DOCSLIB.ORG

Mario Serandrei. Frame from Giorni Di Gloria. 1945

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mario Serandrei. Frame from Giorni Di Gloria. 1945 Mario Serandrei. Frame from Giorni di gloria. 1945. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/octo.2009.128.1.6 by guest on 23 September 2021 Winners and Losers in Italy at the End of the Second World War* ROBERTO VIVARELLI For an Italian reader pondering the subject of defeat and perhaps wanting to extract from it a lesson that can relate to our national experience, this book by Wolfgang Schivelbusch poses some problems, and not due to an absence of historical example. There is no doubt that the war into which the Kingdom of Italy entered voluntarily, on June 10, 1940, concluded with a defeat that heavily marked the course of our history. But the very specific events in Italy between the summer of 1943 and the spring of 1945 create a disorderly picture, making it difficult to establish just who the winners and losers were. One obvious sign of this ambiguity is the fact that the final date for that chapter in history, April 25, 1943, corresponds to the end of the war in Italy and, as such, should correspond to the decisive act of defeat, but instead appears in our political liturgy as a national holiday: the anniversary of the Liberation. There are clearly good rea- sons why the date has taken on this significance, but even while the war’s end is celebrated as a victory, the fact remains that on February 10, 1947, Italy came to the Peace Conference table as a defeated power and was asked to pay the price for that defeat. Thus these events must be examined on various different levels. On the institutional level things are relatively simple. One might have doubts as to whether July 25, with Mussolini’s fall from power, corresponds in all respects to the fall of Fascism, and we shall return to this point. The symbiosis that had been established between Fascism and monarchy and the nature of those who came to political power suggest proceeding with caution. But there can be no uncertainty whatsoever about the importance and significance of September 8, 1943: a date that irrevocably marks the end of the national state that had been established in 1861, at the conclusion of the Risorgimento process. This inglorious end, which in subjective terms gave rise to the painful impression that the “death of the country” had taken place (and we have * This essay was originally published as the introduction to the Italian edition of Wolfgang Schivelbusch’s The Culture of Defeat: On National Trauma, Mourning, and Recovery (New York: Picador, 2004): La cultura dei vinti (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2006). We would like to thank the author and Paula Pecchioli of Il Mulino for kindly giving us permission to do so. OCTOBER 128, Spring 2009, pp. 6–22. © 2009 October Magazine, Ltd. and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/octo.2009.128.1.6 by guest on 23 September 2021 8 OCTOBER numerous accounts of this widespread sentiment),1 is measured in factual terms by the simple observation that, beginning from that date, Italy lost its indepen- dence. Whatever political judgment one wishes to give to the two different and contrasting sides, neither of the regimes established after September 8—the Kingdom of the South and the Italian Social Republic (Bari and Salò)—was an independent state. With significant parallelism, the former was dependent on the power of the Allies, the latter on that of the Germans. The awkward attempt by Victor Emmanuel III to save not only himself, but also his throne, by simply changing his allegiance, repudiating his previous and quite serious responsibili- ties, had no possibility of succeeding. The armistice that had been hastily signed established an unconditional surrender,2 and this crushing defeat was aggra- vated by the confused and irresponsible way in which the situation was handled. The crisis inaugurated a dramatic institutional problem. At the war’s end, although the institution of the monarchy was saved, at this point a new state was being established. In the immediate void that ensued, the Church—the sole institution to which Italians indiscriminately could turn and find at least some momentary shelter—unexpectedly gained ground.3 While on the one hand the collapse of the state and the dissolution of its authority abandoned individuals to their fates, on the other hand it loosened the bond of loyalty that, until that point, had in some manner tied Italians—even those who did not identify with Fascism—to its institutions. And since September 8 did not mark the end of the war, but indeed inaugurated an even harsher and more painful period, with the battlefield now the very territory of the nation, the new situation opened up the possibility of free choice.4 No longer tied to the obligation to remain aligned with the states in which they were citizens, Italians could now assert their own political preferences, which for the most part depended on their life circumstances. This was the most immediate consequence of the dissolution of the national community. Initially it would seem that choice would have to be limited to only two sides: following the fortunes of the king and accepting the British-Americans as new allies; or remaining loyal to an alliance 1. The expression, by Salvatore Satta, was revived and disseminated by Ernesto Galli della Loggia, La morte della patria. La crisi dell’idea di nazione tra Resistenza, antifascismo e Repubblica [The death of the country: The crisis of the idea of nation between Resistance, antifascism and republic], (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1996), a controversial essay that develops a thesis advanced in a 1992 report. 