Racism, Intolerance, Hate Speech
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Statement by Alice Wairimu Nderitu, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, on the Continued Deterioration of the Situation in Ethiopia
UNITED NATIONS PRESS RELEASE For immediate release Statement by Alice Wairimu Nderitu, United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, on the continued deterioration of the situation in Ethiopia (New York, 30 July 2021) The Special Adviser of the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu, expressed alarm at the continued deterioration of ethnic violence in Ethiopia and at the strong allegations of serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in the Tigray region as well as in other parts of the country, including in Afar, Somali, Oromo and Amhara regions. The Special Adviser also reiterated concerns expressed in her 5 February 2021 statement on the situation in the country. Since the beginning of the conflict in the Tigray region, the Special Adviser has continued to receive reports of serious human rights violations and abuses, including alleged sexual violence, recruitment of child soldiers, arbitrary arrests and ethnic based targeted killings committed by all parties, which have now escalated to other parts of the country. She also deplored the erosion of rule of law and echoed the recent call by the Human Rights Council for an immediate end to the violence and human rights violations in Tigray. The Special Adviser also condemned inflammatory statements used by top political leaders and associated armed groups. The use of pejorative and dehumanizing language like “cancer”, “devil”, “weed” and “bud” to refer to the Tigray conflict is of utmost concern. Hate speech, together with its propagation through social media is part of a worrisome trend that contributes to further fuel ethnic tensions in the country. -
Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World
Boston College Law Review Volume 60 Issue 7 Article 6 10-30-2019 Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World Lauren E. Beausoleil Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Lauren E. Beausoleil, Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World, 60 B.C.L. Rev. 2100 (2019), https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol60/iss7/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREE, HATEFUL, AND POSTED: RETHINKING FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION OF HATE SPEECH IN A SOCIAL MEDIA WORLD Abstract: Speech is meant to be heard, and social media allows for exaggeration of that fact by providing a powerful means of dissemination of speech while also dis- torting one’s perception of the reach and acceptance of that speech. Engagement in online “hate speech” can interact with the unique characteristics of the Internet to influence users’ psychological processing in ways that promote violence and rein- force hateful sentiments. Because hate speech does not squarely fall within any of the categories excluded from First Amendment protection, the United States’ stance on hate speech is unique in that it protects it. -
Select Bibliography
After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe Rita Chin, Heide Fehrenbach, Geoff Eley, and Atina Grossmann http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=354212 The University of Michigan Press, 2009. Select Bibliography GERMANY AFTER 1945 Alba, Richard, Peter Schmidt, and Martina Wasmer, eds. Germans or Foreigners? Attitudes toward Ethnic Minorities in Post-Reuni‹cation Germany. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Ahonen, Pertti. After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe, 1945–1990. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Arndt, Susan, ed. AfrikaBilder. Studien zu Rassismus in Deutschland. Münster: Un- rast, 2001. Bade, Klaus, ed. Neue Heimat im Westen: Vertriebene, Flüchtlinge, Aussiedler. Münster: Westfälischer Heimatbund, 1990. Behrends, Jan C., Thomas Lindenberger, and Patrice G. Poutrus, eds. Fremde und Fremd-Sein in der DDR: zu historischen Ursachen der Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Ostdeutschland. Berlin: Metropol, 2003. Benz, Wolfgang, ed. Antisemitismus in Deutschland. Zur Aktualität eines Vorteils. Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Benz, Wolfgang, ed. Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung. Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995–. Berg, Nicolas. Der Holocaust und die westdeutschen Historiker. Göttingen: Wall- stein, 2004. Bergmann, Werner, and Rainer Erb. Antisemitism in Germany: The Post-Nazi Epoch since 1945. New Brunswick: Transaction, 1997. Beyer, Heidemarie. “Entwicklung des Ausländerrechts in der DDR.” Zwischen Na- tionalstaat und multikultureller Gesellschaft. Einwanderung und Fremden- feindlichkeit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ed. Manfred Heßler, 211–27. Berlin: Hitit Verlag, 1993. Biess, Frank. Homecomings: Returning POWs and the Legacies of Defeat in Post- war Germany. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006. Bloxham, Donald. Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holocaust History and Memory. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. -
Reparations for the Slave Trade: Rhetoric, Law, History and Political Realities”
©Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann Feb 5, 2007 1 WORKING PAPER “Reparations for the Slave Trade: Rhetoric, Law, History and Political Realities” Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann Canada Research Chair International Human Rights Wilfrid Laurier University Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3C5 [email protected], +1 (519) 884-0710 ext 2780 Neither this paper, nor any part of it, is to be reproduced or circulated without permission of the author. Note to Readers: This paper is drawn from my book in progress (with Anthony P. Lombardo), Reparations to Africa, especially chapter 5 (“The Slave Trade: Law and Rhetoric”), chapter 6 “The Slave Trade: Debates,” and chapter 1, “Reparations to Africa: A New Kind of Justice.” Introduction This paper considers the call for reparations to Africa from the West, for the trans-Atlantic slave trade, as a form of transitional justice between regions (the West and Africa), which might result in better understanding—and less political resentment, between the two areas. Nevertheless, the call for reparations is so far ridden with rhetorical over-statements, misunderstandings of international law, and misinterpretations C:/reparations/working papers/UConn march 12 07 ©Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann Feb 5, 2007 2 of history. These are unlikely to result in any material reparations from the West to Africa for the slave trade. The discussion below focuses especially on the 2001 United Nations World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa, and on the call for reparations by the Group of Eminent Persons (GEP) established by the Organization of African Unity in 1992. The two remaining active members of the GEP in the early twenty-first century were Ali Mazrui and Jacob Ajayi. -
EU Legislation and Policies to Fight Racial and Ethnic Discrimination
BRIEFING EU legislation and policies to fight racial and ethnic discrimination SUMMARY Racial and ethnic minorities face discrimination and its consequences on a daily basis. The exact scale of the problem is hard to gauge owing to a lack of data and general under-reporting of racist incidents. The pandemic has seen a major increase in reports of racist and xenophobic incidents, however, while racial and ethnic minority groups have been disproportionately affected by the crisis, with higher death and infection rates. Although since 2000 the European Union (EU) has introduced legislation to combat racial and xenophobic discrimination, the problem persists, with the need for new measures recently highlighted by the global Black Lives Matter protests. A number of studies also point to the cost of racial discrimination not only for the individuals concerned but also for society as a whole. For instance, a 2018 EPRS report argued that the loss in earnings caused by racial and ethnic discrimination for both individuals and societies amounts to billions of euros annually. The problem is also acknowledged by EU citizens: a 2019 survey found that over half of Europeans believe racial or ethnic discrimination to be widespread in their country. To address racial discrimination and its underlying inequalities, the European Commission has put forward a number of equality strategies and actions. The first European Summit against Racism was held on 19 March 2021. The European Parliament, meanwhile, has long been demanding an end to racial discrimination. In recent resolutions, Parliament has called for an end to structural racism and discrimination, racial profiling and police brutality, and for the right to protest peacefully. -
Racism in Europe: a Challenge for Democracy?
