Sport in the Ancient Greek World

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

CLAS 0210 Sport in the Ancient Greek World Class 30 Monday 12 April 2010 Hellenistic Athletics and the Internationalization of Sport Developments during the Hellenistic Period ca. 323 - 30 BC • Greek-style games and festivals spread far beyond Greece • Sport became more international in character • Athletes came to be fully-fledged professionals • Formation of athletic unions and associations Philip II of Macedonia (d. 336 B.C.) Argead Macedonian dynasty —> City of Argos in Greece —> the Argive hero Herakles Macedonian kings allowed by the Hellanodikai to compete at Olympia Coinage of Philip II (philos + hippos = “lover of horses”) Philip won victories in 3 successive Olympics: — horse-race — 4-horse chariot-race — 2-horse chariot-race The Philippeion at Olympia • celebrated Philip’s Olympic victories • memorialized triumph at Battle of Chaeronea, 338 BC • housed statues of members of Macedonian royal family Alexander’s conquests, as of 323 BC Arrian, Campaigns of Alexander J.H. Schönfeld (ca. 1630) Alexander Visits the Tomb of Achilles (at Troy) Aï Khanum, Afghanistan Aï Khanum Reverse imprint of a Greek papyrus Athletics as a synonym for Greekness when far from home See Arete #190 Two of Alexander’s companions take with them the equipment they need to practice athletics while on the long march Antigonus (Macedonia) Big Three: Antigonid dynasty Ptolemies Seleucids Antigonids Arete #191 An inscription at Delphi, 246 B.C. The Aetolian League The Soteria (“Salvation Games”) at Delphi, to be: • stephanitic • isoPythian musical competitions • isoNemean athletic and equestrian competition (Greek isos = “equal” — i.e., using the same rules and arrangements) Arete # 192 Inscription set up at Delphi in front of the Temple of Apollo 182 B.C. A response by the Amphiktyonic Council of Delphi to a delegation sent by King Eumenes of Pergamon (Turkey) The Nikephoria (“victory-bringing”) Games at Pergamon, to be: • stephanitic In terms of age categories and prizes for victors: • isoPythian (musical contests) • isOlympic (gymnastic and equestrian) Arete # 199 An inscription of 2 B.C., set up at Olympia Concerns the establishment by the Emperor Augustus of Italic isOlympic Games at Naples .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Chapter 4, Section 1
Hellenistic Civilization 324 - 100 BC Philip II of Macedonia . The Macedonians were viewed as barbarians. By the 5th century BC, the Macedonians had emerged as a powerful kingdom in the north. In 359 BC, Philip II became king, and he turned Macedonia into the chief power in the Greek world. Philip II Philip II of Macedonia . The Macedonians were viewed as barbarians. By the 5th century BC, the Macedonians had emerged as a powerful kingdom in the north. In 359 BC, Philip II became king, and he turned Macedonia into the chief power in the Greek world. Philip was a great admirer of Greek culture, and he wanted to unite all of Greece under Macedonian rule. Fearing Philip, Athens allied with a number of other Greek city-states to fight the Macedonians. In 338, the Macedonians crushed the Greeks. After quickly gaining control over most of the Greek city-states, Philip turned to Sparta. He sent them a message, "You are advised to submit without further delay, for if I bring my army into your land, I will destroy your farms, slay your people, and raze your city." . Their reply was “if", both Philip and his son, Alexander, would leave the Spartans alone. By 336 BC, Philip was preparing to invade the Persian Empire when he was assassinated. The murder occurred during the celebration of his daughter’s marriage, while the king was entering the theater, he was killed by the captain his bodyguards. Alexander the Great . Alexander III was born in 356 BC. When Alexander was 13, his father Philip chose Aristotle as his tutor, and in return for teaching Alexander, Philip agreed to rebuild Aristotle's hometown which Philip had razed.