2. The most complete and well-documented reconstruction of the complex events subsequent to July 25, 1943, the negotiations with the Allies, up to the unconditional surrender, and the way that the Italian government managed the critical situation, is discussed in Elena Aga Rossi, Una nazione allo sbando. L’armistizio italiano del settembre 1943 e le sue consequenze [A nation adrift: The Italian armistice of September 1943 and its consequences], new, expanded edition, (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003). 3. With his usual acumen, Federico Chabod emphasized this point in L’Italia Contemporanea (1918–1948) [Contemporary Italy (1918–1948)], (Turin: Einaudi, 1961), pp. 125–226. For the Catholic world’s reactions to political developments, see Renato Moro, “I cattolici italiani e il 25 luglio” [Italian Catholics and July 25], in Storia Contemporanea, XXIV, 1993, pp. 967–1017. 4. A precise and extremely well articulated picture of the situation is presented in Claudio Pavone, Una Guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza [A civil war: Historical essay on morality in the Resistance], (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1991), Chapter 1. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/octo.2009.128.1.6 by guest on 23 September 2021 Winners and Losers in Italy 9 with Germany, embracing the symbols of the new Fascist republic. In reality the picture immediately became less clear-cut. The forces of a waning but never- extinguished anti-Fascism were reborn from the ashes of defeat and reconstituted into parties, but only a few of these identified with the institution of the monar- chy. At the same time, in the part of Italy occupied by German troops, the majority of those who were preparing to engage in armed struggle against the Germans and their Fascist allies were gathering under the banner of anti-Fascism. This was the genesis of the composite movement collectively summarized in the term Resistance, which in some way represented a third pole, between Bari and Salò. In fact, most of those who were participating in this resistance were not impelled by a desire to align themselves with the King and his government. Moreover in that atmosphere of mistrust, uncertainty, frustration, and danger, many simply chose to not choose. As far as circumstances allowed, they preferred to remove themselves from a direct commitment to events that now, through weariness and delusion, seemed for the most part alien to the world of their own feelings. This impression of alienation was facilitated by the fact that the future of Italy, whatever side a person identified with, no longer depended at all on the Italians. After September 8, Italy’s future depended on the outcome of a war from which the Kingdom of Italy had been removed, and which was being fought in a much broader theater than that of our national territory, and in any case between foreign armies. Under these circumstances, apart from what each individual might resolve to do, the will to continue to fight that still animated a not-inconsiderable number of Italians, on one side or another, necessarily took on not so much or not only political significance, but rather and above all moral significance: the desire to bear witness. This understanding enables us to reach an initial, partial conclusion, in an attempt to resolve the question of who the losers and winners were. On a political level, to which we shall return shortly, this distinction is made on the basis of known results. It is obvious that those who, either by choice or because of fortunate circumstances, found themselves on the side of the winners, or in any case fought for the right side, opposing the barbarism of Nazism, deserved not only the approval of history, but our own commendation as well. On a moral level, that is, on a personal level, this same contraposition loses signifi- cance. The value of testimony is not measured by the quality of the cause in which one participates, but by the sincerity of the faith that animates that participation and by the honesty of one’s conduct.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/06/2021 09:49:05AM Via Free Access
    Fascism 2 (2013) 161–182 brill.com/fasc ‘We Will Never Leave.’ The Reale Accademia d’Italia and the Invention of a Fascist Africanism Emanuel Rota University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign [email protected] Abstract At the beginning of November 1938 the Reale Accademia d’Italia, the official cultural institution of the Italian Fascist regime, organized a conference on Africa. Mussolini himself had chosen the theme for the conference and major Italian political figures, such as De Vecchi and Balbo, delivered papers, together with French, English and German politicians and scholars. The con- ference, organized in the same year of Hitler’s visit to Italy and of the introduction of the new racial laws, could have offered the cultural justification for a foreign policy alternative to the German turn taken by the regime. Only Mussolini’s last minute decision not to attend trans- formed the Convegno Volta on Africa from a potential alternative foreign policy into a forum where the dissenting voices within the regime voiced their opposition to German style racism. Keywords Italian Fascism; racism; anti-Semitism; Reale Accademia d’Italia; Fascist colonialism; Fascist Africanism The time of politics and the time of cultural production run at different speeds. In authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, where the political power can dic- tate the cultural agenda, the lack of synchronicity that characterizes these two different times can be a source of embarrassment for the political authorities, a space where the sudden turns of politics can reveal themselves as such. For this reason, the cultural events that a regime organizes to systematize its ideol- ogy can be invaluable ‘time machines’ for historians, who can look a these events to challenge the time frame produced by political authorities to legiti- mize their choices.
