the awful murder,' 1.617-

19). The massacre represents a calculated plan to achieve revenge without enduring retributive violence. In Valerius Flaccus, on the other hand, the Lemnian men actually return to Lemnos with Thracian captive-women (2.110-114).

Interestingly enough, the men claim to bring the women back not to be their concubines but to become slaves for their wives. Though this may be the case,

Venus and Fama malevolently use the Thracians' presence to inflame the Lemnian women to action. The two goddesses spread the rumor that the Lemnian men have fallen in love with the Thracian women with whom they are returning, and this becomes the central motive for the women's actions in Valerius' version (2.131-87).

Out of jealousy, they must seek rightful revenge.

In striking contrast, with the exception of the one line suggestion that Polyxo makes at 5.142, Statius has not only obliterated any such sexual motivation on the part of the men but has even omitted any reference to Thracian captives accompanying the men back to Lemnos. Statius does not allow any 'real' or corroborated evidence that would indicate the men were returning with concubines.

This makes the Lemnians' slaughter all the more complex because it results from their obsessive distress. By eliminating such external forces, Statius has focused 47 on the psychological suffering60 of the Lemnians and the rush to violence which that suffering entails.

Moreover, if we compare Hypsipyle's explanation of the Lemnian massacre in Statius to the one she gives Jason in Apollonius, we must again be struck by the irrational nature of the women's actions in the Thebaid. In Apollonius, Hypsipyle takes a stand which defends the women's actions. The women do not kill the men as they return from their war in Thrace. Instead, they watch as the men attack and plunder Thracian ships over an extended period of time—bringing Thracian concubines back with them (1.800ff). These Thracian maidens take the place of the Lemnian women who endure this situation for a long time in the hope that their husbands might experience a change of heart:

ή μεν δηρόν ετέτλαμεν, ε'ι κέ ποτ' αύτις όφέ μεταοτρέφωσι νόον το ίε διπλόον α'ιει πημα κακόν προύβαινεν (1.807-9).

For a long time we put up with this, in the hope that eventually they would change their minds, but the trouble multiplied and got ever worse.

The result of the Lemnian men's actions is that not only are the wives uncared for, but the children are disgraced. What ensues is a world in which moral values are turned on their heads:

άτιμάζοντο Se τέκνα γνησΊ' ενί μεγάροις, σκοτίη δ'άρα $άλλε γενεΒ'λη' αϋτως δ' αίμητές κοϋραι, χήρα/ τ' επι τησι μητέρες, αμ πτολίεΰρον άτημελέως άλάλ'ηντο-

Ibid 47. Vessey suggests that Polyxo "gives the story a psychological aspect which is not present in either Apollonius or Valerius and which is a characteristic (inherited in part from Lucan) of Statius' epic technique." Strangely, however, Vessey strikes this sentence from the near-verbatim reprint of this section of the article in his 1973 book (p. 175). 48

ουδέ πατήρ ολίγον περ έής άλεγιζε Βυγατρός. ει και εν όφθαλμοΐσι δαιζομένην ορόφτο μητρυιής υπό χερσ'ιν ά,τα,σθίλου· ούδ' από μητρός λώβην ώς το πάρο&εν αεικεα παίδες αμυνον, οϋδε κασιγνήτοισι κασιγνήτη μελε Βνμφ' (1.809-17) Our legitimate children were shown no honor in their homes, and a bastard race was placed above them. Unmarried girls and their deserted mothers wandered aimlessly through the city with no one to care for them. A father had not the slightest concern for his daughter, even if before his eyes outrage was done to her by the violent fury of a stepmother. Children no longer as before protected their mothers from shameful insults and brothers no longer cared about sisters. Hypsipyle here emphasizes the dishonored and dangerous position to which the

Lemnian men had subjected their children due to the presence of the Thracian concubines. Social and familial bonds have been shattered. By focusing on the unnatural and reprehensible actions of the men, Apollonius' Hypsipyle has told a story which provides a reasoned and perhaps justifiable explanation for the women's hostility toward their husbands.61 In other words, Apollonius provides cause and effect through divine and human motivators. The Lemnians rid themselves of the men so as to save their society.62 In Statius, on the other hand, the motivators are furor and ira. The stoic nature of Statius' poem dictates this: when someone is overwhelmed by furor or ira, madness ensues. And madness is irrational and inexplicable.

Vessey (1973) 172, however, argues that Apollonius' first edition might have been closer to the Roman versions in the prominence it gives to furor. He bases this assertion on lines quoted from the proekdosis in the scholia of Apollonius1 Argonautica (1.801) which refer to άάατος λύσσα. 62Hypsipyle, however, does not prove a truthful narrator at the end of her speech to Jason. She claims deceitfully that their husbands went off to Thrace with all of their male children, after the women had presented them with an ultimatum. 49

The Lemnians' rush to violence replicates the motivation in the actions of

Oedipus and his sons in books one to three. Characters are overwhelmed by memories of events in their past, recent and distant; memories which occupy their thoughts incessantly, obsessively. At some point, their condition becomes unbearable, and an act of revenge is undertaken which, because of its utter irrationality, ultimately fails to bring lasting satisfaction. The similarity between

Polyxo and Oedipus, in particular, is striking. Both, in states of fury-inspired passion, call for revenge and in doing so unabashedly advocate violence. Both encourage the fighting of a civil war, and both cause the death of their sons.

By including the revelation of Hypsipyle's innocence to the Lemnian women,

Statius has once again innovated upon his literary predecessors. This becomes particularly clear if we again compare his version to those of Apollonius Rhodius and Valerius Flaccus. No revelation of Hypsipyle's innocence occurs in either of

Statius' two predecessors. Moreover, Apollonius omits any indication of

Hypsipyle's ambivalence to ruling Lemnos, whereas Valerius explicitly views this as a reward for her filial piety: donant solio sceptrisque paternis/ ut meritam redeuntque piae sua praemia menti (On Hypsipyle they bestow the throne and scepter of her father as by right, and a daughter's love has its fit reward,' 2.309-10).

It does not provoke ambivalence or dread. Statius, however, explicitly views

Hypsipyle's ascension to the throne as a perverse form of punishment: his mihi pro meritis, ut falsi criminis astu parta fides, regna et solio considere paths— supplicium!—datur. anne illis obsessa negarem? accessi, saepe ante deos testata fidemque immeritasque manus; subeo—pro dira potestas!— 50 exsangue imperium et maestam sine culmine Lemnon (5.320-5).

For that fine service (since the ruse of my Feigned crime had gained belief) to me was given My father's throne and realm—my punishment!— And so beleaguered, how could I refuse? I yielded, I who had often cried to heaven My loyal innocence. I undertook— Apalling power!—a blood-drained sovereignty, The isle of Lemnos, sadly leaderless. For Hypsipyle, the throne represents a supplicium, which she is compelled to endure, and the power is dira potestas. By consciously reacting against Valerius

Flaccus and Apollonius, Statius has once again innovated upon tradition in order to produce a character and a series of events that fit into his larger design. With a kingly father who is now in exile, Hypsipyle is being contrasted with Polynices and

Eteocles. Hypsipyle shows the proper way to react to such a situation. She remains loyal to her father and grudgingly accepts his throne. Hypsipyle is portrayed as a foil to Eteocles and Polynices who abandon their father and greedily seek his kingship.

* * *

The second half of Hypsipyle's Lemnian narrative in Statius' epic deals with the reception of the Argonauts. Once again, Statius' account differs from that of

Apollonius and Valerius. In Statius, the Argonauts arrive in a storm, but in

Apollonius' version (1.634-8) and in Valerius' version (2.313ff), the Lemnian women see the Argonauts rowing towards their island and there is no mention of a tempest. Storms, however, were common motifs in classical epic and as M.

Morford notes, "All the literary storms subsequent to Virgil are stamped with his manner, for his work was a substantial part of the basic reading in the schools of 51 declamation which became the training ground for poets."63 Moreover, storms are inchoative: they mark the beginning of a stranger in a strange place.64 The storm in book 5 marks the arrival of Jason and the Argonauts and the beginning of sexual relationships and subsequent progeny for the Lemnian women.65 Statius also uses a storm to mark the beginning of Argive involvement in the dispute between

Eteocles and Polynices when Tydeus and Polynices arrive at Argos in a storm in the first book of the Thebaid. The storm in which Tydeus and Polynices arrive signifies danger for the Argives. Likewise, Hypsipyle describes an atmosphere that is far from carefree during the Argonauts' stay. The storm with which the

Argonauts arrive anticipates this. Storms, as in all epics, foreshadow danger: the whole universe is stirred by impending conflict.

One other major difference between Statius and his epic predecessors concerns Hypsipyle's relationship with Jason. In Apollonius (1.886ff) and Valerius

(2.355-6), Hypsipyle is in love with Jason, chooses to be in a relationship with him and when he leaves, Hypsipyle is tearful. The story of the Argonautic adventure is full of romance. Hypsipyle's romance with Jason is paralleled with his later romance with Medea. Jason's relationships with women are a central theme in any

63Morford (1967) 32. 64Examples of this in epic include Odysseus' landing in Phaeacia, and Aeneas' landing in Carthage. Both of these examples have the hero confronted with a romance: Nausicaa's attraction to Odysseus, and Aeneas' affair with Dido. 65Vessey (1973) 185 says that Statius included a storm at this point because "it matches the violent passions that have been and are raging in the minds of the women." I believe, however, that at this point, the women have realized the consequences of their actions and their violent passions have been tamed. 52 epic about the voyage of the Argonauts. In Statius' version, however, Hypsipyle has children with Jason against her will. The twins, Euneos and Thoas, are the result of coercion by the intruder, Jason. Hypsipyle insists that it was rape, not love: nec non ipsa tamen thalami monimenta coacti enitor geminos, duroque sub hospite mater nomen avi renovo (Ί myself,/ Made mother by my brutal guest, bore twins,/ Memorial of his ravishing, and gave/ One his grandfather's name,' 5.463-

465). Statius' Thebaid is concerned with familial relations. While the Lemnian tale which Hypsipyle narrates contains romance, Hypsipyle's encounter with the Argive expedition is not romantic. Hypsipyle is depicted as a pious yet sad figure. First and foremost, Hypsipyle is a mother and a nurse; she is not seen as an object of desire. There is no place for romantic love in the Thebaid. In short, Statius very much lives up to his reputation in this episode: the ghastly and the gloomy are much more Statius' 'ground' than that of Apollonius Rhodius and Valerius Flaccus. 53

PART II: THEMES AND TECHNIQUES

Introduction:

In the previous section, I have analyzed the Nemean episode of Statius' epic in relation to previous treatments of Theban material and epic in general. While

Statius owes much to his literary predecessors, he also contributes a distinct voice of his own by making the story thematically relevant to his epic as a whole.

Moreover, Statius rejects the over-simplification of assigning a primary role to divine and human motivators. Whether the civil strife is Lemnian or Theban, it stems from ira and furor. The forces that necessitate war are so overpowering that even gods are helpless as they confront the dire events of the future. Now I will turn my discussion inwards and attempt to show how the Nemean episode of books 4-6 fits into the grand scheme of Statius' epic.

In Engendering Rome: Women in Latin Epic, A. M. Keith writes: "Roman epicists repeatedly give voice to female characters and thereby open up for scrutiny the masculine worldview the genre characteristically proposes..."66 Statius' epic is no exception, giving an extraordinary number of lines to women's speech67, and thus inviting the audience to identify often with the perspective of women.

Women enter the epic as spectators of civil strife, as commentators in their laments

66Keith (2000) 132. This focus on women is also a common feature in tragedies. 67Dominik (1994b) 229. According to Dominik's calculations, 15 mortal women deliver 43 speeches which total approximately 1050 lines, almost one-third of the total number of lines spoken in the epic. When female divinities are entered into the equation, women speak approximately 1258 lines, which amounts to over one-third of the total lines of speech. 54 and as heroic rivals. Statius, however, also places women's aspirations for power in the limelight: some promote civil war and influence armies. Argia, for example, shares Polynices' dreams for power and plays a prominent role in precipitating the war. Jocasta is represented as a much more public figure than her literary predecessors, and Polyxo and Hypsipyle have access to the public domain and exercise complete control over their audiences. These gender inversions have a function of their own, in that they contribute to the general impression of unstable hierarchies in the context of civil war. Inversions permeate every aspect of the epic: the Furies seem more in control than Jupiter is68, effeminate Thebes wins victory over manly Argos, and as F. Ahl notes, the old consistently inherit from the 69 young.

At the highest thematic level of the Thebaid, there are comparisons made between the various characters, especially between the two brothers and between the gods. At the beginning of the poem, Oedipus invokes the Furies to set his sons against each other at the same time that Jupiter declares that he will punish

Thebes and Argos for their crimes against the obligations of family and guests.

Throughout the poem, both of the divine orders, the Olympic and the infernal, are involved in the action on parallel courses, apparently independently. This dualistic pattern operates on a human level too. In the first book, for instance, there is an implicit comparison between Oedipus, the father who rejects his own two sons, and

68For more about the powerlessness of Jupiter, see Hill (1989) 98-118. 69 Ahl (1986)2897. 55

Adrastus who welcomes his two sons-in law. In this way, Hypsipyle's narrative of the events on Lemnos and Opheltes' funerary games will also be shown to foreshadow the events at Thebes.

