Code of Conduct – Illegal Online Hate Speech | Questions and Answers
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DIRECTIVE (EU) 2018/1673 of the EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT and of the COUNCIL of 23 October 2018 on Combating Money Laundering by Criminal Law
L 284/22 EN Official Journal of the European Union 12.11.2018 DIRECTIVES DIRECTIVE (EU) 2018/1673 OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL of 23 October 2018 on combating money laundering by criminal law THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, and in particular Article 83(1) thereof, Having regard to the proposal from the European Commission, After transmission of the draft legislative act to the national parliaments, Acting in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure ( 1 ), Whereas: (1) Money laundering and the related financing of terrorism and organised crime remain significant problems at Union level, thus damaging the integrity, stability and reputation of the financial sector and threatening the internal market and the internal security of the Union. In order to tackle those problems and to complement and reinforce the application of Directive (EU) 2015/849 of the European Parliament and of the Council ( 2), this Directive aims to combat money laundering by means of criminal law, enabling more efficient and swifter cross-border cooperation between competent authorities. (2) Measures adopted solely at national or even at Union level, without taking into account international coordination and cooperation, would have very limited effect. The measures adopted by the Union to combat money laundering should therefore be compatible with, and at least as stringent as, other actions undertaken in international fora. (3) Union action should continue to take particular account of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Recommen dations and instruments of other international organisations and bodies active in the fight against money laun dering and terrorist financing. -
Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World
Boston College Law Review Volume 60 Issue 7 Article 6 10-30-2019 Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World Lauren E. Beausoleil Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the First Amendment Commons, and the Internet Law Commons Recommended Citation Lauren E. Beausoleil, Free, Hateful, and Posted: Rethinking First Amendment Protection of Hate Speech in a Social Media World, 60 B.C.L. Rev. 2100 (2019), https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol60/iss7/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FREE, HATEFUL, AND POSTED: RETHINKING FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTION OF HATE SPEECH IN A SOCIAL MEDIA WORLD Abstract: Speech is meant to be heard, and social media allows for exaggeration of that fact by providing a powerful means of dissemination of speech while also dis- torting one’s perception of the reach and acceptance of that speech. Engagement in online “hate speech” can interact with the unique characteristics of the Internet to influence users’ psychological processing in ways that promote violence and rein- force hateful sentiments. Because hate speech does not squarely fall within any of the categories excluded from First Amendment protection, the United States’ stance on hate speech is unique in that it protects it. -
Implementing the Protocol 36 Opt
September 2012 Opting out of EU Criminal law: What is actually involved? Alicia Hinarejos, J.R. Spencer and Steve Peers CELS Working Paper, New Series, No.1 http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk/publications/working_papers.php Centre for European Legal Studies • 10 West Road • Cambridge CB3 9DZ Telephone: 01223 330093 • Fax: 01223 330055 • http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Protocol 36 to the Lisbon Treaty gives the UK the right to opt out en bloc of all the police and criminal justice measures adopted under the Treaty of Maastricht ahead of the date when the Court of Justice of the EU at Luxembourg will acquire jurisdiction in relation to them. The government is under pressure to use this opt-out in order to “repatriate criminal justice”. It is rumoured that this opt-out might be offered as a less troublesome alternative to those are calling for a referendum on “pulling out of Europe”. Those who advocate the Protocol 36 opt-out appear to assume that it would completely remove the UK from the sphere of EU influence in matters of criminal justice and that the opt-out could be exercised cost-free. In this Report, both of these assumptions are challenged. It concludes that if the opt-out were exercised the UK would still be bound by a range of new police and criminal justice measures which the UK has opted into after Lisbon. And it also concludes that the measures opted out of would include some – notably the European Arrest Warrant – the loss of which could pose a risk to law and order. -
The European Arrest Warrant Conflicts Between European and German
The European Arrest Warrant ─ Conflicts between European and German Constitutional Law? by Beate Hoppe, Kai Werner and Jan Asmus Bischoff, Hamburg (Germany) I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 1 II. The European Arrest Warrant under the Treaty of Nice ............................................... 2 1. Third pillar as the legal basis for the EAW 3 2. Provisions of the EAW 4 3. Aims and Benefits of the EAW 6 III. The German Implementation Legislation and the Judgment by the Federal Constitutional Court ................................................................................................................ 7 1. The European Arrest Warrant Act of 21 July 2004 8 2. Federal Constitutional Court Judgment of 18 July 2005 8 3. Changes in Legislation and their Constitutionality 12 IV. The Treaty of Lisbon ....................................................................................................... 15 1. Legislative Competences under the Treaty of Lisbon in the field of Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters 15 2. Legislative Acts and their effect in the Member States’ legal orders 17 3. Consequences for the Arrest Warrant 18 V. Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 19 I. Introduction More than ever before, the European Union influences national criminal law and national criminal procedure. Actual trends include ever closer harmonization -
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar
Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar Hate Speech Ignited Understanding Hate Speech in Myanmar October 2020 About Us This report was written based on the information and data collection, monitoring, analytical insights and experiences with hate speech by civil society organizations working to reduce and/or directly af- fected by hate speech. The research for the report was coordinated by Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) and Progressive Voice and written with the assistance of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School while it is co-authored by a total 19 organizations. Jointly published by: 1. Action Committee for Democracy Development 2. Athan (Freedom of Expression Activist Organization) 3. Burma Monitor (Research and Monitoring) 4. Generation Wave 5. International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School 6. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand 7. Karen Human Rights Group 8. Mandalay Community Center 9. Myanmar Cultural Research Society 10. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State) 11. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica 12. Olive Organization 13. Pace on Peaceful Pluralism 14. Pon Yate 15. Progressive Voice 16. Reliable Organization 17. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization 18. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 19. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar (Peace Seekers and Multiculturalist Movement) Contact Information Progressive Voice [email protected] www.progressivevoicemyanmar.org Burma Monitor [email protected] International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School [email protected] https://hrp.law.harvard.edu Acknowledgments Firstly and most importantly, we would like to express our deepest appreciation to the activists, human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and commu- nity-based organizations that provided their valuable time, information, data, in- sights, and analysis for this report. -
Detecting White Supremacist Hate Speech Using Domain Specific
Detecting White Supremacist Hate Speech using Domain Specific Word Embedding with Deep Learning and BERT Hind Saleh, Areej Alhothali, Kawthar Moria Department of Computer Science, King Abdulaziz University,KSA, [email protected].,aalhothali,[email protected] Abstract White supremacists embrace a radical ideology that considers white people su- perior to people of other races. The critical influence of these groups is no longer limited to social media; they also have a significant effect on society in many ways by promoting racial hatred and violence. White supremacist hate speech is one of the most recently observed harmful content on social media. Traditional channels of reporting hate speech have proved inadequate due to the tremendous explosion of information, and therefore, it is necessary to find an automatic way to detect such speech in a timely manner. This research inves- tigates the viability of automatically detecting white supremacist hate speech on Twitter by using deep learning and natural language processing techniques. Through our experiments, we used two approaches, the first approach is by using domain-specific embeddings which are extracted from white supremacist corpus in order to catch the meaning of this white supremacist slang with bidirectional Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) deep learning model, this approach reached arXiv:2010.00357v1 [cs.CL] 1 Oct 2020 a 0.74890 F1-score. The second approach is by using the one of the most re- cent language model which is BERT, BERT model provides the state of the art of most NLP tasks. It reached to a 0.79605 F1-score. Both approaches are tested on a balanced dataset given that our experiments were based on textual data only. -
EU Institutional and Legal Counter-Terrorism Framework
DISCLAIMER: The information, terminology used and views expressed in these publications are solely those of the authors and may not concur with the terminology nor represent the views of NATO, COE-DAT, or NATO member countries. Defence Against Terrorism Review Vol. 1, No. 1, Spring 2008, 49-78 Copyright © COE-DAT ISSN: 1307-9190 EU Institutional and Legal Counter-terrorism Framework Davide CASALE Abstract. The 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington lifted counter- terrorism to the top of the European security agenda. The bombings in Madrid of March 2004 and in London of July 2005 proved that Europe is also a target of the new forms of international terrorism. The EU has since been trying to react to the terrorist threat with a comprehensive strategy grounded on four core objectives: prevent, protect, pursue and respond. The Union has also reshaped its institutional and legal counter- terrorist framework. The role of some EU bodies has been strengthened, while new institutional actors have been set up. The most important EU institutions in the fight against terrorism have proved to be the European Commission, Europol and Eurojust. Despite some good results achieved, lack of co-ordination and difficulties in information sharing are weaknesses that still hamper the realization of an effective intelligence and judicial co-operation. A new European common definition of terrorist offences, the introduction of the European Arrest Warrant and the use of biometrics are pioneering legal instruments in counter-terrorism. Such legal tools have enhanced the efficacy of the EU action in preventing and suppressing terrorism. On the other hand, they have raised concerns about fundamental rights and civil liberties. -
The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice Ten Years On
THE AREA OF FREEDOM, SECURITY AND JUSTICE TEN YEARS ON SUCCESSES AND FUTURE CHALLENGES UNDER THE STOCKHOLM PROGRAMME THE AREA OF FREEDOM, SECURITY AND JUSTICE TEN YEARS ON SUCCESSES AND FUTURE CHALLENGES UNDER THE STOCKHOLM PROGRAMME EDITORS ELSPETH GUILD SERGIO CARRERA AND ALEJANDRO EGGENSCHWILER CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. This paperback is published in the context of IN:EX, a three-year project on converging and conflicting ethical values in the internal/external security continuum in Europe, funded by the Security Programme of DG Enterprise of the European Commission’s 7th Framework Research Programme. The opinions expressed in this publication and the analysis and arguments given are the sole responsibility of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. ISBN 978-94-6138-034-0 © Copyright 2010, European Union and Centre for European Policy Studies All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies and the European Union. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. -
How Does Political Hate Speech Fuel Hate Crimes in Turkey?