    [Show full text]
  • Ambasciata D'italia Presso La Santa Sede 1929
    Storia e Diplomazia Il presente volume è stato realizzato a cura dell’Unità per la Documentazione Storico- diplomatica e gli Archivi sotto la direzione del Capo della Unità, Professor Francesco Perfetti. Le opinioni espresse all’interno dei saggi contenuti nel volume sono esclusivamente degli autori e non rappresentano in alcun modo la posizione della struttura. Ministero degli Affari Esteri Segreteria Generale Unità per la Documentazione Storico Diplomatica e gli Archivi Storia e Diplomazia 2 Giugno 2009 SOMMARIO Premessa ............................................................................................................... pag. 7 SAGGI ............................................................................................ » 9 Cesare Maria De Vecchi di Val Cismon. Primo Ambasciatore d’Italia in Vaticano (giugno 1929 – luglio 1935) di Mario Casella ............................................................................ » 11 INVENTARI ..................................................................................... » 29 Il riordinamento delle carte dell’Ambasciata d’Italia presso la Santa Sede di Stefania Ruggeri ......................................................................... » 31 Titolario ...................................................................................... » 33 Inventario .................................................................................... » 35 Inventario delle carte dell’Ambasciata d’Italia presso la Santa Sede a cura di Michele Abbate ............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Reale Accademia D'italia and the Invention of a Fascist Africanism
    Fascism 2 (2013) 161–182 brill.com/fasc ‘We Will Never Leave.’ The Reale Accademia d’Italia and the Invention of a Fascist Africanism Emanuel Rota University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign [email protected] Abstract At the beginning of November 1938 the Reale Accademia d’Italia, the official cultural institution of the Italian Fascist regime, organized a conference on Africa. Mussolini himself had chosen the theme for the conference and major Italian political figures, such as De Vecchi and Balbo, delivered papers, together with French, English and German politicians and scholars. The con- ference, organized in the same year of Hitler’s visit to Italy and of the introduction of the new racial laws, could have offered the cultural justification for a foreign policy alternative to the German turn taken by the regime. Only Mussolini’s last minute decision not to attend trans- formed the Convegno Volta on Africa from a potential alternative foreign policy into a forum where the dissenting voices within the regime voiced their opposition to German style racism. Keywords Italian Fascism; racism; anti-Semitism; Reale Accademia d’Italia; Fascist colonialism; Fascist Africanism The time of politics and the time of cultural production run at different speeds. In authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, where the political power can dic- tate the cultural agenda, the lack of synchronicity that characterizes these two different times can be a source of embarrassment for the political authorities, a space where the sudden turns of politics can reveal themselves as such. For this reason, the cultural events that a regime organizes to systematize its ideol- ogy can be invaluable ‘time machines’ for historians, who can look a these events to challenge the time frame produced by political authorities to legiti- mize their choices.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter One: Introduction
    CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways.
    [Show full text]
  • The Corporatism of Fascist Italy Between Words and Reality
    CORPORATIVISMO HISTÓRICO NO BRASIL E NA EUROPA http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2016.2.22336 The corporatism of Fascist Italy between words and reality O corporativismo da Itália fascista entre palavras e realidade El corporativismo de la Italia fascista entre las palabras y la realidad Alessio Gagliardi* Translated by Sergio Knipe Abstract: It is common knowledge that State intervention in Italy in the Twenties and the Thirties developed outside of corporative institutions. The history of Fascist corporatism, however, is not only an unsuccessful story. Despite the failure of the “corporatist revolution” and “Fascist third way”, Fascist corporatism since the mid- Twenties helped the progressive development of a new political system to regulate relationship between State and private interests. The paper examines not only the institutional framework (the systems of formal laws, regulations, and procedures, and informal norms) but also their acts and real activities. It dwells upon internal debates, political and institutional importance acquired by corporative institutions in Fascist regime and behaviours of entrepreneurial organizations and labour unions. In this way, the paper aims to point out the “real” consequences of Fascist corporatism, different from the ideological ones. Keywords: corporatism; Fascism; Italy Resumo: É de conhecimento geral que intervenções estatais na Itália nas décadas de 1920 e 1930 se desenvolveram fora de instituições corporativas. A história do corporativismo fascista, no entanto, não é totalmente sem sucessos. Apesar da falha da “revolução corporativista” e da “terceira via fascista”, o corporativismo fascista, desde meados dos anos 1920, ajudou no desenvolvimento progressivo de um novo sistema político para regular a relação entre o Estado e interesses privados.