H.E Butler criticized Books 4 to 6 because he did not see parallels between these books and the rest of the poem:

Worst of all is the enormous digression, consuming no less than 481 lines, where Hypsipyle narrates the story of the Lemnian massacre...Now it is not improbable that the story of Opheltes and Hypsipyle occurred in the old cyclic poem. But that scarcely justifies Statius in devoting the whole of the fifth and sixth books and some 200 lines of the fourth to the description of an episode so alien to the main interest of the poem.70 Butler's comments are ill founded. To bring formal unity to a poem as long as the

Thebaid is no easy task, if we understand unity as meaning merely singleness of narrative. Epic is almost always digressive, as far as narrative is concerned.

There is, however, usually thematic unity. Although Hypsipyle's presence in the landscape of the Thebaid may seem arbitrary, her encounter with the Argives is not without consequences. As David Vessey remarks,

Hypsipyle's account of the Lemnian massacre and its aftermath, like the myth of Linus and Coroebus in book 1, is no mere ornament. It is an epic within an epic, illustrating by parallel, antithesis and symbol, the dominating themes of the whole. It is entirely appropriate to the books of delay in which the development of the war has been deliberately placed in abeyance.71

Approached in this way, books 4 to 6 seem less of a digression than a microcosm of the larger epic. While narrative unity may be lacking, thematic unity is abundant.

Indeed, the expansive Nemean delay, though seeming to have little to do with the progress of the expedition, is loaded with references to characters and events in

'Butler (1909) 211-12. Vessey (1973) 170. 56 the poem—particularly in the characterizations of the Argive warriors and how their actions foreshadow the ends they will actually meet.72 So, for example, Capaneus kills the serpent sacred to Jupiter at 5.565ff., and will go on to provoke a fight with

Jupiter at the end of book 10, which will lead to his death by the thunderbolt. And at the end of book 6, Adrastus, in an archery contest, shoots an arrow which strikes a distant ash-tree but then rebounds and lands by his own quiver. This foreshadows Adrastus' sad return from the disastrous war. But like the other prophecies and omens in the first half of the poem, this one in no way hinders the war. Moreover, the Lemnian tale which Hypsipyle tells, should teach the Argives a lesson in the repercussions of civil strife. The Argives, however, fail to relate

Hypsipyle's tale with their own predicament. The Nemean stop-over is therefore a symbolically meaningful way to end the first half of the poem in which numerous portents about the war have been consistently ignored so that the fraternal war could progress.

Delay

Although Hypsipyle's presence in the landscape of the Thebaid may seem arbitrary, her encounter with the Argives results from the machinations of a particular god and his concern with the central Argive-Theban confrontation. As

Bacchus is returning from Thrace (4.652-63), he observes the Argives marching toward Thebes, his city of birth. Realizing that Thebes has not yet marshaled its

72Vessey (1973)209-29. 57 forces to fight, Bacchus decides to delay the war, instead of attempting to avert it altogether (perhaps understanding its inevitability). Arriving at Nemea (4. 680-81),

Bacchus sets a drought of incredible intensity upon the region. The Argive troops quickly feel its effect. As they search for water in desperation, they happen upon

Hypsipyle caring for the infant Opheltes—an encounter arranged by Bacchus

(4.740). She leaves the infant playing in the fields, as she leads the Argive troops to the waters of the river Langia (4.797-85). After the Argives have quenched their thirst, Hypsipyle tells her story, 450 lines in length. Thus, despite the seeming certainty that the war at Thebes will be fought, the Argive expedition does not progress very far by the end of book 4, when it is beset by a major hindrance caused by Bacchus. As a result, the expedition falters at Nemea for roughly two and a half books.

There were previous delays involving Adrastus, in Books 2 and 3. In Book

2, the daughters of Adrastus, Argia and Deipyle, marry Polynices and Tydeus respectively. Next, Adrastus sends Tydeus to Thebes as Polynices' ambassador to claim his entitlement to the throne (2.370ff). In the third book, Tydeus returns to

Argos and tells the Argives what happened and Adrastus consults his seers,

Amphiaraus and Melampus. After three years, the Argives are finally ready to march to war (4. 1-4). Unlike the delays that resulted in books 2 and 3, Bacchus' delay represents a divine obstruction. Feeney associates the Thebaids various delays with the poem's fundamental concern with the fragmentation of authority.

He argues that Statius' "dilatory manner of narrating" is one "which is not only 58 diverting but purposeful, as it helps create an environment for the poem's capturing of confusion."73 In addition to Feeney's argument, I suggest that Statius' delaying tactic at Nemea is part of the more general process by which the expectations of the fratricidal war at Thebes are heightened. That is, by introducing an interlude that temporarily throws the Argive expedition off-course, Statius threatens to foil the expectations the text has established for the reader while simultaneously heightening the reader's desire to experience them.

The Bacchic delay is of a more intense nature than those of the earlier books, for it is more explicitly defined as such by the way in which it is initiated and concluded.74 Statius explicitly introduces the Nemean interlude as a period of delay: ...quis iras/ flexerit, unde morae, medius quis euntibus error,/ Phoebe, doce...('....Who turned their wrath aside,/ Whence their long wait, how, half way there, they went/ Astray, great Phoebus tell...',4.649-50). Furthermore, Bacchus characterizes his own interference in the expedition's progress as delay: nectam fraude moras ('By craft I will contrive delay,' 4.677). By the beginning of book 7,

Jupiter is annoyed that the war has not started and calls for an end to the Argives' delaying (7.1-4). The events at Nemea are also interpreted by a human character within the text. Amphiaraus is so excited in his recognition of the truth of his prophecies concerning the death of Opheltes and the delay it has caused to the expedition, that he prays to Apollo for more delays:

...det pulchra suis libamina virtus

73Feeney (1991) 339-40 74Vessey (1973) 166. 59

manibus, atque utinam plures innectere pergas, Phoebe, moras, semperque novis bellare vetemur casibus, et semper Thebe funesta recedas! (5.742-745).

...Let valor pour libations for his soul, And would that Phoebus might contrive to weave Longer delays, and fortune evermore Forbid fresh conflict, and the fatal walls Of Thebes for evermore be far away!

Bacchus' delay resembles the delays in books 2 and 3, but it differs in its intensity precisely because it is caused by a divinity. Like Amphiaraus, Bacchus must eventually reconcile himself to the war against Thebes, though he can almost destroy the expedition.

Inversions

Strangely, Bacchus does not express an awareness that the Argive expedition is fated. In fact, Bacchus' reason for causing the delay at Nemea is particularly interesting because it implies an almost paranoid misunderstanding of the meaning of events. When Bacchus notices an army marching toward Thebes, he immediately assumes that the attack has been masterminded by Juno, his step• mother and arch-nemesis, as another way of punishing the city for Jupiter's dalliances there: Argos et indomitae bellum ciet ira novercae ('savage Argos and my stepmother's indomitable wrath are stirring up this war,' 4. 672). Thus, in

Bacchus' mind, it seems as if Juno cannot fail to act as a vengeful stepmother.75

The fact that Bacchus blames Juno for the impending war leads to another

75This is a regular assumption in Theban literature. Juno is notorious for harassing the unwilling lovers (or offspring) of Zeus, in particular lo, Semele, and Heracles. 60 thematic concern: that of reversals. In the Thebaid, we do not see Juno as the vengeful goddess who preyed upon Aeneas in the Aeneid, nor do we see Zeus as a judicious godhead.

Despite Bacchus' assumption about the actions and intents of his stepmother, Juno does not lie behind the Argive attack on Thebes. As we know from the divine councils in books 1 and 3, Jupiter had called for the war.

Interestingly, however, Bacchus nowhere attributes a role in this expedition to his father. He thus displays an astonishing ignorance of Jupiter's decision to punish

Thebes, which the king of the gods had proclaimed in two divine councils.76

Indeed, even when Bacchus addresses Jupiter in book 7 and asks how the father of the gods could have permitted such violence against Thebes, he still assumes the influence of Juno is at work: exscindisne tuas, divum sator optime, Thebas?/ saeva adeo coniunx? ('Do you destroy your own Thebes, Ο worthy father of the gods? Is your wife so cruel?' 7.155-56). For Bacchus, Juno continues to be an evil stepmother and the goddess of wrath of the Roman epic tradition. In the

Thebaid, however, Juno is not the divinity of wrath she once had been.77 This role seems to have been taken up by the father of the gods, as we see in the beginning of book 7. Jupiter has become the irate divinity, who calls for and seeks to guide the course of the terrible war. In fact, Jupiter's decision to punish two cities that

Bacchus only learns about Jupiter's plans to punish Thebes when he meets with Jupiter at the beginning of book 8. 77Feeney (1991)354. 61 ultimately owe their origins to him (1.224-26) may implicate the father of the gods in a kind of familial violence too.

The portrayal of Venus in Book 5 is yet another example of inversion. The role that Venus plays on Lemnos is unusual. Contrary to her traditional depiction as the goddess of Love, Venus has become a divinity of vengeance.78 She seems to have more in common with the Underworld and the infernal deities than with the celestial gods.79 Indeed, Statius has indicated the change in his description of the goddess-. Ufa Paphon veterem centumque altaria linquens nec vultu nec cr/ne prior solvisse iugalem/ ceston et Idalias procul ablegasse volucres/ fertur ('She left her hundred shrines/ On ancient Paphos, hair and features changed,/ And loosed, they say, the belt that lures to love/ And drove her doves away,' 5.61-4).80 She carries other fires (alios ignes, 5.65) and larger weapons (maioraque tela, 65), and has joined the Furies in haunting Lemnian bedrooms (5.66-67). This is a vengeful and

In book one, Jupiter is also depicted as both a god of vengeance and the upholder of justice. T9Compare Euripides' Hippolytus in which Venus is also a goddess of vengeance. Hippolytus, the bastard son of Theseus, honors only the goddess Artemis and refuses to worship the goddess Aphrodite. Thus, Aphrodite causes his step-mother, Phaedra, to fall in love with him. Phaedra commits suicide and leaves a note falsely accusing Hippolytus of rape. Theseus believes this note and has Hippolytus killed. 80When Bacchus enters to help Hypsipyle and Thoas, his appearance also changes: non Hie quidem turgentia sertis/ tempore nec flava crinem destrinxerat uva:/ nubilus indignumque oculis liquentibus imbrem adloquitur...['ye\. he had bound no chaplets round his swelling temples, nor yellow grapes about his hair: but a cloud was upon him, and his eyes streamed angry ran as he addressed us...', 5.268-271). 62 horrific Venus. This is not the Venus we see elsewhere in the poem.81 Venus has taken on the role of a vengeful goddess, out to punish the Lemnians for their refusal or omission of her worship. The fierceness that she has acquired in addition to her Fury-like qualities is striking, given her portrayal elsewhere in the

Thebaid, where she does not exhibit such a demeanor. At some points, we might even wonder if Venus has become a Fury. Indeed, so extraordinary is the change that it elicits a comment of wonder and befuddlement from her fellow-Olympian,

Bacchus: Ilia, qua rere silentia, porta/ stat funesta Venus ferroque accincta furentes/ adiuvat—unde manus, unde haec Mavortia divae/pectora? ('At that gate there,/ Where all seems silent, deadly Venus stands/ And, dagger drawn, assists the frenzied bands—whence came her strength/ This warrior's power of hers?'

5.280-83). Venus' sudden violence startles even Bacchus. As the mother of

Aeneas, the founder of the Roman race, Venus is the most important goddess of

Rome. An attack on Venus' character may signify an attack on Rome itself.

By the second half of the narrative, Venus returns (together with Amor)82 to her more traditional role of love-goddess, kindling a passion for the Argonauts in the hearts of the Lemnian women: ergo iterum Venus et tacitis corda aspera flammis/ Lemniadum penemptat Amor ('So Venus once again with silent flames/

"Valerius Flaccus also emphasizes Venus' infernal appearance: ...eadem effera et ingens/ et maculis suffecta genas pinumque sonantem/ virginibus Stygiis nigramque simillima pallam ('...it is the same goddess that, fierce and huge, her cheeks blotched and dark, seems like a Hell-maid with her crackling torch and black mantle,' 2.104-106). 82The Amores had also fled Lemnos at the beginning of Hypsipyle's narrative: protinus a Lemno teneri fugistis Amores (Straightway fled you from Lemnos, you tender Loves, 5.70). 63

Tempted the Lemnian women's savage hearts,' 5. 445-46). As a result, Venus finally gets what she wanted, since the Lemnians light fires at her altars83: tunc primus in aris/ ignis (Then first were fires lit on the altars,' 5. 449-50).84 Moreover, the Lemnian women gain respite from the guilt of their crime: ...et infandis venere oblivia curis;/ tunc epulae felixque sopor noctesque quietae/ nec superum sine mente, reor, placuere fatentes ('...wickedness and woes/ Forgotten; feasting followed, tranquil nights/ And slumber; and when all had been confessed/ Those women pleased, and that was heaven's will,' 5.450-52).

On a broader scale, this double-sidedness in the character of Venus represents a central element in the world-view of this poem, which so often pits together impulses of good and evil within individual characters, particularly rulers, human and divine. 85 Oedipus damns his sons to fraternal war, yet he can still punish himself for his crimes, feel guilt, and even lament the deaths of his sons.