Chapter Two Racism in Europe: A Challenge for Democracy? Leila Hadj-Abdou Democracy is a form of government, not a steambath of popular feelings. —Ralf Dahrendorf1 The Anti-Racist Founding Myth of Europe and the Perseverance of Racism In recent decades the Shoah has become a central reference point for a common European identity. Especially in the 1990s, after the end of the Cold War, the heritage of the Nazi past and the involvement of many European countries in the exploitation and extermination of Jews gained a special role in the public discourse of the newly unified Europe.2 The commemoration of the Shoah is not only a source of symbolic legitimacy, but it also suggests a commitment to political val- ues such as the rejection of racism, antisemitism, and xenophobia3. In 2007, denial of the Shoah became a punishable crime across the Euro- pean Union.4 However, despite the relevance of this founding myth it would be misleading to believe that it implies a clear cut rupture with Europe’s racist past, and the end of exclusionary practices. On the contrary, several factors indicate that racism continues to be a feature of contemporary Europe. For instance, in a publication released by the civil society organization European Network Against Racism (ENAR) in 2015, it was revealed that in 2013 alone there were 47,210 racist crimes reported across the European Union. The organization stressed that this is only the tip of the iceberg as many crimes go unre- 1. Margaret Canovan, “Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy,” Political Studies, vol. -
ECRI Annual Report 2019
Photos: Shutterstock @ECRI_CoE www.coe.int/ecri Strasbourg, March 2020 Preface ............................................................................5 Main trends ......................................................................7 ECRI's activities in 2019 ................................................ 16 1. Country-by-country approach .............................. 16 2. Work on general themes ..................................... 18 3. Relations with civil society .................................. 18 4. ECRI’s 25th Anniversary High-level Conference . 20 5. Cooperation with equality bodies to combat racism and racial discrimination ............................................ 22 6. Other activities .................................................... 22 7. Communication strategy ..................................... 23 Co-operation with relevant bodies of the Council of Europe and other international organisations ................ 25 Appendix I – Membership of ECRI ................................. 31 Appendix II – Secretariat of ECRI .................................. 39 Appendix III - Meetings held by ECRI in 2019 .............. 41 Appendix IV - List of publications ................................... 43 3 Preface The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) is a mechanism which was established by the first Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Council of Europe member states. The decision to establish ECRI is contained in the Vienna Declaration adopted by the first Summit on 9 October 1993. On -
UN Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech
UNITED NATIONS STRATEGY AND PLAN OF ACTION ON HATE SPEECH Foreword Around the world, we are seeing a disturbing groundswell of xenophobia, racism and intolerance – including rising anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred and persecution of Christians. Social media and other forms of communication are being exploited as platforms for bigotry. Neo-Nazi and white supremacy movements are on the march. Public discourse is being weaponized for political gain with incendiary rhetoric that stigmatizes and dehumanizes minorities, migrants, refugees, women and any so-called “other”. This is not an isolated phenomenon or the loud voices of a few people on the fringe of society. Hate is moving into the mainstream – in liberal democracies and authoritarian systems alike. And with each broken norm, the pillars of our common humanity are weakened. Hate speech is a menace to democratic values, social stability and peace. As a matter of principle, the United Nations must confront hate speech at every turn. Silence can signal indifference to bigotry and intolerance, even as a situation escalates and the vulnerable become victims. Tackling hate speech is also crucial to deepen progress across the United Nations agenda by helping to prevent armed conflict, atrocity crimes and terrorism, end violence against women and other serious violations of human rights, and promote peaceful, inclusive and just societies. Addressing hate speech does not mean limiting or prohibiting freedom of speech. It means keeping hate speech from escalating into something more dangerous, particularly incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence, which is prohibited under international law. The United Nations has a long history of mobilizing the world against hatred of all kinds through wide-ranging action to defend human rights and advance the rule of law. -
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar October 2020 About Us This report was written based on the information and data collection, monitoring, analytical insights and experiences with hate speech by civil society organizations working to reduce and/or directly af- fected by hate speech. The research for the report was coordinated by Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) and Progressive Voice and written with the assistance of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School while it is co-authored by a total 19 organizations. Jointly published by: 1. Action Committee for Democracy Development 2. Athan (Freedom of Expression Activist Organization) 3. Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) 4. Generation Wave 5. International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School 6. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand 7. Karen Human Rights Group 8. Mandalay Community Center 9. Myanmar Cultural Research Society 10. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) 11. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica 12. Olive Organization 13. Pace on Peaceful Pluralism 14. Pon Yate 15. Progressive Voice 16. Reliable Organization 17. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization 18. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 19. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar (Peace Seekers and Multiculturalist Movement) Contact Information Progressive Voice [email protected] www.progressivevoicemyanmar.org Burma Monitor [email protected] International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School [email protected] https://hrp.law.harvard.edu Acknowledgments Firstly and most importantly, we would like to express our deepest appreciation to the activists, human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and commu- nity-based organizations that provided their valuable time, information, data, in- sights, and analysis for this report. -
Heinonline (PDF)
Citation: 29 Const. Comment. 31 2013-2014 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Thu Jul 31 13:36:18 2014 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=0742-7115 Book Reviews RACE MATTERS SHOULD RACE MATTER?: UNUSUAL ANSWERS TO THE USUAL QUESTIONS. By David Boonin. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 2011. Pp. vii + 441. $99.00 (cloth), $34.99 (paper). Larry Alexander & Maimon Schwarzschild One frequently hears that America has a race problem. We agree, but the race problem we identify is not what is usually meant by those who invoke it. It is not discrimination, intentional or otherwise, but rather obsession with race that is America's more consequential "race problem" today. America has vanquished slavery, segregation, and long-standing racial discrimination only to succumb to an almost equally destructive race obsession. Despite the biological arbitrariness of dividing a single, interbreeding biological species into "races," despite the sorry history legally and socially of the use of race, and despite the Civil Rights Movement's original ambition to substitute the content of character for the color of skin as the basis of decision making, America today is in many ways as race conscious as it was in the era of Jim Crow. -
The Concept of Racist Hate Speech and Its Evolution Over Time
The Concept of Racist Hate Speech and its Evolution over time Paper presented at the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination’s day of thematic discussion on Racist Hate Speech 81st session, 28 August 2012, Geneva Nazila Ghanea Racism has long-plagued human society and, left unheeded, it risks growing as a cancerous tumour through our societies blighting the lives of individuals and communities. The purpose of this short paper is to give attention to the concept of racist hate speech and particularly to the fact of its complexity and inseparability from a wider spectrum of hatred. Using the methodology of intersectionality, this paper encourages the CERD Committee’s continued but cautious engagement in this field. Section I: The backdrop of Freedom of Expression and Incitement Freedom of expression and incitement in human rights instruments Before turning our attention to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and racist hate speech, it is worthwhile to situate hate speech more generally within other international instruments. We may rhetorically situate racist hate speech within ‘Article 19 ½’ of the ICCPR, between freedom of opinion and expression and incitement. We will give attention to this framework of freedom of expression and the prohibition of incitement within the ICCPR, before turning to the question of hate speech itself. The texts of Articles 191 and 202 of the ICCPR bear testament to the fact that although freedom of expression is “one of the most widely accepted rights”,3 it is not an absolute right and there are prohibitions and limitations attached to it. -
The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/256191703 The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia Chapter · January 2013 DOI: 10.13140/2.1.4025.1843 CITATIONS READS 0 665 1 author: Valeria Saggiomo Università degli Studi di Napoli L'Orientale 11 PUBLICATIONS 9 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: decentralized cooperation and local governance in Senegal and Burkina Faso (2014) View project All content following this page was uploaded by Valeria Saggiomo on 08 March 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. NOVA COLLECTANEA AFRICANA COLLANA DEL CENTRO DI STUDI AFRICANI IN SARDEGNA 2 Editor in Chief Bianca Maria Carcangiu Università degli Studi di Cagliari Editorial Board Catherine Coquer-Vidrovitch Université Paris Diderot — Paris 7, France Federico Cresti Università degli Studi di Catania, Italy Joan Haig University of Edinburgh, UK Habib Kazdaghli Université de Tunis-Manouba, Tunisia Nicola Melis Università di Cagliari, Italy Jean-Louis Triaud CEMAf — Université de Provence, France For information and contributions: http: // www.csas.it/ | [email protected] http: //affrica.org/ | [email protected] Work published with the contribution of: Provincia di Cagliari — Provincia de Casteddu, Ufficio di Presidenza Politics and Minorities in Africa Edited by Marisa Fois Alessandro Pes Contributors Gado Alzouma, Richard Goodridge, Henry Gyang Mang Mohamed Haji Ingiriis, Akin Iwilade, Giuseppe Maimone Alessia Melcangi, Sabelo J. Ndlovu--Gatsheni, Iwebunor Okwechime Yoon Jung Park, Mauro Piras, Valeria Saggiomo Elisabetta Spano, Bianca Maria Carcangiu Copyright © MMXIII ARACNE editrice S.r.l. www.aracneeditrice.it [email protected] via Raffaele Garofalo, 133/A–B 00173 Roma (06) 93781065 isbn 978–88–548–5700–1 No part of this book may be reproduced by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche, or any other means, without publisher’s authorization.