    [Show full text]
  • Bruno Bara: Johnson-Laird, Teorico Della Mente Giovanni
    Laura Balbo, Delia Frigessi; S.O.S. razzismo Bruno Bara: Johnson-Laird, teorico della mente Giovanni Cacciavillani: Flaubert inventa il moderno Italo Calvino, Eugenio Garin: Ricordi di Antonicelli Enzo Collotti, Antonio Giolitti: Germania ieri e oggi SALONE DEL LIBRO TORINO 12/18 MAGGIO 1989 TORINO ESPOSIZIONI Orario: Per il pubblico 12/16 Maggio ore 10.00-23.00 Per i visitatori professionali 17 Maggio ore 10.00-23.00 18 Maggio ore 10.00-14.00 HNDIIDEI LIBRI DELMESEBCFH RECENSORE AUTORE TITOLO 4 II Libro del Mese Mauro La Forgia Sigmund Freud, Albert Einstein Riflessioni a due sulle sorti del mondo Gian Alberto Viano Albert Einstein Opere scelte 5 Léon Van Hove risponde a Vittorio de Alfaro 6 Tullio Regge Albert Einstein Corrisoondenza con i Lincei 7 Giorgio Bert AA.VV. Attualità del pensiero e dell'opera di G.A. Maccacaro 8 Davide Lovisolo John Z. Young I filosofi e il cervello Barbara Testa W.I. Thompson (a cura di) Ecologia e autonomia 10 Gian Carlo Ferretti Valentino Bompiani Il mestiere dell'editore G. D'Ina, G. Zaccaria (a cura di) Caro Bompiani. Lettere con l'editore 11 Siegfried Unseld L'autore e il suo editore C. Sacchi (a cura di) Il carteggio Einaudi-Montale per "Le occasioni" Guido Barbera Guido Morselli Diario 12 Lidia De Federicis Gianfranco Bettin Qualcosa che brucia Anna Nadotti Sirkku Talja Non mi dimenticare 13 Francesco Rognoni George G. Byron Diari Racconti turchi 15 Poesia, poeti, poesie Carla Pomarè Gerald M. Hopkins li naufragio del Deutschland 16 Giovanni Cacciavillani Victor Brombert I romanzi di Flaubert Nathalie Sarraute Paul Valéry e l'elefantino.
    [Show full text]
  • Seaquest DSV 4600 UEO Seaquest DSV 4600 First Appearance to Be Or Not to Be Affiliation UEO Launched Seaquest DSV 4600 (2014)
    seaQuest DSV 4600 UEO seaQuest DSV 4600 First appearance To Be or Not to Be Affiliation UEO seaQuest DSV 4600 (2014) Launched seaQuest DSV 4600-II (2021) General characteristics Class seaQuest Registry DSV 4600 Maximum speed 160 knots (300 km/h) Spector Class sub-fighters Fighters Sea Speeder 3 Classes Stinger Auxiliary craft Sea Launch Shuttles Sea Crab Torpedoes: E-Plasma Torpedoes Plasma Torpedoes Armaments EMP Torpedoes Lasers SLBMs Torpedo Intercepts Flash Warheads Defenses Countermeasures Anti-ballistic missile Propulsion Aqua Return Jets Twin Fusion Reactor using Tritium extracted from Power sea water Length 1,007 feet (307 m) The UEO seaQuest DSV 4600 and the UEO seaQuest DSV 4600-II are the two titular submarines featured in the science fiction television series "seaQuest DSV", which ran for three seasons on NBC from 1993-1996. The original seaQuest was featured in the show's first season, while the second boat was featured in the second and third seasons. Design specifications The seaQuest was the brain child of Captain Nathan Bridger, who designed the boat in the early 21st century, but Bridger left the Navy three years before construction on the ship was completed. Upon its completion,seaQuest was the largest submarine and deep submergence vehicle ever constructed, measuring 307.1 m from stem to stern with a crew of 88 military and 124 science personnel. The ship could travel at speeds up to 160 knots (295 km/h) and was propelled by twin fusion reactors. The seaQuest was coated in a genetically engineered bio-skin that remained completely inert against (most) marine bacteria and organisms with a crush depth of more than 9 km of water.