Polynices fantasizes about the destruction of his brother yet he can still have reservations about the war, as he hesitates at key moments in books 7 and 11, when he is entreated by his mother and his sister. Statius continually insists on the

83Hypsipyle begins her tale by explaining that the Lemnians had offended Venus: nullos Veneri sacravimus ignis/ nulla deae sedes; movet et caelestia quondam/ corda dolor lentoque inrepunt agmine Poenae ('We built no shrines/ To Venus, lit no fires of sacrifice./ Even celestial minds are moved at last/ To umbrage, and the Powers of Punishment/ Creep slow but sure,' 5.58- 60). 84Though this sentence comes after about three lines on Juno, I think we have to assume that the altars are Venus' since she was the cause of the trouble to begin with, and the fires on the altars seem to have an effect on her. 85Ahl (1986) 2834-41, 2886-88 points out some of the contradictions in Statian characters. 64 intermingling and inseparability of good and evil in his poetic universe. On a larger scale, war is the reversal of the proper order of peace. This too is one of the poem's themes.

Bacchus and Bacchic imagery

Next I shall elaborate on the role of Bacchus and Bacchic imagery in the poem. As

David Vessey has pointed out, there is nothing in common between the Ovidian

[Met. 4.24-30) and the Statian (Theb. 4.657-63) Bacchic figure.86 Ovid's god of light-hearted revelry appears in the Thebaid as the god of violence and fury.

Bacchus and his cult had a special place in Roman rhetoric, forming a set of topoi and expressions that are often referred to as Bacchanalian rhetoric.87 It was frequently deployed in a context that had to do with civil war or the threat thereof.

Cicero represented Clodius in Pro Caelio as an effeminate Dionysus, and his invective against Clodius included epithets indicative of frenzied madness and pollution, all evoking criminal activities associated with the Bacchanalia.88 Tacitus described Messalina as a Bacchant engaged in Bacchic ritual before she was seized by Claudius' henchmen (Ann. 11.31). In Vergil, the Bacchic revelry of

Amata (7.385) signaled to the Roman reader the outburst of irrational forces

86Vessey (1973) 168. 87L'Hoir(1992)24 88Geffcken (1973) 82-84 demonstrates homosexual innuendo and unmanly dress as favorite topoi of oratory in general and in the Pro Caelio in particular. See also Verr. 2.1.33, and Catil. 1.11.15 in which Cicero uses Bacchanalian rhetoric against all those who damage the state or incite civil discord. 65 moving in the direction of civil strife. Statius, too, was faithful to the traditional connotation of Bacchic imagery.

Thebes, the seat of the Bacchic cult, is a place that fosters civil discord in the Thebaid in line with this well-established Roman preconception of the link between Bacchic cult and civil strife. We meet the Thebans for the first time on the night when Hermes descends on their city with a mission to inspire them with passion for war. The day is marked by Bacchic festivities. The Thebans engage in

Bacchic revelry, throwing stones and cups and shedding the guiltless blood of friends: tunc saxa manu, tunc pocula pulchrum/ spargere et immerito sociorum sanguine fuso/ instaurare diem festasque reponere mensas ('how glorious/ When stones are thrown and goblets fly and day/ Dawns with the innocent blood of comrades slain,/ And festal banquet-boards are spread again!,' 2.86-88). Civil strife is part of the Theban festival and Statius depicts the Bacchic festival as a locus of internal discord and barbaric irrationality.

Bacchanalian language evokes the notion of the reversal of gender roles, civil strife and dangers to the security of the state. In Statius, a Bacchant predicts the coming fratricidal war (4.383ff). She wishes that she could escape the catastrophe and migrate to distant barbaric places:

...aeternis potius me, Bacche, pruinis trans et Amazoniis ululatum Caucason armis siste ferens, quam monstra ducum stirpemque pro- fanam eloquar. en urges, (alium tibi, Bacche, furorem iuravi)... (4.393-97). ...Great Bacchus, set me in Eternal frosts beyond the Caucasus That rings with cries of warrior Amazons, 66

Rather than I should tell the horrors of Those princes and their godless house. Behold, Thou drivest me! No frenzy such as this I swore to thee...

The speech of the Bacchant contains a comparison between Bacchic furor and war-like furor. Ironically, Bacchic furor becomes the positive alternative to the horrors of civil-war frenzy. The Bacchant deplores the threat posed to her religious furor (4.397) as she senses the approach of the madness of civil war.89 The two meanings of furor repeatedly be exploited throughout the epic.

Bacchanalian rhetoric takes on epic functions by becoming part of the heroic taunts and insults in the Thebaid, as in Tydeus' speech against the fifty Thebans, sent by Eteocles to kill him in an ambush:

...non haec trieterica vobis nox patrio de more venit, non orgia Cadmi cernitis aut avidas Bacchum scelerare parentes. nebridas et fragiles thyrsos portare putastis imbellem ad sonitum maribusque incognita veris foeda Calaenaea committere proelia buxo? hie aliae caedes, alius furor... (2.661-7). ...No night this Of festival for you, no revelry Of Cadmus here, no mothers eager for The crimes of Bacchus. Did you think you wore Faunskins and carried fragile wands to strains Untuned to warfare, or that boxwood fifes Led you to battles true men never know? The slaughter here, the frenzy's not at all Like that.

Hershkowitz 46, writes, "By bringing the Bacchic madness of the mountains into the city, the regina anticipates the Fury-caused madness which will soon engulf the city and its citizens; her ritual frenzy has been transformed, showing how once again in Thebes the madness of familial murder will pervert the more positive aspects of maenadic worship." 67

Tydeus' speech also implies two types of furor, one that accompanies the worship of the god; and the other, warlike frenzy. One belongs to the realm of the effeminate, the other to the male realm.90

That the contrast between epic furor and Bacchic furor is richly exploited within Statius' epic can also be seen in the case of Bacchus' priest, Eunaeus.

Capaneus kills Eunaeus after ridiculing his effeminacy; the priest's frenzy is not of the warlike, but of the Bacchic type: quid femineis ululatibus," inquit,/ "terrificas, moriture, viros? utinam ipse veniret,/ cui furis! Haec Tyriis cane matribus! ('You death-doomed wretch,' he cried, 'Why try/ To frighten men with women's wailing?

Would/ He in whose name you rave were here himself!/ Chant that to Theban mothers!' 7.677-79). Here, the furor of civil war seems preferable to Bacchanalian furor.

The Bacchic paradigm functions as a unifying device within Statius' epic.

Even when the epic shifts its focus to Hypsipyle and her narrative about her life on

Lemnos, Bacchanalian influence is present. If Bacchic furor is considered effeminate and warlike furor masculine, then the massacre of the Lemnian men brings together these two types of furor. In Hypsipyle's story of the slaughter of the

Lemnian men, Polyxo and the other women are compared to Bacchantes:

...insane- veluti Teumesia Thyias rapta deo, cum sacra vocant Idaeaque suadet buxus et a summis auditus montibus Euhan: sic erecta genas aciemque offusa trementi sanguine desertam rabidis clamoribus urbem exagitat, clausasque domos et limina pulsans concilium vocat; infelix comitatus eunti

90Hershkowitz(1995) 54. 68

haerebant nati. atque illae non segnius omnes erumpunt tectis, summasque ad Passados arces impetus...( 5.92-101) ...Like some Bacchante In god-sent madness when the sacred rites Are summoning and Ida's fifes persuade, And from the peaks is heard the voice divine. So she, eyes rolling bloodshot, head held high, Roused the deserted town with her wild shrieks, And beating on closed doors called us to meet, Her children clinging as she went, ill-starred Companions. From their homes the women burst, All no less eager, and to Pallas' high Temple they rushed...

Here, Bacchic furor, with all its connotations of barbarism and internal strife, is inseparable from the furor of civil war.

The inseparability of the furor of Bacchic ecstasy and the furor of internal strife is also evident at the end of Statius' epic. Creon is dead, the war is over, the two armies finish their hostilities and the battlefield is left to the mothers who revel like Bacchants in their pain mixed with joy:

...gaudent matresque nurusque Ogygiae, qualis thyrso bellante subactus mollia laudabat iam marcidus orgia Ganges. ecce per adversas Dircaei verticis umbras femineus quatit astra fragor, matresque Pelasgae decurrunt: quales Bacchea ad bella vocatae Thyiades amentes, magnum quas poscere credas aut fecisse nefas: gaudent lamenta novaeque exsultant lacrimae (12.786-93). The womenfolk of Thebes rejoiced, as once Ganges, subdued by Bacchic wands, was glad To give the women's revels drunken praise. And yonder, look, from Dirce's shady peak The shouts of Argive women shook the stars, And down they ran like raving Bacchanals Called to their great god's war, as if they meant To do or had just done some monstrous crime. Fresh tears gushed forth as now they wept for joy. 69

Thus, Hypsipyle's narrative and the conclusion of the epic tie together all that has gone before. Bacchanalian frenzy is linked to the frenzy of civil war; one is not better or worse than the other.

Nefas

As an epic about the criminal war between the brothers Eteocles and Polynices, the theme of nefas lies at the heart of the Thebaid. The idea of nefas poetry, i.e poetry in some sense devoted to the portrayal of 'the unspeakable', is one that has gained currency in the study of early Imperial literature, especially in discussions of

Lucan's epic and Senecan tragedy. Writing on Lucan, John Bramble, for example, pointed to the importance of nefas and showed that even "historical accuracy...is subordinated to the theme of the triumph of nefas," as Lucan's inclusion of Cicero at Pharsalus in book 7 would suggest.91 Taking the implications of nefas further,

Dolores O'Higgins,92 underscored the inherent contradiction involved in Lucan's composition of a poem about nefas:

A similar abhorrence of the nefas of civil war [i.e like that of Apollo and his vates who shrink from revealing the coming horrors of war]93 is detectable in Lucan. If Apollo hesitates to create a world so alien to the gods, Lucan—to an extent— shrinks from recreating it. Although the impulse to write is stronger, there is an evident counter-impulse to maintain a decent silence.94

91 Bramble (1982) 544. On nefas, see especially pp. 539ff. 920'Higgins (1988) 208-26. 93lbid. 215 writes: "If the gods decree civil war, they will create what is nefas—contrary to divine law. In other words, the world produced by a divine pronouncement of civil war will be one in which the gods themselves—and the vates whom they inspire—can scarcely feel at home." 94lbid.215. 70

In a sense, Hypsipyle's decision to narrate the nefas on Lemnos is not unlike that of Statius himself (and of other poets, who use nefas as their theme). Such poets by choosing nefas as their theme, perpetuate and in some sense glorify it since their poems memorialize it for all ages. Yet, at the same time, realizing the nature of their criminal subject matter, they must condemn the very acts they depict in their poetry.95 Statius himself gives voice to this dilemma in an apostrophe following the deaths of Eteocles and Polynices, where he both denounces the duel, the subject of his poem, while hoping that his retelling of it will be somehow morally beneficial:

Ite truces animae funestaque Tartara leto polluite et cunctas Erebi consumite poenas! vosque malis hominum, Stygiae, iam parcite, divae: omnibus in terris scelus hoc omnique sub aevo viderit una dies, monstrumque infame futuris excidat, et soli memorent haec proelia reges (11.574-79). Go savage souls, and by your deaths pollute The baleful Underworld and pay in full All of Hell's pains and punishments. And ye, Grim goddesses of Styx, spare humankind Evils henceforth. Let one sole day suffice In every land and every age to have seen Crime such as this; and let posterity Forget its ghastly horror and kings alone Recount this shameful battle for the throne. That is, although the poem creates an atmosphere of annihilation and pervasive crime, it nonetheless maintains a hope that respect for fas will be reinstated.

Nefas, to be sure, lies at the heart of Hypsipyle's narrative and of the

Nemean interlude more generally. Just as Oedipus' curse of his sons initiates a

95Characters within the poem are used to serve this purpose too. The gods and their reactions to the events of the Thebaid also imply moral outrage. Indeed, by book 11, they refuse to watch as the brothers prepare to fight their duel. 71 large-scale narrative about nefas, so Hypsipyle creates a compact narrative of nefas. In addition, the result of Hypsipyle's narrative is more nefas—the death of

Opheltes (5.592, 628; 6.161). In accordance with Statius' desire for a return to fas, however, the Thebaid resolves the nefas on Lemnos and at Nemea before the

Argive expedition can continue on to Thebes.

Hypsipyle begins by describing the setting for this nefas, portraying a world gone awry. She achieves this effect through a description of Lemnos before and after strife comes to the island. First, she describes the prosperity and fertility of her homeland before the gods were offended (5.5406) but then proceeds to a description of a Lemnos where things have gone terribly wrong. Lines 54-76 are loaded with negatives—nec (5.55), nec (5.57), nullos (5.58), nulla (5.59), nec..nec

(5.62), nec (5.69), nullae (5.72), and nullus (5.73)—which highlight the absolutely perverse and unnatural state-of-affairs. A world of nefas is one in which there is no fas, where criminality and the unnatural rule. These negatives indicate through their descriptive power what it means for Lemnos to be infected by nefas, to be an island ruled by the unnatural.

The role played by the Furies (who accompany and assist Venus) signals still further the violence and crime the reader is encouraged to anticipate.

Hypsipyle's tale opens with the actions by the Furies whose presence must surely lead us to expect a dark, violent tale—particularly given the numerous references, which have already marked her tale as one of nefas. The Furies in conjunction with Venus have invaded the marriage-chambers of the Lemnians (5.64ff.), 72 portending great doom for the island. Of course, the importance of the Furies,

Tisiphone in particular, for the Thebaid is vital, for they are the most potent proponents of crime.96 Without the Furies, without Oedipus' appeal to them, the nefas of fraternal war between Polynices and Eteocles would not have played itself out. In book 5 too, it would seem, the presence of the Furies makes possible (if not ensures) the commission of nefas.

