Mexican Situation Anlysys Volume Ii
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Backgrounder April 2008
Center for Immigration Studies Backgrounder April 2008 “Jimmy Hoffa in a Dress” Union Boss’s Stranglehold on Mexican Education Creates Immigration Fallout By George W. Grayson Introduction During a five-day visit to the United States in February 2008, Mexican President Felipe Calderón lectured Washington on immigration reforms that should be accomplished. No doubt he will reprise this performance when he meets with President George W. Bush and Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper in New Orleans for the annual North American Leaders Summit on April 20-21, 2008. At a speech before the California State Legislature in Sacramento, the visiting head-of-state vowed that he was working to create jobs in Mexico and tighten border security. He conceded that illegal immigration costs Mexico “a great deal,” describing the immigrants leaving the country as “our bravest, our youngest, and our strongest people.” He insisted that Mexico was doing the United States a favor by sending its people abroad. “Americans benefit from immigration. The immigrants complement this economy; they do not displace workers; they have a strong work ethic; and they contribute in taxes more money than they receive in social benefits.”1 While wrong on the tax issue, he failed to address the immigrants’ low educational attainment. This constitutes not only a major barrier to assimilation should they seek to become American citizens, but also means that they have the wrong skills, at the wrong place, at the wrong time. Ours is not the economy of the nineteenth century, when we needed strong backs to slash through forests, plough fields, lay rails, and excavate mines. -
Looking at the 2006 Mexican Elections
CONFERENCE REPORT Looking at the 2006 Mexican Elections ELECTORAL DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL Introduction PARTIES IN MEXICO On July 2, 2006, Mexicans will go to the polls to elect Mexico’s next president and to The widely accepted idea that more renew the federal Congress (senators and competitive electoral contests eventually deputies). The composition of Mexico’s new force a more institutionalized and open government will, no doubt, be of great nomination process of candidates was relevance for Canada, in light of the deep questioned by Prud’homme in light of the relationship that exists between these two developments observed in Mexico. Instead, countries as partners in North America. he argued, what we have seen in 2005 is that parties have met the requirement of Despite the importance of these elections, institutionalization and openness to different information about the electoral process and degrees. the developments in the political race to the presidency have not been covered Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) extensively in Canada. In the case of the PRD, the ideology of internal democracy seems to compete with For this reason, the Canadian Foundation for the preference to build unity around a leader the Americas (FOCAL) in partnership with capable of holding together the multiple the Centre for North American Politics and factions within the party. The selection of Society (CNAPS) at Carleton University Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) as convened the conference Looking at the 2006 the party’s candidate indicates the Mexican Elections to provide some insights continuation of their traditional model that about the nomination process of Mexico’s bases party unity on the existence of a main political parties, on the preferences of charismatic leader. -
+ Brh Dissertation Post-Defense Draft 2018-09-24 FINAL
In the Wake of Insurgency: Testimony and the Politics of Memory and Silence in Oaxaca by Bruno E. Renero-Hannan A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology and History) in the University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee Professor Ruth Behar, Co-Chair Associate Professor Sueann Caulfield, Co-Chair Professor Paul C. Johnson Professor Stuart Kirsch Professor Richard Turits, College of William and Mary Bruno E. Renero-Hannan [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-1529-7946 © Bruno E. Renero-Hannan 2018 Para Elena, Louisa, y Amelia Y para Elvira ii Acknowledgements It takes a village, and I have gained many debts in the elaboration of this dissertation. At every step of the way I have benefited from guidance and support of family, friends, colleagues, teachers, and compas. To begin with, I would like to thank my advisors and the co-chairs of my dissertation committee. Ruth Behar helped me find the voices I was looking for, and a path. I am grateful for her generosity as a reader, story-listener, and mentor, as well as her example as a radical practitioner of ethnography and a gifted writer. I came to know Sueann Caulfield as an inspiring teacher of Latin American history, whose example of commitment to teaching and research I carry with me; as co-chair, she guided me through multiple drafts of this work, offering patient encouragement and shrewd feedback, and motivating me to complete it. Stuart Kirsch was a supportive advisor throughout my early years at Michigan and fieldwork, introducing me to social movement studies and helping to shape the focus of my research. -
Benemérita Universidad Autónoma De Puebla Instituto De Ciencias Sociales Y Humanidaes “Alfonso Vélez Pliego” Maestría En