[Show full text]
The Nature of Hellenistic Domestic Sculpture in Its Cultural and Spatial Contexts
THE NATURE OF HELLENISTIC DOMESTIC SCULPTURE IN ITS CULTURAL AND SPATIAL CONTEXTS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Craig I. Hardiman, B.Comm., B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Dr. Mark D. Fullerton, Advisor Dr. Timothy J. McNiven _______________________________ Advisor Dr. Stephen V. Tracy Graduate Program in the History of Art Copyright by Craig I. Hardiman 2005 ABSTRACT This dissertation marks the first synthetic and contextual analysis of domestic sculpture for the whole of the Hellenistic period (323 BCE – 31 BCE). Prior to this study, Hellenistic domestic sculpture had been examined from a broadly literary perspective or had been the focus of smaller regional or site-specific studies. Rather than taking any one approach, this dissertation examines both the literary testimonia and the material record in order to develop as full a picture as possible for the location, function and meaning(s) of these pieces. The study begins with a reconsideration of the literary evidence. The testimonia deal chiefly with the residences of the Hellenistic kings and their conspicuous displays of wealth in the most public rooms in the home, namely courtyards and dining rooms. Following this, the material evidence from the Greek mainland and Asia Minor is considered. The general evidence supports the literary testimonia’s location for these sculptures. In addition, several individual examples offer insights into the sophistication of domestic decorative programs among the Greeks, something usually associated with the Romans.
[Show full text]
The Coins from the Necropolis "Metlata" Near the Village of Rupite
margarita ANDONOVA the coins from the necropolis "metlata" near the village of rupite... THE COINS FROM THE NECROPOLIS METLATA NEAR THE VILLAGE "OF RUPITE" (F. MULETAROVO), MUNICIPALITY OF PETRICH by Margarita ANDONOVA, Regional Museum of History– Blagoevgrad This article sets to describe and introduce known as Charon's fee was registered through the in scholarly debate the numismatic data findspots of the coins on the skeleton; specifically, generated during the 1985-1988 archaeological these coins were found near the head, the pelvis, excavations at one of the necropoleis situated in the left arm and the legs. In cremations in situ, the locality "Metlata" near the village of Rupite. coins were placed either inside the grave or in The necropolis belongs to the long-known urns made of stone or clay, as well as in bowls "urban settlement" situated on the southern placed next to them. It is noteworthy that out of slopes of Kozhuh hill, at the confluence of 167 graves, coins were registered only in 52, thus the Strumeshnitsa and Struma Rivers, and accounting for less than 50%. The absence of now identified with Heraclea Sintica. The coins in some graves can probably be attributed archaeological excavations were conducted by to the fact that "in Greek society, there was no Yulia Bozhinova from the Regional Museum of established dogma about the way in which the History, Blagoevgrad. souls of the dead travelled to the realm of Hades" The graves number 167 and are located (Зубарь 1982, 108). According to written sources, within an area of 750 m². Coins were found mainly Euripides, it is clear that the deceased in 52 graves, both Hellenistic and Roman, may be accompanied to the underworld not only and 10 coins originate from areas (squares) by Charon, but also by Hermes or Thanatos.
[Show full text]
The Monopteros in the Athenian Agora
THE MONOPTEROS IN THE ATHENIAN AGORA (PLATE 88) O SCAR Broneerhas a monopterosat Ancient Isthmia. So do we at the Athenian Agora.' His is middle Roman in date with few architectural remains. So is ours. He, however, has coins which depict his building and he knows, from Pau- sanias, that it was built for the hero Palaimon.2 We, unfortunately, have no such coins and are not even certain of the function of our building. We must be content merely to label it a monopteros, a term defined by Vitruvius in The Ten Books on Architecture, IV, 8, 1: Fiunt autem aedes rotundae, e quibus caliaemonopteroe sine cella columnatae constituuntur.,aliae peripteroe dicuntur. The round building at the Athenian Agora was unearthed during excavations in 1936 to the west of the northern end of the Stoa of Attalos (Fig. 1). Further excavations were carried on in the campaigns of 1951-1954. The structure has been dated to the Antonine period, mid-second century after Christ,' and was apparently built some twenty years later than the large Hadrianic Basilica which was recently found to its north.4 The lifespan of the building was comparatively short in that it was demolished either during or soon after the Herulian invasion of A.D. 267.5 1 I want to thank Professor Homer A. Thompson for his interest, suggestions and generous help in doing this study and for his permission to publish the material from the Athenian Agora which is used in this article. Anastasia N. Dinsmoor helped greatly in correcting the manuscript and in the library work.
[Show full text]
The Antigonids and the Ruler Cult. Global and Local Perspectives?