Hypsipyle also anticipates the horror of the coming slaughter through her descriptions of the events she retells. So, the Thracian shores are fatalia, ('deadly,'

5.53) to the women, and Polyxo's children are an infelix comitatus ('unlucky assembly,' 5.98) as they accompany their mother—at least one of her sons is slaughtered as part of the Lemnians' oath (5.159ff.). She points to the women's perversity by referring to the murder of Polyxo's son and the oath in his blood: ...ac dulce nefas in sanguine vivo/coniurant ('...and they made common oath in impious joy upon the living blood, ' 5.162-3). The Lemnian men, when they return, are called miseri (172), because they did not die in Thrace. She includes descriptions of the unfavorable sacrifices, which apparently go unheeded (174-76) and of the cosmic reactions to the terrible deeds about to be committed (177-85). Hypsipyle's hindsight thus represents a powerful ingredient in her nefarious tale. It teases the audience further into the expectation of nefas. Statius uses these same

The workings of the Furies in book 11 highlight their nefarious ventures, even as the heavenly gods have withdrawn themselves from sight. 73 techniques in treating the progress of the brothers' war. In book 1, for example, when Polynices is fighting Tydeus, Statius regrets Polynices' survival: forsan et accinctos lateri—sic ira ferebat— nudassent enses, meliusque hostilibus armis lugendus fratri, iuvenis Thebane, iaceres, ni rex, insolitum clamorem et pectore ab alto stridentes gemitus noctis miratus in umbris, movisset gressus, magnis cui sobria curis pendebat somno iam deteriore senectus (1.428-434). Swords dangling at their sides Might have been bared—so hot their anger flamed— And Thebe's young prince—far better so—have fallen Fighting a foe and earned a brother's tear, Had not the king, surprised at dead of night By the strange shouts, the deep heart-breaking groans, Made his way forth, his sleep now slenderer As age drooped sad and grave and cares were great. In book 6, Polynices is called an Aonian exile after being thrown from his chariot during the funeral games for Opheltes (6.504-5). Statius then contemplates what would have happened if Polynices had not survived the accident with his chariot:

Quis mortis, Thebane, locus, nisi dura negasset Tisiphone, quantum poteras dimittere bellum! te Thebe fraterque palam, te plangeret Argos, te Nemea, tibi Lema comas Larisaque supplex poneret, Archemori maior colerere sepulcro (5.513-17). What a fine chance of death, you prince of Thebes, had not Tisiphone denied! How great a war You could have then dismissed! Thebes would have wept For you (your brother publicly), for you Nemea and Argos mourned, for you the lands Of Lema and Larissa shorn their locks, Your sepulchre surpassed, Archemorus'. Statius calls Polynices a Theban to indicate that, if Polynices had not gone on to attack Thebes, he would have deserved this patriotic form of address instead of 74 being forever the exile.97 Thus, both Statius and Hypsipyle use their sense of hindsight to elevate the reader's expectation of nefas.

Throughout the expression of her disgust, Hypsipyle is somewhat like the reader. She is horrified by the nefas, but nonetheless is enticed to speak, as the audience is to hear. But in recreating the nefas, Hypsipyle performs a difficult task because of her personal involvement in it. On the one hand, she is the narrator of terrible nefas to her Argive audience, but on the other she is implicated in the very tale she retells, though she herself was free from any crime. And it is because of this dual relationship that Hypsipyle's narrative becomes complex.98

Hypsipyle's success at overcoming the impulse to act like a Lemnian woman

(i.e. murder her male family-members) during that fatal night was by no means guaranteed.99 Λ/eras is infectious, as the overall rush to crime inspired by Polyxo demonstrates, and Hypsipyle depicts herself as a potential parricide. While the

Lemnian massacre is underway, she catches sight of Alcimede carrying the severed head of her father. Hypsipyle shudders in horror at the sight: ut vera Alcimeden etiamnum in murmure truncos ferre patris vultus et egentem sanguinis ensem conspexi, riguere comae atque in viscera saevus horror iit: meus ille Thoas, mea dira videri 97See, Nagel (1999) 391-91. See also 11.540 and 12.58-9 in which Polynices is also called an exile instead of a Theban. 98Nugent (1996) 61-2 shows extremely well this complex relationship between Hypsipyle and her narrative. Nugent demonstrates how Hypsipyle distances herself from her fellow Lemnians through the alternating use of the first person singular, first person plural and third person plural verbs to describe the acts committed on the island. 99Dominik (1994b) 120 argues that the Lemnian women have no opportunity to exercise their 'free will'. Yet, Hypsipyle does exactly that—a paradox that Dominik does not address. 75

dextra mihi! (5.236-40).

But when, ah when, I saw Alcimede bearing her father's head Still muttering, and the barely bloodied sword, My hair rose and a savage shudder shook My inmost soul, that was my Thoas, that, I thought, was my dread hand! Hypsipyle sees herself in Alcimede, realizing that she might have been guilty of the same crime, if she had not been able to withstand the impulse. But, since she did not kill Thoas, she often distances herself, throughout her tale, from the other

Lemnians as they commit their crimes, describing herself as an outsider.100

The infectious nature of nefas is also evident in the main narrative of the

Thebaid. Adrastus first appears as a man of peace. He is mitis, gentle and merciful (1.467) and his subjects live peacefully (1.390-1). Yet, once Adrastus arrives at Thebes, he becomes subject to the same bloodlust as his companions.101 In book 10, Adrastus approves a treacherous nocturnal assault:

..."ite, ο socii, quacumque voluptas caedis inexhaustae, superisque faventibus, oro, sufficite!" hortatur clara iam voce sacerdos, "cernitis expositas turpi marcore cohortes? pro pudor!" (10.266-270). ..."On, on, good friends," the seer Shouted encouragement, "Sate your delight In carnage beyond counting! Show yourselves Worthy of Heaven's favor! See, those troops Sprawled in vile drunken stupor, shameful sight!

Nugent (1996) 61-67. Consider, for example: talia cernenti mihi quantus in ossibus horror ('What horror struck my limbs when I beheld so dire a sight,' 5.164); quos tibi nam, dubito, scelerum de mille figuris/ expediam casus (Those countless forms of crime! I hesitate/ To tell the tale,' 5.206-7); and lines 248-264, where Hypsipyle and Thoas observe the Lemnian carnage as they travel through the city. 101 Vessey (1973) 306. 76

Moreover, just as Hypsipyle sees herself in the actions of Alcimede, Tydeus, as he is dying, recognizes himself in Melanippus, his killer and his victim: ...seseque agnovit in illo ('he recognized himself in that man,' 8.753). Nefas is fundamental to the poetics of the Thebaid; it affects all characters and Statius creates an atmosphere imbued with criminality. Nevertheless, resolution is not far away, for the Thebaid incorporates these crimes and seeks a resolution of its own.

Resolution: the return to fas

Nefas poetry creates a world in which everything is overturned—justice, familial relations, religious belief, even the benevolence of the gods. It acknowledges in an extremely self-conscious way the unnaturalness and perversity of the very world it depicts. Thus, in the Thebaid, inversions are prominent: the old inherit from the young, effeminate Thebes triumphs over manly Argos, and the underworld is more in control than the gods on Olympus. As an embodiment of reversal, Bacchus plays a central role in the epic. His effeminate attire, long hair, unusual nature of birth and preference for the night make him a fitting character in this world of upheaval. But as this world becomes more deeply embedded in crime, so the moral outrage (for the reader) intensifies, and the need to return to a normal state- of-affairs—to a world ruled by fas—becomes increasingly essential if a satisfying conclusion is to be attained. Hypsipyle's narrative, and the Thebaid more generally, play off these two forces—to commit and extend the nefas and to return 77

fas to the world order. While acts of nefas are foreshadowed throughout the epic,

however, resolutions come as surprises.102

When the Thebaid incorporates Hypsipyle into its narrative world, it also takes in her narrative powers, her need to retell her past. Statius does not simply allow Hypsipyle to come and go, like an inconsequential acquaintance the Argives

meet on their way to Thebes. Hypsipyle, as we have seen, wrests the narrative from Statius (the epic narrator) by speaking in her own voice for 450 lines. When

Statius resumes the role of narrator, he in a sense picks up where Hypsipyle had

left off—with respect both to the Argive expedition against Thebes (which the

Lemnian tale had halted) and to the resolution of Hypsipyle's unhappy condition.103

Hypsipyle's narrative provides an account of her life up to the time she arrived at

Nemea. At that point, she seems to have been unable to progress further, continually reliving and re-narrating her Lemnian past instead.104 Statius, however,

There are no instances of foreshadowing or hindsight which predict resolution. 103The resolution of a character's tragic circumstances is quite Euripidean. In Euripides' Hypsipyle, Hypsipyle is reunited with her sons and is rescued from the wrath of Eurydice. The threat to her life is averted and she is freed from her life of servitude. For a summary of the play, see pages 16-18. Iphigenia in Tauris is another example of a Euripidean play in which loved ones are reconciled and catastrophe is prevented. Iphigenia was about to be slaughtered by her father, Agamemnon, when Artemis replaces Iphigenia at the altar with a deer and brings her to the land of the Taurians where human sacrifice is still practiced. Iphigenia's brother, Orestes, arrives and they learn of each other's identities in a recognition scene. Athena appears as a deus ex machina and saves Iphigenia and Orestes. 104The constant theme of Hypsipyle's lullabies for the baby Opheltes is the nefas of Lemnos, 5.605-16. In Euripides' Hypsipyle, Hypsipyle also sings Opheltes to sleep with songs about Lemnos. See, for example, fr. I ii 9-14; Cockle 196-201. 78

allows his epic to resolve the problems resulting from the Lemnian crimes and

Hypsipyle's retelling of them to the Argives.

Hypsipyle's nefarious tale is not without consequences, for it results in even

more nefas. While she is off with the Argive troops, Hypsipyle leaves her charge,

the infant Opheltes, in the woods unattended. Opheltes, in turn, is killed by a

snake, which accidentally strikes the sleeping infant. Statius emphatically

represents his death as nefas in three different places: 5.591-92, 628; 6.159-61.105

That Opheltes' death should be called nefas (by Statius, Eurydice and Hypsipyle

herself) is startling on several grounds. First, there was no malevolence involved

on Hypsipyle's part to incur guilt106 Second, according to Hypsipyle, Lycurgus and

Eurydice, Opheltes' death was fated.107 Third, the snake which killed Opheltes was

sacred to Jupiter (5.510-11). Thus Opheltes' death is linked to the crimes of the

Lemnian women.

Statius: ...hue magno cursum rapit effera luctu/agnoscitque nefas ('She rushed to look/ In agony of grief and recognized/ the ghastly deed,' 5.591-92); Hypsipyle: exsolvi tibi, Lemne, nefas (Ί have paid thee, Lemnos, the crime I owed,' 5.628); and Eurydice: nec vos luctu/ orba habeo, fixum math immotumque manebat/hac althce nefas ('Nor in my loss, my grief,/ Would I accuse you. Fixed and sure this curse/ Upon the mother stood with such a nurse,' 6.159-61). 106Though Hypsipyle seems to attribute it to her lack of fides and pietas toward the infant (5.627). 107Lycurgus had received the following oracle: Prima, Lycurge, dabis Dircaeo funera bello ('In the Dircaean war, Lycurgus, the first death shall be thine to give,' 5.647). Amphiaraus, at the end of book 5, draws attention to the fateful name of the infant—Archemorus—...ef puer, heu nostri signatus nomine fait,/Archemorus (' ...and the child Archemorus, whose name, alas, bears the seal of our fate,' 5.738-39). 79

In fact, clear connections are made between the nefas of Opheltes' death and the nefas of Hypsipyle's tale. As we have seen, when the Lemnians discover that Hypsipyle had not committed the nefas, which they had expected, she is sold into slavery since she could not rule a nefanda urbs in her innocent condition. Her original false claim to have killed her father, Thoas, means that she in effect owes them an act of nefas. But after her narrative has ended, while she mourns over the deceased infant, Opheltes, Hypsipyle at once connects his death to that act of nefas, which she owed the Lemnians: dum patrios casus famaeque exorsa retracto ambitiosa meae—pietas haec magna fidesque!— exsolvi tibi, Lemne, nefas (5.626-28).

...While I recounted my Dear country's fortunes and my own proud fame— Such loyalty, such love!—I paid my home The crime I owed!

Hypsipyle interprets Opheltes' death as the debt she owes her fellow-islanders for the lie she had told them many years before.108

Opheltes' death may momentarily place Hypsipyle's life in jeopardy, but her near execution by the infant's irate father, Lycurgus, helps to resolve the problem of Hypsipyle's traumatic past. When we first met Hypsipyle, as I have noted above, we saw that the events of her past, which particularly occupied her waking hours and still caused her much pain, were her rescue of Thoas and the loss of her sons.

It was on these things that Hypsipyle seems to have obsessively focused her thoughts—to such an extent that she must repeatedly tell various audiences about

Vessey (1973) 189; Ahl (1986) 2886-88. 80

them at length.109 The Thebaid has taken up these problems and provides a

resolution.