    [Show full text]
  • Il Fuoruscitismo Italiano Dal 1922 Al 1943 (*)
    IL FUORUSCITISMO ITALIANO DAL 1922 AL 1943 (*) Possiamo organicamente dividere l’emigrazione politica, uno de­ gli aspetti più rilevanti della storia italiana durante i primi anni del regime fascista, in tre grandi periodi (1). Durante il primo, che va dal 1922 al 1924, tale esodo può apparire motivato da considerazioni economiche, proprio come era avvenuto per molti decenni; tuttavia, anche in questo periodo iniziale, in cui il fascismo non aveva ancora assunto il suo carattere dittatoriale, vi erano motivi politici che face­ vano capolino nella emigrazione. A migliaia di italiani che, senza un particolare interesse politico, avevano cercato lavoro sui mercati di Francia, Svizzera e Belgio, presto si aggiunsero numerosi altri la­ voratori, di idee socialiste od anarchiche, che avevano preso parte (1) Le seguenti statistiche possono dare un’idea delle variazioni nell’emigra­ zione. E’ impossibile, naturalmente, stabilire quanti emigrati fossero spinti prin­ cipalmente da motivi politici e quanti da considerazioni economiche. Le cifre sono prese dall’« Annuario Statistico italiano », Istituto centrale di Statistica, 1944-48, Serie V (Roma, 1949), I, 49. Anno Emigrazione verso Emigrazione verso Emigraz. ve la Francia l’Europa (Francia compr.) Paesi non Euro 1921 44.782 84.328 116.963 1922 99.464 155.554 125.716 1923 167.982 205.273 184.684 1924 201.715 239.088 125.282 1925 145.529 177.558 101.873 1926 111.252 139.900 122.496 1927 52.784 86.247 132.687 1928 49.351 79.173 70.794 1929 51.001 88.054 61.777 1930 167.209 220.985 59.112 1931 74.115 125.079 40.781 1932 33.516 58.545 24.803 1933 35.745 60.736 22.328 1934 20.725 42.296 26.165 1935 11.666 30.579 26.829 1936 9.614 21.682 19.828 1937 14.717 29.670 30.275 1938 10.551 71.848 27.99-* 1939 2.015 56.625 16.198 L’articolo è qui pubblicato per cortese concessione del « Journal of Central European Affairs » (University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado) che l’ha pubbli­ cato il 1 aprile 1952 (voi.
    [Show full text]
  • Giuseppe Mazzini's International Political Thought
    Copyrighted Material INTRODUCTION Giuseppe Mazzini’s International Political Thought Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–72) is today largely remembered as the chief inspirer and leading political agitator of the Italian Risorgimento. Yet Mazzini was not merely an Italian patriot, and his influence reached far beyond his native country and his century. In his time, he ranked among the leading European intellectual figures, competing for public atten­ tion with Mikhail Bakunin and Karl Marx, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville. According to his friend Alexander Herzen, the Russian political activist and writer, Mazzini was the “shining star” of the dem­ ocratic revolutions of 1848. In those days Mazzini’s reputation soared so high that even the revolution’s ensuing defeat left most of his Euro­ pean followers with a virtually unshakeable belief in the eventual tri­ umph of their cause.1 Mazzini was an original, if not very systematic, political thinker. He put forward principled arguments in support of various progressive causes, from universal suffrage and social justice to women’s enfran­ chisement. Perhaps most fundamentally, he argued for a reshaping of the European political order on the basis of two seminal principles: de­ mocracy and national self­determination. These claims were extremely radical in his time, when most of continental Europe was still under the rule of hereditary kingships and multinational empires such as the Habs­ burgs and the ottomans. Mazzini worked primarily on people’s minds and opinions, in the belief that radical political change first requires cultural and ideological transformations on which to take root. He was one of the first political agitators and public intellectuals in the contemporary sense of the term: not a solitary thinker or soldier but rather a political leader who sought popular support and participa­ tion.