The Antigonids and the Ruler Cult Global and Local Perspectives? 1 Franca Landucci DOI – 10.7358/erga-2016-002-land AbsTRACT – Demetrius Poliorketes is considered by modern scholars the true founder of ruler cult. In particular the Athenians attributed him several divine honors between 307 and 290 BC. The ancient authors in general consider these honors in a negative perspec- tive, while offering words of appreciation about an ideal sovereignty intended as a glorious form of servitude and embodied in Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrius Poliorketes’ son and heir. An analysis of the epigraphic evidences referring to this king leads to the conclusion that Antigonus Gonatas did not officially encourage the worship towards himself. KEYWORDS – Antigonids, Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrius Poliorketes, Hellenism, ruler cult. Antigonidi, Antigono Gonata, culto del sovrano, Demetrio Poliorcete, ellenismo. Modern scholars consider Demetrius Poliorketes the true founder of ruler cult due to the impressively vast literary tradition on the divine honours bestowed upon this historical figure, especially by Athens, between the late fourth and the early third century BC 2. As evidenced also in modern bib- liography, these honours seem to climax in the celebration of Poliorketes as deus praesens in the well-known ithyphallus dedicated to him by the Athenians around 290 3. Documentation is however pervaded by a tone that is strongly hostile to the granting of such honours. Furthermore, despite the fact that it has been handed down to us through Roman Imperial writers like Diodorus, Plutarch and Athenaeus, the tradition reflects a tendency contemporary to the age of the Diadochi, since these same authors refer, often explicitly, to a 1 All dates are BC, unless otherwise stated.
[Show full text]
© in This Web Service Cambridge University
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-00123-7 - The Art and Archaeology of Ancient Greece Judith M. Barringer Index More information I n d e x Abdalonymos of Sidon. See Alexander tomb of. See Alexandria (Egypt), tombs, Sarcophagus Alexander the Great Achaia, 384 and Zeus, 304 Achaians, 41 , 162 , 163 , 164 , 189 , 199 , 233 Alexandria (Egypt), 281 , 332 , 335 , 340–342 Achilles, 162 , 163 , 395 city plan, 340 and Ajax, 163–164 grotesques, 343 father of Neoptolemos, 299 harbors, 340 and Polyxena, 158 Homereion, 345 and Telephos. See Tegea, temple of Athena library, 340 , 343 Alea Mouseion, 340 , 345 , 350 and Thetis, 221 , 278 Pharos lighthouse, 340 and Troilos, 162 Sarapeion, 340 Actium, Battle of, 322 , 340 , 401 tombs Aemilius Paullus, 371–373 Alexander the Great, 340 Aeneas, 390 , 391 , 395 Moustafa Pasha Tomb I, 341–342 Aeolic order, 85–86 Alkamenes, 252 Afghanistan, 304 . See also Ai Khanoum; Baktria Alkestis, 260 Agamemnon, 41 , 51 Alkmaionidai, 175 agora, 122 . See also Athens, Agora ; Delos, Agora of Al Mina, 71 the Italians; Thasos Altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus, 386–389 Agrippa, Marcus, 401 Amasis (Egyptian pharaoh), 168 Ahuramazda. See Nemrud Dagh Amasis Painter, 167–168 Ai Khanoum, 304 , 328 , 364–367 Amazonomachy, 233 . See also Athens, Aiakos, 200 Akropolis, Lesser Attalid Monument ; Aigina Athens, Akropolis, Parthenon ; Bassai, and Athens, 200–201 temple of Apollo ; Epidauros, temple of coinage, 128 Asklepios ; Halikarnassos, Mausoleion mother of Aiakos, 200 Amazons. See Amazonomachy temple of Aphaia, 200 , 225 , 334 Amyntas. See Olympia, Philippeion Aischylos, 248 Anavysos. See kouroi (sg. kouros), Anavysos Ajax, 199 ancestor cult, 72 and Achilles, 163–164 Anchises, 390 and Kassandra, 189 , 298 Andokides Painter, 169–171 and Odysseus, 164 Antenor, 183 suicide of, 114 , 164 Antigonids, 308 A k r o t i r i .