Though the infant's death nearly precipitates Hypsipyle's own demise, it

results, quite unexpectedly, in her rescue. When Opheltes dies, Hypsipyle's sons

happen to be in Nemea at Lycurgus' palace and are reunited with their mother.110

This reunion therefore resolves Hypsipyle's great trauma: her separation from her

sons and her ignorance of what had become of them. Statius comments on the

fortuitous but overwhelming nature of this recognition scene as he introduces it:

quis superum tanto solatus funera voto pensavit lacrimas inopinaque gaudia maestae rettulit Hypsipylae? Tu gentis conditor, Euhan, qui geminos iuvenes Lemni de litore vectos intuleras Nemeae mirandaque fata parabas (5.710-14) Which of the gods consoled Hypsiyle, Granted her heart's desire and recompensed Her tears with joys she'd never hoped to see? Bacchus it was, the author of her race, Who to Nemea brought from Lemnos' shore Twin youths and worked a wondrous destiny. Just as Hypsipyle would attempt to soothe the pain caused by the loss of her sons

and the Lemnian nefas through the retelling of her past (solatur, she consoles,

5.500; solabar, I consoled, 5.617), so the reunion with her sons has the same

effect—solatur, but this time it is lasting, because they have actually been reunited.

In Euripides' Hypsipyle, Hypsipyle is also known for her frequent stories about Lemnos. Not only is the story told to Opheltes, but the Chorus is also aware of her repeated story-telling (see fr. I ii 19-28; Cockle c.206-15) as are Amphiaraus and Eurydice (see frr 22 et 60 13-19; Cockle c. 844-50). 110Vessey (1973) 189 writes: "The infant's death is a necessary prelude to Hypsipyle's reunion with her sons, for it re-established the equilibrium of fate, for her exile was in part a punishment for saving Thoas in defiance of the will of deus and fatum." 81

Indeed this 'gift' from the gods brings this unhappy servant great joy, inopinaque gaudia (' unhoped-for joy,' 5.711).111 Just like the circumstances in Euripides'

Hypsipyle, fortune has turned first to terror and then to joy with the arrival of

Hypsipyle's sons: ...km φόβον έπ'ι Ιτε}/ χάριν...{fr. 64 60-1; Cockle 1581-82). The

Thebaid takes up Hypsipyle's problematic relationship to her past experiences, and, by incorporating it as a concern of the narrative, provides a resolution— thereby allowing the main action of the epic, the Argive expedition, to proceed. In so doing, the Hypsipyle episode provides insight into how acts of nefas and traumatic experience are resolved in the Thebaid.

The Thebaid also takes up the failure and consequences of Oedipus' curse112 in book 11 and provides a resolution to the epic through the arrival of

Theseus. Theseus, who is invoked by the Argive women who have taken refuge at the altar of Clementia in Athens, becomes like another Polynices.113 Polynices and

111Bacchus too can be seen to be completing unfinished business. Just as Bacchus had allowed Hypsipyle to save her relationship with her father by saving him, so Bacchus brings Hypsipyle back together with her sons. "2Sophocles' Oedipus at Colonus and Euripides' Phoenissae also deal with Oedipus' curse and may have had bearing on Statius' epic. 113ln Euripides' Suppliant Women, Theseus is also the savior of the Theban women. There are few resemblances between the epic and the tragedy, however. Vessey (1972) 308 writes, "Statius does not mention Aethra, the mother of Theseus, who, in Euripides, persuades her son to aid the suppliant women. In Statius, Theseus has no hesitation in acting on their behalf; in Euripides, he makes his decision to march against Thebes only after the arrival of Creon's arrogant messenger (Suppl. 399ff)." In Statius, Theseus is acting as a foil to Polynices: both men attack Thebes on their own volition, but while Polynices' attack is criminal (because he is attacking his kin), Theseus' attack is lawful (because he is ridding Thebes of a criminal leader and reestablishing law and order). 82 the Argives had attacked Thebes to return the throne to Polynices and to redress the wrongs suffered by Tydeus at Eteocles' hands in book 2. Of course, this expedition turns out to be criminal because it promotes a fraternal war. Theseus' attack on Thebes also seeks to rid the city of a criminal ruler and reestablish justice, but this war is not criminal.

If Theseus acts like a new and better Polynices, Creon repeats the destructive evil of his model in this scheme—Eteocles. When Theseus hears from

Evadne the terrible criminality of Creon, he cries out in condemnation of the

Theban king, echoing language earlier used of Eteocles:

...quaenam ista novos induxit Erinys regnorum mores?...... novus unde furor? (12.590-93).

"What fury" he cried, "has thus transformed the course And custom of our kings?...Whence this new madness?

Creon can be seen thus to take up the role that Eteocles had played earlier as the depraved monarch of Thebes, and the resulting war (i.e. Theseus' attack on

Creon) is denuded of its criminal status.114 Rather, the justice of Theseus' endeavor is clear (12.570-72, 589-90). The one-on-one combat between Theseus and Creon also repeats the duel at the end of book 11 between Polynices and

Eteocles. This time, however, the criminality of Polynices' words to his brother are

114ln Euripides'Pftoen/ssae, Creon is a helpless father whose son, Menoecheus, must be sacrificed in order to save Thebes. In the Supplices Creon is an evil character who will not allow the burial of Eteocles and Polynices. In the Thebaid, Statius' principal interest lies in the contrast between Creon and Theseus, between despot and just king. 83 not replicated in Theseus' words to Creon.115 Instead, Theseus not only assures

Creon of his rightful burial (12.781) but at the same time ensures funeral rites for all of the dead—thus, he rids the world of Creon's nefas.

Statius ensures resolution by the sudden appearance of an outsider. In the

Nemean episode, Hypsipyle's long-lost sons appear and save the day. 116 After

Polynices and Eteocles kill each other, Theseus intervenes and returns justice to the perverted city of Thebes as we witnessed it by the end of book 11,117 Theseus can achieve this resolution of Theban nefas precisely because he is not Theban.

That is, his violence against Thebes does not involve crime. Rather, he restores justice and morality to the city's rule. In this respect, Theseus' entrance also mirrors that of Jason at the end of Hypsipyle's Lemnian tale in book 5. Both Jason and Theseus are outsiders who, by repeating and reversing the criminal acts that preceded their arrival reestablish fas. In Jason's case, the Argonauts repeat the return of the Lemnian men after their conquest of Thrace. This time, however, the

Lemnian women do not slaughter the men. Theseus repeats Polynices' assault on

Thebes, but Theseus' attack is not criminal because he has no blood allegiance to

Thebes. Theseus brings resolution to the nefas of the Thebaid and provides a

115At 11.568-69, Polynices vows to never bury his brother. "6Again, these are tragic patterns. An outsider (often a deus ex machina) ensures resolution; a character is reunited with a long-lost relative in a recognition scene. 117Compare Euripides' Heracles in which Theseus saves Heracles at the end of the play after Heracles has killed his own children. Zeitlin (1990) 131 argues that "Thebes...provides the negative model to Athens' manifest image of itself with regard to its notions of the proper management of city, society, and self." Thebes is the anti-Athens and Theseus, an Athenian king, is its savior. 84

sense of hope that he and Athenian Clementia will finally bring an end to crime and violence at Thebes.118 Thus, repetition and reversal bring resolution to both

Hypsipyle's narrative of nefas and to Statius' narrative of nefas.

It is also notable that after resolution comes mourning. Hypsipyle (6.135), the Argives and the Nemeans mourn Opheltes' death, and the Argive princesses at the end of book 12 mourn the deaths of their husbands (12.797-809). In her article, The Role of Lament in the Growth and Eclipse of Roman Epic, Elaine

Fantham argues that Statius "...uses lament as an instrument of condemnation, a verdict on human greed, cruelty, and folly."119 Even though resolution is achieved, the past is not forgotten. The closure of the epic represents a triumph of lament over the criminality of civil war. Thus, Statius applies the epic language of heroic glorification to the women's laments:

non ego, centena si quis mea pectora laxet voce deus, tot busta simul vulgique ducumque, tot pariter gemitus dignis conatibus aequem: turbine quo sese caris instraverit audax ignibus Euadne fulmenque in pectore magno quaesierit; quo more iacens super oscula saevi corporis infelix excuset Tydea coniunx; ut saevos narret vigiles Argia sorori; "Vessey (1973) 312 claims that Theseus represents "the model of a clement and just king, worthy to rule over the city which is the home of Clementia." Statius' representation of Theseus, however, has some disturbing qualities. Dominik (1994) 97 point out Theseus' destructive propensity, and Ahl (1986) 2894-98 and Hardie (1993) 46-48 discuss the similarities between Oedipus and Theseus in regard to the patricide. I agree with Ahl (1982) 935 that "his credentials as a moral hero in epic are hardly solid." Indeed, we may wonder from the exultation Theseus seems to experience from martial violence whether he might be just a step away from becoming another tyrant. Yet, in the larger context of the epic, Theseus does bring resolution to the nefas of Statius' epic. 119Fantham, (1999) 232. Lament is used in the same way in Euripides' Suppliant Women. 85

Arcada quo planctu genetrix Erymanthia clamet, Arcada, consumpto servantem sanguine vultus, Arcada, quern geminae pariter flevere cohortes. vix novus ista furor veniensque implesset Apollo, et mea iam longo meruit ratis aequore portum (12. 797-809). Though Heaven should swell my voice a hundredfold To free my heart, my strains could never match Those funerals of kings and commoners, Those lamentations shared, the tragic tale, How bold Evadne sprang to have her fill Of flames she loved and sought the thunderbolt In that huge breast; how Tydeus' ill-starred wife Made her excuse for him as she lay there And kissed his fierce corpse; how Argia told Her sister of the watchmen's cruelty Or how poor Atalanta mourned her son, Her son who kept his grace though blood was gone, Her son for whom two armies grieved as one. For such high themes would hardly have sufficed Phoebus' first presence and a fine new fire, And now this ship of mine so long at sea, Deserves at last the port where she would be.

In Statius, the laments are not there to augment the honour of the fallen heroes; instead, the mourning women are elevated to a dignity worthy of epic commemoration, with Theseus and the fallen comrades receding into the background. The right to bury and lament signifies the victory of fas after a civil war that ended with no true victors.

Character parallels

As mentioned above, the character of Theseus mirrors that of both Polynices and

Jason, and Creon mirrors the character of Eteocles. Parallelism is a universal of literary composition; even Homer used parallels, such as Nausicaa and

Telemachus in the Odyssey. Statius seems to rely heavily on the intermingling and inseparability of certain characters and situations. The excessive use of character 86 parallels reflects Statius' desire to provide unity for his complex story. Several characters in the Nemean episode call to mind characters who appear in other books and other circumstances.

Because of their experiences of trauma, Statius' Hypsipyle and Oedipus resemble each other in important ways. Both characters, as a result of their pasts, live marginal lives, not really integral parts of the societies they inhabit. Their recollections of past events obsessively occupy their waking hours. For both characters, memories induce a kind of timelessness. Oedipus seems to do nothing other than fantasize about revenge; his life appears to be like a living death.

Hypsipyle lets time or at least present concerns be forgotten as she remembers and retells the story about her life on Lemnos. Indeed, she not only hinders the expedition of the Argives with her tale but also brings the progression of the narrative to a halt.

But perhaps most importantly, Hypsipyle's condition, like Oedipus', has great ramifications for the poem, since it instills in Hypsipyle an overwhelming desire to speak, to create narrative. Both characters in their traumatized states give rise to narrative. The Thebaid essentially results from Oedipus' curse, while the Lemnian narrative derives from Hypsipyle's experiences. These narratives, however, though they derive from related conditions, differ in important ways.

Oedipus takes his overwhelming humiliation at the hands of his sons and converts it into an act of revenge, which becomes the major movement of the plot of the

Thebaid. What Hypsipyle does is different. She recalls and retells the trauma of 87 her past without seeking revenge. But for Hypsipyle, the telling of her story serves much the same purpose as Oedipus' revenge (the plot of the Thebaid), though at first these two actions seem highly irreconcilable. Hypsipyle's narrative and

Oedipus' curse represent attempts to master the events of their pasts. Narrative is conceived as having a beneficial or therapeutic value for Hypsipyle: ...longa solatur damna querella ('...in long lament, she found consolation,' 5.500). Oedipus also believes that vengeance on his sons will heal some of his pain: ...da, tartarei regina barathri,/ quod cupiam vidisse nefas... ('...Grant, Queen of Tartarus' abyss, the crime/1 would have longed to see...,' 1.85-86).

Polyxo, the Lemnian woman who inspired the other women with the idea of killing their male relatives, serves the same purpose on Lemnos that Oedipus serves in Thebes: both precipitate civil war and are responsible for the murders of their sons. There also seems to be a connection between Tisiphone, whom

Oedipus summons from the underworld in book 1, and Polyxo in book 5. In the first book of the Thebaid, when Oedipus summons Tisiphone, the earth rocks and the waves rise: dubiamque iugo fragor impulit Oeten/ in latus, et geminis vix fluctibus obstitit Isthmos (Oeta staggered as the din/ Battered his swaying side,'

1.119-20). In a similar manner, when Polyxo appears in the fifth book, it thunders four times in a serene sky, volcanoes smoke and tidal waves crash against Aegon

(5.85-89). Both Tisiphone and Polyxo are responsible for provoking civil strife.