BENEMÉRITA UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE PUEBLA INSTITUTO DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES Y HUMANIDAES “ALFONSO VÉLEZ PLIEGO” MAESTRÍA EN ANTROPOLOGÍA SOCIOCULTURAL “TE VOY A ENSEÑAR A CH AMBIAR, APÁ”: TRABAJO, REPRODUCCIÓN Y SUBJETIVIDAD EN LA EMPRESA CRIMINAL “LAS MUDANZAS A CASA HABITA” EN LA CIUDAD DEL BUSINESS Tesis presentada para obtener el grado de: MAESTRO EN ANTROPOLOGÍA SOCIOCULTURAL PRESENTA: Marco Antonio Zagal Guzmán DIRECTOR DE TESIS Dr. Ricardo Francisco Macip Ríos CODIRECTOR Dr. Rodolfo Alejandro Hernández Corchado Puebla, México Diciembre 2019 Índice Introducción ..................................................................................................................... 1 Metodología .............................................................................................................................. 4 A.- La etnografía: el trabajo de campo, la observación y las conversaciones dirigidas.............. 4 B.- El regreso a El Barrio ....................................................................................................... 10 Estructura de la tesis .............................................................................................................. 14 A.-La ciudad del Business ...................................................................................................... 17 1.- De la Ciudad de México a la ciudad del Business: La llegada de Izquierda y Judas ............ 17 2.- Los barrios de la ciudad .................................................................................................. -
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
Ex-President Carlos Salinas De Gortari Rumored to Return to Mexican Politics LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository SourceMex Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 7-23-2003 Ex-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari Rumored to Return to Mexican Politics LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Ex-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari Rumored to Return to Mexican Politics." (2003). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex/4658 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SourceMex by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 52662 ISSN: 1054-8890 Ex-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari Rumored to Return to Mexican Politics by LADB Staff Category/Department: Mexico Published: 2003-07-23 Former President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) has reappeared as an influential figure in the Mexican political scene. Reports surfaced after the 2003 mid-term elections that the former president had played a major behind-the-scenes role in the campaigns of several of his fellow members of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), although no one could offer any concrete proof that the president actually participated in electoral activities. With or without Salinas' help, the PRI won four gubernatorial races and a plurality of seats in the congressional election, leaving the party in a strong position to dictate the agenda in the Chamber of Deputies during the 2003-2006 session (see SourceMex, 2003-07-09). Still, Salinas' return to prominence marks a major turnaround from the mid-1990s, when the president went into self-imposed exile to Ireland and Cuba after taking the blame for the 1994 peso devaluation and the ensuing economic crisis. -
The Resilience of Mexico's
Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. -
Mexico 2020 Human Rights Report
MEXICO 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mexico is a multiparty federal republic with an elected president and bicameral legislature. Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador of the National Regeneration Movement party coalition won the presidential election in July 2018 in generally free and fair multiparty elections and took office in December 2018. Citizens also elected members of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, governors, state legislators, and mayors. The National Guard, state, and municipal police are responsible for enforcing the law and maintaining order. The National Guard, which began operations in June 2019, is a civilian institution reporting to the Secretariat of Public Security and Civil Protection. On December 31, 2019, the Federal Police was disbanded, and on May 4, all remaining assets and personnel were transferred to the National Guard. The bulk of National Guard personnel are seconded from the army and navy and have the option to return to their services after five years. State preventive police report to state governors, while municipal police report to mayors. The Secretariat of National Defense and Secretariat of the Navy also play a role in domestic security, particularly in combating organized criminal groups. The constitution was amended in 2019 to grant the president the authority to use the armed forces to protect internal and national security, and courts have upheld the legality of the armed forces’ role in law enforcement activities in support of civilian authorities through 2024. The National Migration Institute, under the authority of the Interior Secretariat, is responsible for enforcing migration law and protecting migrants. Although authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces, there were instances in which security force elements acted independently of civilian control. -
Doing Business in Mexico Doing Business in Mexico
Issue: Doing Business in Mexico Doing Business in Mexico By: Christina Hoag Pub. Date: September 14, 2015 Access Date: October 1, 2021 DOI: 10.1177/2374556815608835 Source URL: http://businessresearcher.sagepub.com/sbr-1645-96878-2693503/20150914/doing-business-in-mexico ©2021 SAGE Publishing, Inc. All Rights Reserved. ©2021 SAGE Publishing, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Is the climate welcoming for international companies? Executive Summary Seeking to improve its economy and the standard of living for its 122 million citizens, Mexico is undergoing a massive transformation as it courts foreign investors and an array of trade partners. It has embarked on an ambitious agenda of domestic reforms—opening the oil sector to private investors for the first time in 76 years, breaking up telecommunications monopolies and modernizing education, as well as overhauling outdated infrastructure and cultivating a portfolio of free-trade agreements. The result has been a boom in trade and investment in the world's 11th largest economy. But the country faces notable challenges, chiefly high rates of violent crime, endemic corruption, a wide gap in wealth distribution and an underskilled workforce. Experts say Mexico's potential as an economic powerhouse will continue to go unfulfilled unless those pressing social issues can be reined in. Among the questions of concern for international business: Is labor cost-effective in Mexico? Is it safe to operate there? Does Mexico offer investors sufficient and reliable infrastructure? Overview March 18, 1938, is a proud date in Mexican history, memorized by generations of schoolchildren along with the dates of the country's independence from Spanish and French rule. -