[Show full text]
Thessaly and Macedon at Delphi
ELECTRUM * Vol. 19 (2012): 41–60 doi: 10.4467/20843909EL.12.002.0743 THESSALY AND MACEDON AT DELPHI Emma M.M. Aston Abstract: The Daochos Monument at Delphi has received some scholarly attention from an art- historical and archaeological perspective; this article, however, examines it rather as a refl ection of contemporary Thessalian history and discourse, an aspect which has been almost entirely ne- glected. Through its visual imagery and its inscriptions, the monument adopts and adapts long- standing Thessalian themes of governance and identity, and achieves a delicate balance with Mac- edonian concerns to forge a symbolic rapprochement between powers and cultures in the Greek north. Its dedicator, Daochos, emerges as far more than just the puppet of Philip II of Macedon. This hostile and largely Demosthenic characterisation, which remains infl uential even in modern historiography, is far from adequate in allowing for an understanding of the relationship between Thessalian and Macedonian motivations at this time, or of the importance of Delphi as the pan- Hellenic setting of their interaction. Looking closely at the Daochos Monument allows for a rare glimpse into the Thessalian perspective in all its complexity. Keywords: Daochos, Philip II of Macedon, the Daochos Monument, Delphi, Thessaly. Introduction Reconstructing Thessaly’s early involvement in Delphi and its Amphiktyony draws the scholar towards the shimmering mirage of Archaic Thessalian history. Like all mirages, it is alluring, and represents something which the viewer wishes keenly to fi nd: in this case an ambitious, powerful, energetic Thessaly extending its infl uence outside its own borders and claiming a stake in wider Greek affairs.1 Also in the nature of mirages, when grasped it proves insubstantial.
[Show full text]
Iver Nestos. According to Greek Mythology, the Foundation of the City
(Avdira). A city in Thrace (northern Greece); situated on Cape ra (a corruption of the medieval Polystylon), eleven miles northeast of iver Nestos.According to Greek mythology, the foundation of the city went to Heracles,whose eighth labor was the capture of the man-eatinghorses iomedes,king of the neighboringBistonians. However, the first attempt to Abdera, accordingto Herodotus,was made in the seventhcentury nc by ists from Clazomenae(Klazumen) in Ionia led by Tynisias,but they were n backby the Thracians.In 545nc the peopleof anotherIonian city, Teos rk), frnding Persiandomination intolerable,placed settlers on the site (in- ing the poet Anacreon)and reconstructedthe town. It controlled an exten- 2pgs-6s6veredwith vineyards and fertile,' accordingto Pindar. An ear of in is shownon its fine coins.However, the Abderanswere constantly at pains protect their territory from Thracian incursions.Nevertheless, their city was a centerfor trading with the Thracian (Odrysian)rulers of the hinterland, d provided a harbor for the commerce of upper Thrace in general. \\'hen the Persians came to Thrace in 5131512they took control of Abdera, did so once againtn 492.In 480 it was one of the halting placesselected Xerxesas he marchedthe Persianarmy along the northern shoresof the Ae- n toward Greece. As a member of the first Athenian Alliance (Delian ue) establishedafter the end of the PersianWars, it contributed (from 454 a sum of betweenten and fifteen talents,indicating its position as the third- hestcity in the League.ln 431,at the beginningof the PeloponnesianWar inst Sparta, tltook the lead in an endeavor to enroll Thrace (under the Odry- ruler Sitalces)and Macedoniain the Athenian cause.Although'Abderite' becamea synonym for stupidity, Abdera producedtwo fifth-century think- of outstandingdistinction, Democritusand Protagoras.
[Show full text]
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between.
[Show full text]
Judea/Israel Under the Greek Empires." Israel and Empire: a Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism
"Judea/Israel under the Greek Empires." Israel and Empire: A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism. Perdue, Leo G., and Warren Carter.Baker, Coleman A., eds. London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2015. 129–216. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 30 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780567669797.ch-005>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 30 September 2021, 15:32 UTC. Copyright © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 5 Judea/Israel under the Greek Empires* In 33130 BCE, by military victory, the Macedonian Alexander ended the Persian Empire. He defeated the Persian king Darius at Gaugamela, advanced to a welcoming Babylon, and progressed to Persepolis where he burned Xerxes palace supposedly in retaliation for Persias invasions of Greece some 150 years previously (Diodorus 17.72.1-6). Thus one empire gave way to another by a different name. So began the Greek empires that dominated Judea/Israel for the next two hundred or so years, the focus of this chapter. Is a postcolonial discussion of these empires possible and what might it highlight? Considerable dif�culties stand in the way. One is the weight of conventional analyses and disciplinary practices which have framed the discourse with emphases on the various roles of the great men, the ruling state, military battles, and Greek settlers, and have paid relatively little regard to the dynamics of imperial power from the perspectives of native inhabitants, the impact on peasants and land, and poverty among non-elites, let alone any reciprocal impact between colonizers and colon- ized.