    [Show full text]
  • Momenti Di Gloria Di Stefano Aluisini
    & storie Momenti di gloria di Stefano Aluisini &15 & a Marina Militare Italiana aveva subi- sposizione dell’Ammiraglio Cunningham. Il comandante Ber- Lto durante la seconda guerra mondia- gamini accetta riluttante e salpa dalla Spezia solo alle 3 del 9 le perdite elevatissime in uomini, mezzi settembre facendo intanto rotta verso l’isola della Maddalena. e materiali, spesso in battaglie disperate Scortata da diversi incrociatori fra i quali il Raimondo Mon- come quella di Matapan dove vennero af- tecuccoli che apre la formazione con il Regolo e l’Eugenio di fondati gli incrociatori pesanti Zara (va- Savoia, la corazzata Roma si unisce al resto della flotta italiana rato nei Cantieri Ansaldo del Muggiano), proveniente da Genova, ma viene intercettata al largo della Fiume e Pola con i cacciatorpediniere Sardegna in pieno giorno da aerei della Luftwaffe decollati da Carducci e Alfieri. Istres che la colpiscono ripetutamente fra le 15.42 e le 15.50. Per non mettere a rischio le poche navi La prima bomba tedesca colpisce il ponte a dritta, la seconda rimaste reagisce così con le singole ar- impatta a proravia del torrione e fa saltare in aria la nave che ditissime imprese di uomini specializzati delle forze subacquee. scompare in una vampata alta quattrocento metri uccidendo Come il pluridecorato comandante Mario Arillo, spezzino, che l’Ammiraglio Bergamini e 1.352 marinai, le prime vittime ita- con il sommergibile Ambra porta i suoi “uomini gamma” sotto liane per mano germanica dopo l’armistizio. le chiglie delle navi nemiche all’interno della baia di Algeri. Le altre due grandi e moderne navi da battaglia da 43.000 O come il sommergibile Scirè, varato alla Spezia dai Cantieri tonnellate gemelle della Roma, la Vittorio Veneto e la Italia Odero-Terni-Orlando il 6 gennaio del 1938 il quale al comando (ex Littorio) vengono invece internate ai Laghi Amari nel ca- del Principe Junio Valerio Borghese salpa dalla Spezia alle 5,15 nale di Suez fino alla loro demolizione.
    [Show full text]
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Sommergibili Italiani Operanti Nell'atlantico Dal 1940 Al 1043
    Sommergibili italiani operanti nell’Atlantico dal 1940 al 1043 La base operativa Betasom a Bordeaux Testi e foto ricavati da Wikipedia BETASOM era l'acronimo di Bordeaux Sommergibile (ottenuto dall'unione della prima lettera della parola «Bordeaux» -espressa con il nome della lettera dell'alfabeto greco equivalente dal punto di vista fonetico («beta»)- e la prima sillaba della parola «sommergibile»), la base navale dei sottomarini della Regia Marina a Bordeaux (costa atlantica meridionale francese) durante la seconda guerra mondiale. La base accolse una trentina di battelli della Regia Marina dall’autunno 1940 all’8 settembre 1943, data dell’entrata in vigore dell'armistizio di Cassibile. La base Il 25 luglio 1940, il ministero della Marina italiano ottenne l'autorizzazione allo schieramento di un certo numero di sottomarini in appoggio alla Germania nazista per la guerra nell'oceano Atlantico. Il luogo prescelto per la sede delle operazioni fu la città di Bordeaux, dove fu costruita una base navale a cui fu assegnato il nome in codice di BETASOM. Napoli 1938 - Sommergibili italiani schierati per la visita di Hitler in Italia, accompagnato da Mussolini La strategia sarebbe stata impostata insieme all'alleato tedesco, ma dal punto di vista tattico e disciplinare i vari battelli avrebbero operato sotto la responsabilità dei rispettivi comandi. Questo perché Hitler temeva che in caso di impiego dell'aviazione tedesca in Africa Settentrionale, una richiesta simile di comando unificato avrebbe portato gli aviatori germanici sotto il comando italiano. La base era costituita da due darsene intercomunicanti attraverso una chiusa. Inoltre, la presenza di bacini di carenaggio rendeva possibile la messa a secco degli scafi per le necessarie operazioni di revisione e riparazione.
    [Show full text]