The Snte, Elba Esther Gordillo and the Administration of Calderón Carlos Ornelas
THEMATIC ESSAY THE SNTE, ELBA ESTHER GORDILLO AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF CALDERÓN CARLOS ORNELAS Carlos Ornelas is a professor in the department of education and communication at Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Xochimilco campus. Calzada del Hueso 1100, Colonia Villa Quietud, CP 04960. E-MAIL: [email protected] Abstract: Although the National Union of Workers in Education (Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación–SNTE) no longer has the monopoly of representing the teaching profession, and in spite of movements that challenge the leadership of the group’s president, the group continues to be the most powerful union organization in Mexico. Its power extends to other areas of political life, bureaucratic institutions, and to an even greater degree, to the administration of basic education. One might believe that the SNTE and its president, Elba Esther Gordillo, have become more powerful under the protection of President Felipe Calderón, yet they face new challenges. This article analyzes the corporatist practices of the SNTE and the institutional consequences for the Secretariat of Public Education, especially in terms of the behaviors of the bureaucratic cadres. During the analysis, theoretical notions for explaining the case are discussed. Key words: basic education, power, unionism, educational policy, Mexico. Reason cannot become transparent to itself as long as men act as members of an organization that lacks reason.1 (Horkheimer, 1976:219) Introduction Many analysts believed that the wave of neoliberal economic reforms that appeared in Latin America in the 1980s would reduce the power of the unions, whose influence had grown through state expansion, economic protectionism, a rigid labor market, and political protection (Murillo, 2001). -
The Afterlives of Indio Bárbaro
conclusion THE AFTERLIVES OF THE INDIO BÁRBARO On May 2, 2011, U.S. Navy Seal Team 6 killed Osama bin Laden during a raid on his family compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. The Seal Team leader in- formed President Obama about the success of the mission with the phrase “For God and Country, Geronimo, Geronimo, Geronimo.” After a moment’s pause, he clarified “Geronimoekia ,” meaning “Geronimo, Enemy Killed in Action.” Despite military claims to the contrary, it remains unclear whether “Geronimo” was shorthand for the mission (official code name “Operation Neptune Spear”), for bin Laden (official codename “Jackpot”), or for the act of killing bin Laden. What remains clear is that the name linked Osama bin Laden’s evasion of the U.S. military and intelligence communities for ten years at the beginning of the twenty- first century with the Apache leader’s evasion of the U.S. and Mexican militaries for ten years at the end of the nineteenth. Though separated by more than a century of U.S. global warfare, Geronimo and bin Laden w ere linked as terrorists in this communication, which also linked the Christian God and the nation. Bin Laden and Geronimo were savvy and resourceful, perhaps even brave, but ultimately they were beaten (and conjoined) as “terrorists” in the nation’s military memory and pop u lar imagination. One week later, on May 9, 2011, tens of thousands of demonstrators filled Mexico City’s Zócalo to welcome the “March for Peace with Justice and Dignity,” arriving after a five- day journey on foot from Cuernavaca, Morelos. -
VOM-2015-0099.Pdf
TM ISSN 0186 • 9418 Voices of Mexico is published by the Centro de Investigaciones sobre América del Norte, CISAN (Center for Research on North America) of the Coordinación de Humanidades (Office of the Coordinator of Human ities), Uni versidad Nacional Autónoma de México, UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico). Director Silvia Núñez García Editor-in-Chief Art Director Circulation and Sales Diego Bugeda Bernal Patricia Pérez Ramírez Norma Aída Manzanera Silva Editors Layout Subscriptions María Cristina Hernández Escobar María Elena Álvarez Sotelo Cynthia Creamer Tejeda Teresa Jiménez Andreu Assistant to the Editor-in-Chief Business Manager Copyeditor & Translator Minerva Cruz Salas María Soledad Reyes Lucero Heather Dashner Monk Special Section Guest Editor Camelia Tigau Rector, UNAM José Narro Robles Coordinator of Humanities Estela Morales Campos Director of the Center for Research on North America (CISAN) Silvia Núñez García EDITORIAL BOARD Sergio Aguayo, Carlos Alba Vega, Norma Blázquez, Fernando Rafael Castañeda Sabido, Roberto Castañón Romo María Leoba Castañeda, Lourdes N. Chehaibar Náder, Gua dalupe González, Rosario Green, Roberto Gutiérrez López, Elizabeth Gutiérrez Romero, Carlos Heredia, Julio La bastida, Miguel León-Portilla, David Maciel, Paz Consuelo Márquez Padilla, Alicia Mayer, Humberto Muñoz García, Olga Pellicer, Elena Poniatowska, Vicente Quirarte, Federico Re yes Heroles, Andrés Rozental, José Sarukhán, Mari Carmen Serra Puche, Alina María Signoret, Fernando Solana, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, María Teresa Uriarte, Diego Valadés, José Luis Valdés-Ugalde, Mónica Ve rea, Verónica Villarespe Reyes Address letters, advertising and subscription correspondence to: Voices of Mexico, Torre II de Humanidades, piso 9, Ciudad Universitaria, Coyoacán, 04510, México, D. F. Tel: 5623 0308. Electronic mail: [email protected].