As if to underline the connection between Polyxo and Thebes, Polyxo is compared to a Teumesian Thyiad: 88

...insane- veluti Teumesia Thysias rapta dec-, cum sacra vocant Idaeaque suadet buxus et a summis auditus montibus Euhan (5.92-94). ...like some Bacchante In god-sent madness when the sacred rites Are summoning and Ida's fifes persuade, And from the peaks is heard the voice divine.

This simile has a specific Theban reference since Teumesos is a hill in Boeotia and

Euhan is the cult title of Bacchus. Thus, the mention of a Teumesian Thyiad or, in other words, a Boeotian Bacchant, is suggestive of Agave, the most notorious

Bacchant. A reference to Agave is appropriate since Polyxo is inspiring the

Lemnians to kill their own family members just as Agave killed her own son,

Pentheus, while celebrating Bacchic rites. Thus, Polyxo's character is not only relevant in the Lemnian episode, her presence is to be felt within the entire epic.

Polyxo is analogous to Oedipus and Tisiphone since she instigated civil strife. She is further connected to Thebes when she is compared to Agave. Like Agave,

Polyxo also kills her son in a fit of rage.

After the night of slaughter, the Lemnian women are able to confront their crimes. Their nocturni furores ('nocturnal frenzy,' 5. 298) are revealed, and they are suddenly seized by shame (5.299-300). Lines 296-334 describe their remorse.

As a result of this repentance, the Lemnians' view of Polyxo, the architect of the criminal behavior, changes. As the Lemnians mourn, hate of Polyxo grows: paulatim invisa Polyxo ('little by little they grow to hate Polyxo,' 5.327). The

Lemnians recoil in horror when they come to realize the results of their night of slaughter, and they win little satisfaction from their crimes. They consequently 89

come to despise Polyxo and the terrible deeds she plotted. In book 11, when

Oedipus learns of the results of his call for nefas (i.e the death of his sons), he too recoils in horror. He gains no pleasure from the nefas. Instead, Oedipus wishes that he had the ability to blind himself in yet another act of self-punishment

(11.580ff.).120 Acts of nefas bring no lasting pleasure.121

Any reference to twins within the course of the Thebaid invites comparison with the most notorious twins in the epic, Eteocles and Polynices. In the following passage, Hypsipyle tells how a twin, Lycaste, hesitates to kill her brother, Cydimon, when her mother commands her to do so: flet super aequaevum exarmata Lycaste Cydimon, heu similes perituro in corpore vultus aspiciens floremque genae et quas finxerat auro ipsa comas, cum saeva parens iam coniuge fuso astitit impellitque minis atque inserit ensem. ut fera, quae rabiem placido desueta magistro tardius arma movet stimulisque et verbere crebro in mores negat ire suos, sic ilia iacenti Incidit undantemque sinu conlapsa cruorem excipit et laceros premit in nova vulnera crines (5.226-35). Lycaste, her weapon dropped, wept over Cydimon, Her twin now doomed, and gazed on his fair face So like her own, the bloom upon his cheek, That hair she'd decked herself with braid of gold, When her cruel mother, who'd already killed Her husband, stood there threatening and forced The sword upon her. Like a beast of prey That from a gentle trainer has unlearnt Its fierceness and is slower to attack And despite beatings still will not return To its old ways, so as her brother lay,

See Vessey (1973) 182 on Oedipus in book 11. 121l have drawn on similarities between Oedipus, on the one hand, and Hypsipyle, the Lemnian women and Hypsipyle, on the other. This should not be taken as contradictory, but to show that they all, in differing ways, resemble the model of motivation to action which Oedipus offers at the epic's opening. 90

She fell on him and, sinking down, her breast Received his welling blood and her torn hair Pressed the new wound.

Lycaste is like a tamed wild animal, who will not become wild again. Although the simile primarily illustrates Lycaste's unwillingness to commit murder, the actual moment of wounding is vague. Does Lycaste kill Cydimon or does the mother?

The sword is in Lycaste's hand after the fatal stabbing (5.230), but it is to Lycaste that Hypsipyle entrusts her own twin sons when she is exiled (5.467). It seems that Hypsipyle would entrust her sons to someone who spared her own brother just as she spared her father. On the other hand, in her speech to her father, Thoas,

Hypsipyle says that the Lemnian women will force the women who delay (5.426), suggesting that Lycaste was forced to commit the murder. Nevertheless, Lycaste displays a deep love from her brother and lament over his death. This short scene is emblematic of the climactic moment at Thebes when the brothers, Eteocles and

Polynices, kill each other. Lycaste and Cydimon are portrayed as opposites to the hatred between the twins, Eteocles and Polynices.

Hypsipyle's sons, Thoas and Euneos, are also foils to Eteocles and

Polynices. When Hypsipyle is reunited with her sons: ...per tela manusque/ inruerant, matremque avidis complexibus ambo diripiunt flentes alternaque pectora mutant ('...they rushed into the fray and flung their arms/ Around their mother, both in tears, and held/ Her to their breasts in turn,' 5.720-22). Hypsipyle's happy reunion with her sons, Thoas and Euneos, contrasts with Jocasta's total failure to 91 bring about a peaceful settlement between herself and her sons in book 7.122

Moreover, Statius makes it clear that Euneos and Thoas are loving twins with healthy, not destructive, ambition: ecce et lasonidae iuvenes, nova gloria matris Hypsipyles, subiere iugo, quo vectus uterque, nomen avo gentile Thoas atque omine dictus Euneos Argoo. geminis eadem omnia: vultus, currus, equi, vestes, par et concordia voti, vincere vel solo cupiunt a fratre relinqui (6.340-45). Jason's sons too, their mother's new-found pride, Mounted the chariots which carried each, Thoas, named fitly from his grandfather, And Euneos whose name wished Argo well. Those twins had everything alike; their looks, Their dress, their steeds, their chariots—and hopes Likewise in harmony, either to win Or to lose only to a brother's lead. Euneos and Thoas would never allow blind ambition to destroy their relationship.

When Thoas falls in the race, Euneus tries to help him, but is prevented by

Hippodamus (6.476-77). Hypsipyle's sons are everything that Polynices and

Eteocles are not. Loving pairs of twins like Euneos and Thoas, or Lycaste and

Cydimon, are opposites to the closeness born of hatred of Eteocles and Polynices.

If Polynices and Eteocles had been inspired by the same kind of selfless devotion, there would have been no war.123

While Hypsipyle's relationship with her sons foils the estranged relationship between Jocasta and her sons, Hypsipyle's close relationship with her father also foils Oedipus' estranged relationship with his children. 123Vessey (1973) 213 notes the foreshadowing. Thoas and Euneus compete in a chariot race and Eteocles and Polynices in book 11 begin their fight on chariots (11.440, 450-1, 513ff.). 92

Linus and Coroebus

When Hypsipyle begins her tale, she essentially assumes the role of poet, wresting the narrative from Statius, the epic voice of the Thebaid.*124 She becomes a performer for the Argives, and Statius uses language that seems to emphasize her status as a poet-figure. When Adrastus makes his specific request to hear

Hypsipyle's life-story, he says: pande nefas laudesque tuas gemitusque tuorum...

(Tell us the crime, your glory and your kinsmen's groans...' 5.46). A parallel emerges with the episode in Book 1 in which Adrastus begins his aetiology of the

Apolline festival and declares: animos advertite, pandam ('Attend: I'll tell the tale,'

1.561. With the verb pandere, Adrastus' request to Hypsipyle (5.43-7) can be read at some level "as an invitation to compose a poem..."125 just as he had composed his own poem in book 1.

Adrastus' story of Linus and Coroebus in book 1 of the Thebaid is another subsidiary narrative which deserves mention.126 This myth is also related to the main themes of the Thebaid and is even related to the Nemean episode of books 4 to 6. The narratives described are essentially the same criminal stories. Adrastus tells the story of Linus, the child of Apollo and Psamathe. Psamathe feared her father's wrath and exposed her newborn child. While Linus was sleeping in a field,

124Henderson (1993) 183 writes: "This promotion of the Woman's Voice to tell the underside of virtus displaces the site of the epic from within: it is as if Virgil's Andromache were to step out of her narrated inclusion within Aeneas' perspective and take over the telling of Aeneid 2 and 3 for a Troades-style narrative." 125Vessey (1986) 2993. 126This narrative is 112 lines in length, 1.557-668. 93 he was torn to pieces by the dogs of Psamathe's father, Crotopus. Psamathe could not conceal her grief and her father discovered his daughter's secret and ordered Psamathe to be slain. In revenge, Apollo sent an avenging spirit, which destroyed the Argive children. The hero, Coroebus, killed the avenging spirit and as a result, Apollo sent a plague. Coroebus felt that Apollo was being unfair and offered himself as the target of the god's anger. Apollo was touched by Coroebus' bravery and decided to allow Coroebus to live (1.663-64).

Adrastus can be seen as the antithesis of Crotopus. Both kings have daughters and their unions bring misery to their fathers' kingdoms. Psamathe's coupling with Apollo brings disaster to Argos, and an oracle of Apollo predicts further disaster for Argos due to the marriages of Adrastus' daughters. Crotopus can also be linked to Oedipus since both characters are responsible for the death of their offspring. Crotopus' actions cause an avenging spirit to be pitted against his people; Oedipus' curse unleashes the avenging Fury, Tisiphone. In the tale of

Linus and Coroebus, Crotopus is the human cause of cruelty and Apollo is the divinity of retribution. In the fraternal strife at Thebes, Oedipus is the human cause of nefas and Jupiter is the divine instigator of revenge.127

The myth of Linus and Coroebus shows that the gods do not forget; humans cannot wash away culpa. Hypsipyle learns this lesson in the death of Opheltes.

Opheltes' death is punishment for Hypsipyle's refusal to participate in the nefas on

Vessey 101-107, especially 103-4. In Hypsipyle's tale, Polyxo is the human cause of criminality and Venus is the divine motivator. 94

Lemnos (5.628). As a result, she owes a death to the goddess, Venus. Opheltes becomes an innocent victim of a god's retribution. Like the baby, Linus, Opheltes dies for another human's sins. Psamathe entrusts Linus to a shepherd and

Eurydice entrusts Opheltes to a nurse. Both children are placed in a field (1.582-4;

4.786-8) where they meet their deaths. Linus is attacked by dogs (1.587ff) while asleep on the grass and Opheltes is mangled by a serpent while he is also slumbering (5.505ff., 5.538ff., 5.596ff.). Furthermore, both infants are described as sidereus ('heavenly,' 1.577; 5.613). In order to ensure the reader's comparison of the two infants, Linus is presented again in the tapestry covering the body of

Opheltes on his funeral pyre: summa crepant auro, Tyrioque attollitur ostro molle supercilium, teretes hoc undique gemmae inradiant, medio Linus intertextus acantho letiferique canes: opus admirablile semper oderat atque oculos flectebat ab omine mater (6.62-66). Upon the top Gold rustled and a downy counterpane Was draped of Tyrian purple, all ablaze With polished gems, and woven round the hem Acanthus leaves with Linus and the hounds, His murderers; a masterpiece the child's Mother abhorred, an omen her eyes shunned. The deaths of these infants mark important stages in the epic. The death of

Linus is described upon the arrival of Tydeus and Polynices. This marks the beginning of Argive involvement in the war at Thebes. The death of Opheltes occurs just before the Argives arrive at Thebes. This marks the beginning of doom for the Argives.128 The deaths of these innocent babies present a dark view of the

Vessey (1970b) 323-325; Vessey (1973) 104-105. 95 world, a world in which the gods are cruel and innocent lives are sacrificed for other people's crimes.

Opheltes' death and funeral games

After a long period of inactivity for the Argives, it is time to be reminded that their strength and skill are for warfare. Therefore, the circumstances of Opheltes' death and his subsequent funeral games contain many references to the ultimate failure of the Argive expedition against the city of Thebes. Even though the Nemean books nearly halt the fraternal war, Statius still gives clear indications of what lies on the other side of Nemea, what will happen in the future of the Thebaid. here, I will focus on how Opheltes' death and his funeral games foreground future crime.

When Hypsipyle's narrative of Lemnian nefas ends (5.498), the scene moves to the baby, Opheltes, who had been left behind on a patch of grass in order for Hypsipyle to lead the Argive army to water more quickly. A giant serpent kills the baby and Hypsipyle hears the baby's cry (5.544). The Argives follow

(5.554-55) and try to kill the serpent. Hippomedon throws a rock:

...rapit ingenti conamine saxum, quo discretus ager, vacuasque impellit in auras arduus Hippomedon, quo turbine bellica quondam librati saliunt portarum in claustra molares. cassa ducis virtus: iam mollia colla refusus in tergum serpens venientem exhauserat ictum (5. 558-62). ...With a vast Effort towering Hippomedon heaved up A boundary stone and hurled it through the air, Whirling as when great balls are launched in war And leap against a hostile barbican. Vain valor! Bending back his supple neck, The snake had foiled the coming blow. 96

In a compressed way, this simile compares Hippomedon's attack on the serpent with his attack against a walled city. Just as Hippomedon is unsuccessful in killing the serpent, so too will he be unsuccessful in defeating the walled city of Thebes.

Though Hippomedon fails to wound the serpent, Capaneus is successful.