[Show full text]
Philip II, Alexander the Great, and the Rise and Fall of the Macedonian
Epidamnus S tr Byzantium ym THRACE on R Amphipolis A . NI PROPONTIS O Eion ED Thasos Cyzicus C Stagira Aegospotami A Acanthus CHALCIDICE M Lampsacus Dascylium Potidaea Cynossema Scione Troy AEOLIS LY Corcyra SA ES Ambracia H Lesbos T AEGEAN MYSIA AE SEA Anactorium TO Mytilene Sollium L Euboea Arginusae Islands L ACAR- IA YD Delphi IA NANIA Delium Sardes PHOCISThebes Chios Naupactus Gulf Oropus Erythrae of Corinth IONIA Plataea Decelea Chios Notium E ACHAEA Megara L A Athens I R Samos Ephesus Zacynthus S C Corinth Piraeus ATTICA A Argos Icaria Olympia D Laureum I Epidaurus Miletus A Aegina Messene Delos MESSENIA LACONIA Halicarnassus Pylos Sparta Melos Cythera Rhodes 100 miles 160 km Crete Map 1 Greece. xvii W h i t 50 km e D r i n I R. D rin L P A E O L N IA Y Bylazora R . B S la t R r c R y k A . m D I A ) o r x i N a ius n I n n ( Epidamnus O r V e ar G C d ( a A r A n ) L o ig Lychnidus E r E P .E . R o (Ochrid) R rd a ic s u Heraclea u s r ) ( S o s D Lyncestis d u U e c ev i oll) Pella h l Antipatria C c l Edessa a Amphipolis S YN E TI L . G (Berat) E ( AR R DASS Celetrum Mieza Koritsa E O O R Beroea R.Ao R D Aegae (Vergina) us E A S E on Methone T m I A c Olynthus S lia Pydna a A Thermaic .
[Show full text]
Alexander's Lysimacheia: Anna Comnena 15.7.8 Abstract
[Historia 64 (2015) 301-305; preliminary version] ALEXANDER’S LYSIMACHEIA: ANNA COMNENA 15.7.8 ABSTRACT: Anna says that Alexander founded “Lysimacheia in Ethiopia.” Aithiopia should be emended to Aetolia; Lysimacheia in Aetolia was founded in the 280s under the auspices of Lysimachus. Anna’s statement about Alexander, though mistaken, can nevertheless suggest that Lysimachus’ agent in the foundation may have been his son Alexander, whom Anna or her source confused with Alexander the Great. Praising her father as founder of numerous cities, Anna compares, a bit dismissively, the city foundations of Alexander the Great (Alexiad 15.7.8): ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκεῖνος ὁ Μακεδὼν αὐχείτω μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ Μήδους Βουκεφάλῃ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἰθιοπίαν Λυσιμαχίᾳ. Well then, let that Alexander of Macedon exult in Alexandria in Egypt, in Bucephala among the Medes, in Lysimacheia in Ethiopia. At this last city, a reader surely must pause and ask directions.1 The valuable index prepared by F. Kolovou and D. R. Reinsch hints at an explanation: “urbs de Lysimacho Alexandri Magni comite nominata,” and of 15.7.8 “re vera ad Hellespontum.”2 This might suggest that being Alexander’s companion was enough of a connection to attribute the foundation of Lysimacheia to Alexander. But Lysimachus’ capital on the Thracian Chersonese was founded in 309 B.C., long after Alexander’s death; no connection of Alexander with that city is possible. Nor was Ethiopia ever visited by either Alexander3 or Lysimachus. Anna may have | [302] known the
[Show full text]