IJCJ&SD 9(4) 2020 ISSN 2202-8005 Planting Hate Speech to Harvest Hatred: How Does Political Hate Speech Fuel Hate Crimes in Turkey? Barbara Perry University of Ontario Institute of Technology, Canada Davut Akca University of Saskatchewan, Canada Fatih Karakus University of Ontario Institute of Technology, Canada Mehmet F Bastug Lakehead University, Canada Abstract Hate crimes against dissident groups are on the rise in Turkey, and political hate speech might have a triggering effect on this trend. In this study, the relationship between political hate speech against the Gulen Movement and the hate crimes perpetrated by ordinary people was examined through semi-structured interviews and surveys with victims. The findings suggest that a rise in political hate rhetoric targeting a given group might result in a corresponding rise in hate crimes committed against them, the effects of which have been largely overlooked in the current literature in the evolving Turkish context. Keywords Political hate speech; hate crimes; doing difference; group libel. Please cite this article as: Perry B, Akca D, Karakus F and Bastug MF (2020) Planting hate speech to harvest hatred: How does political hate speech fuel hate crimes in Turkey? International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy. 9(4): 195-211. https://doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i4.1514 Except where otherwise noted, content in this journal is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence. As an open access journal, articles are free to use with proper attribution. ISSN: 2202-8005 © The Author(s) 2020 Barbara Perry, Davut Akca, Fatih Karakus, Mehmet F Bastug: Planting Hate Speech to Harvest Hatred Introduction Hate speech used by some politicians against certain ethnic, religious, or political groups has in recent years become part of an increasing number of political campaigns and rhetoric (Amnesty International 2017). -
Online Hate Speech: Hate Or Crime?
ELSA International Online Hate Speech Competition Participant 039 Liina Laanpere, Estonia Online Hate Speech: Hate or Crime? Legal issues in the virtual world - Who is responsible for online hate speech and what legislation exists that can be applied to react, counter or punish forms of hate speech online? List of Abbreviations ACHPR – African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights ACHPR – African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights CERD – Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination ECHR – European Convention on Human Rights ECtHR – European Court of Human Rights EU – European Union ICCPR – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ISP – Internet service providers OSCE – Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe UDHR – Universal Declaration on Human Rights UN – United Nations Introduction “Do offensive neo-Nazi skinheads have the right to propagate their odious ideology via the internet?” That question was posed by the representative of United States Mission to the OSCE in her statement at the Conference on Hate Speech. The first answer that probably pops into many minds would be “no way”. However, the speech continues: “Our courts have answered that they do. Does a person have the right to publish potentially offensive material that can be viewed by millions of people? Here again, the answer is of course.”1 That is an example of the fact that the issue of hate speech regulation is by no means black and white. Free speech is a vital human right, it is the cornerstone of any democracy. So any kind of restrictions on free speech must remain an exception. -
Race, Civil Rights, and Hate Speech in the Digital Era." Learning Race and Ethnicity: Youth and Digital Media.Edited by Anna Everett
Citation: Daniels, Jessie. “Race, Civil Rights, and Hate Speech in the Digital Era." Learning Race and Ethnicity: Youth and Digital Media.Edited by Anna Everett. The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation Series on Digital Media and Learning. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2008. 129–154. doi: 10.1162/dmal.9780262550673.129 Copyright: c 2008 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Published under Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Unported 3.0 license. Race, Civil Rights, and Hate Speech in the Digital Era Jessie Daniels City University of New York—Hunter College, Urban Public Health and Sociology Introduction The emergence of the digital era has had unintended consequences for race, civil rights, and hate speech. The notion prevalent in the early days of new media, either that race does not exist on the Internet or that cyberspace represents some sort of halcyon realm of “colorblindness,” is a myth. At the same time MCI was airing its infamous commercial proclaiming “there is no race” on the Internet,1 some were already practiced at adapting white supremacy to the new online environment, creating Web sites that showcase hate speech along with more sophisticated Web sites that intentionally disguise their hateful purpose. Yet, there has been relatively little academic attention focused on racism in cyberspace.2 Here I take up the issue of racism and white supremacy online with the goal of offering a more nuanced understanding of both racism and digital media, particularly as they relate to youth. Specifically, I address two broad categories of white supremacy online: (1) overt hate Web sites that target individuals or groups, showcase racist propaganda, or offer online community for white supremacists; and (2) cloaked Web sites that intentionally seek to deceive the casual Web user. -
Protecting Electoral Integrity in the Digital Age
PROTECTING ELECTORAL INTEGRITY IN THE DIGITAL AGE The Report of the Kofi Annan Commission on Elections and Democracy in the Digital Age January 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS About the Kofi Annan Commission on Elections and Democracy in the Digital Age ................. 1 VII. Summary of Recommendations ............................................................................................. 91 Building Capacity ...................................................................................................................... 91 Members of the Commission ............................................................................................................... 5 Building Norms ......................................................................................................................... 93 Foreword .................................................................................................................................................. 9 Action by Public Authorities ................................................................................................... 94 Action by Platform ................................................................................................................... 96 Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. 14 Building Capacity ............................................................................................................................... 17 Building Norms ..................................................................................................................................