Capaneus threatens the serpent with death no matter what his identity or protector:

"...at non mea vulnera" clamat et trabe fraxinea Capaneus subit obvius "umquam effugies, seu tu pavidi ferus incola luci, sive deis, utinamque deis, concessa voluptas, non, si consertum super haec mihi membra Giganta subveheres," (5.565-70)

...Then Capaneus Made for him with ashen spear and cried: "My wound you'll not escape, though you may be The heavenly gods'—I'd hope, the gods'—delight Or have a giant standing over you To fight with me." Since Capaneus is characterized throughout the Thebaid as not believing in the gods129, it is appropriate that he implies that the snake is frightful enough to be supernatural, without himself declaring that he believes the snake to be associated with the divine. The combination of the contrary-to-fact condition and the parenthetical utinamque deis emphasizes his unwillingness to believe. When

129See, for example, Capaneus in his first major appearance at 4.165-77. Capaneus is compared to the mythological figure, Thamyris, who had engaged in a musical contest with the Muses and lost. As a result, the muses took his eyes and his minstrelsy. Statius implies that Capaneus is hostile to the gods because he has never had to face them, like Thamyris (4.183-85), and suffer the consequences of his arrogance: ...quis obvia numina temnat?/ —conticuit praeceps, qui non certamina Phoebi/ nosset et intustres Satyro pendente Celaenas. ...Who may despise deities met face to face?—for that he knew not what it was to strive with Phoebus, nor how the hanging Satyr brought Celaenae fame, (4.184-86). 97

Capaneus kills the serpent, his fate is alluded to at the end of the episode when we learn that the serpent is sacred to Jupiter (5.511-13) and dies at Jupiter's altar

(5.576-78). Capaneus is being saved for a larger thunderbolt130: ipse etiam e summa iam tela poposcerat aethra luppiter, et dudum nimbique hiemesque coibant, ni minor ira deo gravioraque tela mereri servatus Capaneus; moti tamen aura cucurrit fulminis et summas libavit vertice cristas (5.583-87). Great Jupiter himself had called for his Ordnance from heaven's height, and clouds and storms Had long been gathering, had not the god's Anger stopped short and Capaneus been saved To merit grimmer weapons. Even so The lightning darted and its breath cut down His helmet's crest. This foreshadows Capaneus' death in book 10 when he provokes a fight with

Jupiter:

"nullane pro trepidis" clamabat, "numina Thebis statis? ubi infandae segnes telluris alumni, Bacchus et Alcides? pudet instigare minores. tu potius venias—quis enim concurrere nobis dignior? en cineres Semeleaque busta tenentur-, nunc age, nunc totis in me conitere flammis, luppiter! an pavidas tonitur turbare puellas fortior et soceri turres excindere Cadmi?" (10.899-906). ..."Do no gods stand For cowering Thebes? Where are the sluggard sons Of this accursed country, Hercules And Bacchus? Come yourself!—I am ashamed To challenge lesser names—What worthier Antagonist? The ashes and the tomb Of Semele, behold are in my power. Come, Jupiter, with all your fiery flames Contest with me! Or is it braver to Frighten a timid girl with thunderbolts And raze the towers of your father-in-law?

Vessey (1973) 188-89. Vessey also adds that the death of the serpent is a foreshadowing of the killing of Bacchus' tigers, which leads to the first shedding of blood at Thebes (7.564ff.). 98

In book 10, Capaneus dies by Jupiter's thunderbolt. Thus, Capaneus' slaying of the serpent and the anger it invokes in Jupiter apply directly to the event it foreshadows in book 10: Capaneus' death at Thebes.

Next, Opheltes is honored with funeral games. By offering games, the

Argives hope to appease the parents of the deceased child and to protect

Hypsipyle from the parents' wrath. The games are an organic part of the delay engineered by Bacchus, and they have greater significance than the immediate occasion. Book 6 opens with Fama announcing throughout the Greek cities that there will be funeral games at Nemea. An irony, which is characteristic of Statius, is that the men who participate in these elaborate funeral games to help grieve for one child, will shortly be causing grief for many more mothers. It is also characteristic of Statius to remind us of the larger context of action and of the characters' impending fates.

The first game is the chariot race and in the display of chariots, the first of the horses to be named is Arion. Although Arion belongs to Adrastus, Polynices borrows Adrastus' chariot and Arion for the purpose of the race. Statius emphasizes Arion's speed and describes the horse as hiberno par inconstantia ponto ('as capricious as the wintry sea,' 6.306). In the context of the beginning of the race, we may think of this image in terms of speed. But, it will turn out that

Arion is unreliable, at least in the hands of the unworthy Polynices. Hence, this brief comparison is a vague, but ominous, foreshadowing. Polynices is not fit to be 99 king; he does not have what it takes to rule. The failure to steer the chariot is a bad omen for a general.

A more concrete instance of foreshadowing occurs when Adrastus, giving instructions to Polynices, is compared to the Sun giving instructions to Phaethon

(6.320-25).131 In Ovid's Metamorphoses, the Sun warned Phaethon that the horses did not need to be whipped because already they went too fast. Adrastus also provides this warning to Polynices at 6.318. Nevertheless, like Phaethon,

Polynices cannot control the chariot that he borrowed. Polynices loses control because he lacks strength and courage; Arion panics when he senses his driver's evil nature:

Senserat adductis alium praesagus Arion stare ducem loris, dirumque expaverat insons Oedipodioniden; iam illinc a limine discors iratusque oneri solito truculentior ardet (6. 424-27). Arion in his prescience had guessed A stranger held the reins and, innocent, Had feared the ghastly son of Oedipus. In dudgeon from the start and angered by His freight, he flared more fiercely than his wont. The guilty mortal makes the guiltless horse afraid. Polynices is thrown from the chariot, but he survives. Although this seemingly differs from Phaethon's fate, both men die in an attempt to take over their father's role: Phaethon attempts to take on the Sun's role, and Polynices dies in an attempt to become the king of Thebes.

After Polynices is thrown from the chariot, Arion goes on to win the race (6.519).

Thus, Polynices can blame no one but himself for his failure. As Rebecca Nagel

See Nagel (1999) 385, 388, 392. See also Vessey (1973) 212-13. 100 writes, "Polynices fails to hold the reins of government in Thebes, but Thebes survives his army's attack." Polynices' failure to hold the reins of the chariot foreshadows his failure to hold the reins of government at Thebes. Arion's success foreshadows Thebes' survival.

Even as Bacchus' delay threatens to scuttle the Argive expedition, Statius provides indications of the brother's criminal goals. Polynices nearly meets his

(premature) death on two occasions, and Statius draws attention to the glory that the Theban exile would have won if, by dying in Nemea, he were never to meet his brother in battle.132 In the first event of the games, the chariot race, Polynices is almost killed and Statius regrets Polynices' survival (6.512-17). Later in the same book, when a call for a sword duel is made, and Polynices and the Epidaurian

Agylleus prepare to fight, Statius again looks to the brother's fratricide: et nondum fatis Dircaeus agentibus exsul, "and the Dircaean exile, not yet doomed by fate,"

(6.913). Statius uses periphrasis instead of Polynices' name to draw attention to his Theban birth. Polynices should be defending Thebes, not allied with her attackers. Since Polynices is with her attackers, however, he should not be willing to fight them. Adrastus steps in and stops the swordfight, but there is irony in

Adrastus' rejection of the need for a duel in the funeral games: "servate animos avidumque furorem/ sanguinis adversi," "preserve your warlike temper and your mad desire for a foeman's blood," (6.915-16). For Polynices, the adversi would actually mean his brother. Adrastus' comment makes it seem as if a duel between

132Vessey (1973) 216, 226. 101 the brothers would be acceptable! Both of these examples reveal what will happen later in the poem. The former focuses on the terrible war that will be fought and implies the criminality, in particular, of Polynices' death. The latter episode, in that it is a duel, foreshadows the type of death Polynices will die as well as once again emphasizing the imminence of his fratricidal death.

Tydeus' fate is also foreshadowed in the funeral games of book 6. During the wrestling match, Tydeus is temporarily buried under Agylleus' bulk:

...haud aliter collis scrutator Hiberi cum subiit longeque diem vitamque reliquit, si tremuit suspensus ager subitumque fragorem rupta dedit tellus, latet intus monte soluto obrutus, ac penitus fractum obtritumque cadaver indignantem animam propriis non reddidit astris (6. 880-85). So in the hills Of Spain a miner, leaving far behind The world and the bright daylight, if the earth That hangs above him trembles and the roof Falls with a sudden roar, lies crushed inside The rockfall and his corpse has not restored His angry spirit to its own bright stars. Just as the soul of the buried miner cannot be returned to the stars, so Tydeus will not be able to receive the gift of immortality, which Athena prepares for him:

...iamque inflexo Tritonia patre venerat et misero decus inmortale ferebat, atque ilium effracti perfusum tabe cerebri aspicit et vivo scelerantem sanguine fauces— nec comites auferre valent—: stetit aspera Gorgon crinibus emissis rectiqe ante ora cerastae velavere deam; fugit aversata iacentem, nec prius astra subit, quam mystica lampas et insons llisos multa purgavit lumina lympha (8.758-66).

...And now Pallas Had come, her father mollified, to bring That sad heart deathless fame. And him she saw Drenched in the foul filth of the shattered brain, His jaws polluted with live human blood, 102

Nor could friends wrench it from him. On her breast The Gorgon's locks stood bristling and the snakes Rose up to screen her gaze. She turned her face And fled, nor would she enter heaven before The lamp that lights the holy mysteries And pure Missus' stream had purged her eyes. It is worthy to note that, in the simile about the miner, it is the body that does not return the soul to the stars (6.884-5). This parallels Tydeus' fate. When Tydeus receives his mortal wound, Athena leaves the battleground to get permission from

Jupiter to grant Tydeus immortality. When Athena returns, she is disgusted to find that Tydeus is savagely eating the brains of Melanippus, the man who wounded him—eating them raw from the skull case. Athena decides that he is not worthy of immortality and leaves him. Tydeus' physical act of greedy vengeance keeps his soul tied to his body.133

The funeral games for Opheltes are no mere exercise in epic convention; they have their own vital significance within the context of the Thebaid. The death of Opheltes and his funeral games prefigure doom for the Argives. The future is succinctly exposed and such foreshadowing anticipates the nefas to come. As

David Vessey has remarked, Statius "...has made book 6 a book of destiny, a book of revealing, by hint and portent, the ingens nefas of the war."134

Ibid 224 suggests that the wrestling match also refers back to Tydeus' fight with Polynices in book 1. In addition, Vessey 219, 227 mentions the discus and archery contests. Hippomedon is victorious in throwing the discus, and the ease at which Hippomedon defeats his rivals foreshadows his aristea in book 9. In the archery contest, Adrastus' arrow rebounds off of a tree and lands by his own quiver. This foreshadows his own unhappy survival of the war. 134lbid 228. 103

Conclusion

The poetic models of Statius' Thebaid are legion. Like other Silver Age writers such as Valerius Flaccus and Silius Italicus, Statius' profession of respectful imitation is to Vergil's Aeneid. Furthermore, the grim exploits of the Seven had been sung in epic poetry, especially in the work of Antimachus of Colophon, and had been treated by Greek and Roman tragedians. For the Nemean episode of

Books 4 to 6, Statius also looked to Euripides' Hypsipyle and the epics of

Apollonius Rhodius and Valerius Flaccus. Although Statius shows great independence in his writing, one notices a continuous relation with his literary antecedents. Although the Thebaid is indebted to a constellation of influences, variations and innovations are worked into the text so that Statius' epic does not lack unity.

Hypsipyle's story has been criticized as a "digression within a digression."135

Indeed, it does strike the reader as such at first because not only have the Argives digressed literally from the direct route to Thebes by stopping at Nemea, but also they have been transported away even from Nemea by Hypsipyle's tale.

Nevertheless, the Nemean episode has its place within the Thebaid. There is an almost obsessive recurrence of themes and moods throughout Statius' epic.

Despite the large number of characters, the absence of a true protagonist, and a very complex plot, Statius attempts to resist dissipation. Even in the Nemean episode, which delays the beginning of the war at Thebes, one often notes a desire

135Butler (1909) 212; Legras (1905) 152; Summers (1920) 3-1. 104 to establish recurring thematic links. Thus, Statius relies heavily on character parallels and foreshadowing. The meeting of Hypsipyle and the Argive army sets the scene for the most extended case of foreshadowing in the Thebaid.

Hypsipyle's narrative of the events on Lemnos is a foreboding parallel to the events at Thebes, and the funeral games in book 6 serve in many ways to advance the plot of Statius' epic. It is characteristic of Statius to remind us of the larger context of action of the characters and their impending fates.

The fratricidal war in the Thebaid has larger ramifications than just a war between two cities. All three levels of the ThebaicPs universe (divine, human, underworld) are at war with each other. Humans constantly revile the gods, the upper and the netherworld are in strife and the human world is opposed to the netherworld. Statius represents in the Thebaid a civil war on a cosmic scale and a universal civil war on the human level. Not just Eteocles, but Tydeus has also fled home because of a fratricide (1.402-3). Mycene, occupied by its own fratricidal war, does not participate in the civil war between Thebes and Argos (4.308).

Hypsipyle also narrates a tale about the Lemnian women who kill their husbands and male children. All of these instances of civil strife give a cosmic dimension to civil war and presents it as a reversal of the natural order and as an outcome of a dysfunctional universe.

The Nemean episode is organic to the plot of the Thebaid and gives rise to originality in the work. Hypsipyle's tale and its consequences (i.e. the death of

Opheltes) allow Statius, in a compressed way, to depict the themes of his epic, the 105 personalities of his characters, and the means by which resolution will be attained.

So, for example, just as Venus deviates from her role as goddess of love in book 5 and becomes a destructive and vindictive deity, so too are other inversions apparent within the main body of narrative. In Statius' poetic world, Cadmus' foundation is both constructive and destructive, Oedipus is both the father and the destroyer of his sons, Jupiter is both the creator and destroyer of the Argive and

Theban royal houses, and even Pluto is subjected to reversal by receiving the epithet sator ('father,' 8.92) normally reserved for Jupiter. The characters of the

Thebaid maintain the notion that nefas can be justified—that revenge is sweet at any price. The Lemnian women force themselves to believe this, and in orchestrating the Argive-Theban war, Jupiter believes this. Thus, Statius emerges as a master performer, making the Nemean episode an inherent part of his epic. 106

Primary References

Aeschylus. Die Fraqmente der Tragodien des Aischylos. ed. Hans Joachim Mette (Berlin, 1959).

Die Fragmente der Tragodien des Aischylos, ed. Hans Joachim Mette (Berlin, 1959)

Aeschvli: Septem Quae Supersunt Tragoedias, ed. D.L. Page (Oxford, 1972).

Antimachus. Antimachus of Colophon: Text and Commentary, ed. Victor J. Matthews (Leiden, 1996).

Antimachi Colophonii Reliquiae, ed. Bernhard Wyss (Berlin, 1936).

Apollodorus. Apollodorus: The Library, ed. James George Frazer (Massachusetts, 1921).

Mythoqraphi Graeci: Apollodori Bibliotheca 1, ed. Richard Wagner (Leipzig, 1965).

Apollonius Rhodius. Apollonii Rhodii: Argonautica, ed. Hermann Frankel (Oxford, 1961).

Jason and the Golden Fleece (The Argonautica), ed. Richard Hunter (Oxford, 1993).

Callimachus. Callimachus: Fragments, ed. C.A. Trypanis (Cambridge, 1958).

Catullus. Catullus, ed. G.P. Goold (London, 1983).

The Poems of Catullus, ed. Phyllis Young Forsyth (Lanham, 1986).

Catullus: the Poems, ed. Kenneth Quinn (London, 1970).

Catullus, ed. D.F.S. Thomson (Toronto, 1997).

Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. Malcolm Davies (Gottingen, 1988).

Euripides. Euripides' Hypsipyle, ed. Bond, G. W. (Oxford, 1963).

Euripides. Hypsipyle, ed. W.E.H. Cockle (Roma, 1987). 107

Greek Lyric IV, ed. David Campbell (Massachusetts, 1992).

Herodotus. Herodoti Historiae, ed. Haiim B. Rosen (Leipzig, 1997).

Pausanias. Pausanias: A Description of Greece, ed. Horace Leonard Jones (Cambridge, 1935).

Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio, ed. M.H. Rocha-Pereira (Leipzig, 1973).

Pindar. Pindari Carmina cum Fragmentis, ed. CM. Bowra (Oxford, 1947).

Pindari Carmina cum Fragmentis, ed. B. Snell (Paris, 1984).

Poetae Lvrici Graeci, ed. T. Bergk (Leipzig, 1914).

Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. Malcolm Davies (Oxford, 1991).

Propertius. Propertius, elegies: Book 2, ed. W.A. Camps (Cambridge, 1967).

Propertius: Elegies, ed. G.P. Goold (Cambridge,1990).

Statius. Statius: Thebaid IX, ed. Michael Dewar (Oxford, 1991).

-—P. Papini Stati Thebaidos Libri XII. ed. D.E. Hill (Leiden, 1983).

P. Papini Stati: Silvae, ed. Aldo Marastoni (Leipzig, 1970).

Statius' Thebaid, trans. A.D. Melville, with introduction by D.W.T. Vessey (Oxford, 1995).

Statius: Thebaid VII A Commentary, ed. J.J.L. Smolenaars (Leiden, 1994).

P. Papinius Statius: Thebaid: A Commentary on Book III, ed. H. Snijder Amsterdam, 1968).

Thebaidos: Liber Decimus, ed. R.D. Williams (Leiden, 1972).

Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta 3, ed. Stefan Radt (Gottingen, 1985).

Tragicorum Graecorum: Fragmenta Selecta, ed. J. Diggle (Oxford, 1998).

Valerius Flaccus. C. Valerius Flaccus Argonautica Book II: A Commentary, ed. 108

Η.Μ. Poortvliet (Amsterdam, 1991).

The Argonautica of Gaius Valerius Flaccus, ed. David R. Slavitt (Baltimore, 1999).

Virgil. The Aeneid, trans. C. Day Lewis (Oxford, 1952). 109

Secondary References

Aelion, Rachel, Quelques Grands Mythes Heroiques Dans L'ceuvre D'Euripide (Paris,1986).

Ahl, Frederick, M, "Lucan and Statius," in Luce, James T., ed., Ancient Writers vol.2 (New York, 1982) 917-941.

"Statius' Thebaid: A Reconsideration," Aufstieg und Niederqanq der romischen Welt 2.32.5(1986) 2803-2912.

Arico, G, "Stazio e Npsipile euripidea. Note sull'imitazione staziana," Dioniso 35 (1961)56-67.

Berger-Doer, Gratia, "Euneos et Thoas," Lexicon Iconoqraphicum Mythologiae Classicae IV/I (1988) 59-62.

Bloom, Harold, The Anxiety of Influence (Oxford, 1973).

Bonner, Stanley F., Education in Ancient Rome (London, 1977).

Bramble, J. "Lucan" in Kenney, E.J. and Easterling, P.E. eds. The Cambridge History of Classical Literature II: Latin Literature (Cambridge, 1982) 533-57.

Brillante, Carlo, "Un episodio dimenticato della Tebaide," in Omaggio a Piero Treves (Padova, 1983)43-55.

Boulotis, Christos, "Hypsipyle," Lexicon Iconoqraphicum Mythologiae Classicae Vlll/I (1997) 645-50.

Bowersock, G.W., Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford, 1965).

Burkert, Walter, "Jason, Hypsipyle, and New Fire at Lemnos: A Study in Myth and Ritual," Classical Quarterly 20 (1970) 1-16.

Butler, H.E., Post-Augustan Poetry From Seneca to Juvenal (Oxford, 1909). ed., The Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1958).

Davies, Malcolm, The Epic Cycle (Bristol, 1989).

DeForest, Mary Margolies, Apollonius' Argonautica: A Callimachean Epic (New York, 1994). 110

Dominik, William, J., Speech and Rhetoric in Statius' Thebaid ( diss. Zurich, 1994).

The Mythic Voice of Statius (New York, 1994b).

Duff, J. Wight, A Literary History of Rome in the Silver Age (London, 1960).

Dyson, Stephen L., Community and Society in Roman Italy (Baltimore, 1992).

Fantham, Elaine, "The Role of Lament in the Growth and Death of Roman Epic," in Beissinger, Margaret, Tylus, Jane, and Wofford, Susanne, eds., Epic Traditions in the Contemporary World (Berkeley, 1999)221-235.

Feeney, D.C., The Gods in Epic (Oxford, 1991).

Fowler, Don, Roman Constructions (Oxford, 2000).

Fracchia, Helena, "Nemea," Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae Vl/I (Zurich, 1981)732-733.

Gantz, Timothy, Early Greek Myth (Baltimore, 1993).

Garland, Robert, Introducing New Gods (London, 1992).

Garson, R.W., "Some critical observations on Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica l."Classical Quarterly 14 (1964) 266-279.

Geffcken, Katherine Α., Comedy in the Pro Caelio (Leiden, 1973).

George, Edward, V., "Poet and Characters in Apollonius Rhodius' Lemnian Episode," Hermes 100 (1972) 47-63.

Giangrande, Giuseppe, "Hypsipyle's Children," Museum Philologum Londiniense 2 (1977) 165-175.

Griffin, Jasper, Homer on Life and Death (Oxford, 1980).

Gruzelier, Claire, "The Influence of Virgil's Dido on Statius' Portrayal of Hypsipyle," Prudentia 26 (1994) 153-65.

Hamlyn, Paul, Greek Mythology (London, 1964).

Hammond, N.G.L., A History of Greece (Oxford, 1986). 111

Hardie, Alex, Statius and the Silvae (Liverpool, 1983).

Henderson, John, Fighting for Rome (Cambridge, 1998).

"Statius' Thebaidl Form Premade," Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 37 (1991) 30-79.

Hershkowitz, Debra, The Madness of Epic: Reading Insanity From Homer to Statius (Oxford, 1998).

Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica (Oxford, 1998).

Highet, Gilbert, The Speeches in Vergil's Aeneid (Princeton,1972).

Hill, D.E., "Statius' Thebaid: A Glimmer of Light in a Sea of Darkness," in A.J.Boyle, ed., Ramus 18 (1989) pp. 98-119.

Huxley, G.L., Greek Epic Poetry (London, 1969).

Jessen, A.A "Hypsipyle," in Paulvs Real-Encvclopadie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft 9 (Munich, 1930) 439-444.

Keith, A. M., Engendering Rome: Women in Latin Epic (Cambridge, 2000).

Kenney, E.J., ed., The Cambridge History of Classical Literature: Vol. II Latin Literature (Cambridge, 1981).

Knight, W.F. Jackson, Vergil: Epic and Anthropology (London, 1967).

Krauskopf, Ingrid, "Amphiaraos," Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae l/l, l/ll (Zurich, 1981) 691-713, 555-570.

Kunze, E., Archaische Schildbander (Berlin, 1950).

Legras, L., Etude sure la Thebaide de Stace (Paris, 1905).

Levin, Donald Norman, Apollonius' Argonautica Re-Examined (Leiden,1971).

Lomas, Kathryn, Roman Italy (London, 1996).

Marrou, Η. I., A History of Education in Antiguity (London,1956).

Masters, Jamie, Poetry and Civil War in Lucan's Bellum Civile (Cambridge, 1992). 112

Miller, Stephen, ed., Nemea: A Guide to the Site and Museum (Berkeley, 1990).

Morford, M.P.O, The Poet Lucan (Oxford, 1967).

Nagel, Rebecca, "Polynices the Charioteer: Statius, Thebaid 6.296-396," Echos du Monde Classique/ Classical Views 18 (1999) 381-396.

Nugent, S. Georgia, "Statius' Hypsipyle: Following the Footsteps of the Aeneid," Scholia 5 (1996) 46-71.

"Vergil's 'Voice of the Women,' in Aeneid V," Arethusa 25 (1992) 255-92.

O'Higgins, D. "Lucan as Vates," Classical Antiquity 7 (1988) 208-226.

Parker, Richard, Athenian Religion: A History (Oxford, 1996).

Pavlick, Barbara, Eros, Imitation, and the Epic Tradition (Ithaca, 1990).

Pickard-Cambridge, A.W., The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens (Oxford, 1946).

"Tragedy," in Powell, J.U., ed., New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature 3rd Series (Oxford, 1933)68-155

Pulhorn, Wolfgang, "Archemoros,"Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae ll/l, ll/ll (Zurich, 1981)472-475, 355-358.

Reussner, Alfred, De Statio et Euripide (diss. Halle, 1921).

Robert, C, "Die lasonsage in der Hypsipyle des Euripides," Hermes 44 (1909) 376-402

Scodel, Ruth, "Teichoscopia, Catalogue, and the Female Spectator in Euripides,"Colbv Quarterly 1 (1997)76-93.

Sechan, Louis, Etudes sur la tragedie grecgue dans ses rapports avec le ceramigue (Paris, 1926)

Simon, E., "Archemoros," Archaologischer Anzeiger (1979) 31-45.

Solodow, Joseph, B., "On Catullus 95," Classical Philology 82 (1987) 141- 145.

Stahl, Hans-Peter, Propertius: "Love" and "War" (Berkeley, 1985). 11

Summers, W.C., The Silver Age of Latin Literature (London, 1920).

Tanner, R.G., "Epic Tradition and Epigram in Statius," Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt 32.5 (1986) 3020-3046.

Thomas, Richard F, "Callimachus Back in Rome," in Harder, M.A, Regtuit, R.F, Wakker, G.C., edd., Callimachus (Groningen, 1993).

Toohey, Peter, Reading Epic: An introduction to ancient narrative (London, 1992).

Trendall, A.D., Webster, T.B.L., Illustrations of Greek Drama (London, 1971).

Vessey, D.W.T.C., "Notes on the Hypsipyle Episode in Statius," Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 7 (1970) 44-54.

"The reputation of Antimachus of Colophon," Hermes 99 (1971) 1-10.

"The significance of the myth of Linus and Coroebus in Statius' Thebaid 1, 557-672," American Journal of Philology 91 (1970b) 315-331.

"Statius and Antimachus: A Review of the Evidence," Philologus 114 (1970c) 118-43.

"Statius' Epic Style," Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt 2.32.5 (1986)2968-3019.

Statius and the Thebaid (Cambridge, 1973).

Webster, T.B.L, "Three Plays by Euripides," in Wallach, Luitpold, ed., The Classical Tradition (Ithaca, 1966) 83-97.

Welcker, F.G, Der epische Cyclus oder die homerischen Dichter II (Bonn, 1849).

Zeitlin, Froma I, "Thebes: Theater of Self and Society in Athenian Drama," in Winkler, John J. and Zeitlin, Froma I. edd. Nothing to Do with Dionysos? (Princeton, 1990) 130-167.