P. 0. Box 20128, P. 0. Box 20128, Dar Es Salw4x

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

P. 0. Box 20128, P. 0. Box 20128, Dar Es Salw4x P. 0. BOX 20128, P. 0. BOX 20128, DAR ES SALW4X Tanganyika 15th November, 1962 Dear Sons and Daughters of Zimbabwe, Time has now come that you should be told in the clearest of laniages the truth about Sir Edgar Whitehead. There are a few among you who may still think that Sir Edgar Whitehead is for the Black Man. I wish therefore -to explain the position clearly and honestly so that you may judge for yourselves as to what is right or wrong. 1. At the United Nations Sir Edgar Whitehead has stated that he looks forward to an African majority government in 15 years' time. He might as well have said he does not look forward to an African majority government. Why does he suggest 15 years? He wants you to accept that and wait patiently for the next 15 years. He wants you to do nothing now. He wants you to believe what he is saying so that you do nothing about your political independence now. He wants to kill the fire of freedom in you by making you wait for the next 15 years. But what will Sir Edgar do during the next 15 years ? Will he wait as you will ? No. He will work very hard. He will build his army, build his police force build his air force, build his police reserves, arm every able-bodied European so that in 15 years' time he will be too strong for you. He wants to use this period of 15 years to strengthen his position so that he can safely ignore the freedom demands of the 4,000,000 Africans in Southern Rhodesia. 2. At a recent U.P.P. Congress held in Bulawayo, Sir Edgar frankly said he was only interested in enfranchising "certain educated and civilised groups inadvertently omitted at present". He is not interested in giving the majority of the Africans the vote as has happened in Ghana, Nigeria, Tanganyika and elsewhere. He wants to preserve Southern Rhodesia for the white man. 3. Sir Edgar has been responsible for most of the violence in the country by deliberately going against the majority wishes of the people. He has created extremely frustrating conditions in the country. He promotes violence, and claims to suppress it, and thus makes himself look like a man who is really interested in the peace of everybody in the country. Sir Edgar has sent the police to set dogs on peaceful demonstrators, hurl teargas on peaceful strikers, break up political meetings, make unwarrntable arrests, detain people without trial and raid peoplets houses time and again. He does this to promote violence in order to claim to suppress it, and hence appear in the eyes of the white settlers as their real saviour, when, in fact, he is writing off their future in Southern Rhodesia, and causing the economy of the country to grind to a halt. 4. Sir Edgar is a European leader. He looks after the interests of the whites only. Those Africans who think Sir Edgar Whitehead cares for their interest migIA as well think that a leopard cares for the interests of a goat. Sir Edgar was chosen by whites, and he is therefore responsible only to whites. Make no mistake about this. In 1959, the whites asked him to ban the A.N.C.' and he did it. In 1961, they asked him to ban the N.D.P. and he did it. In 1962, they asked him to - 2 - ban ZAPU and he did it. Why? Because the whites elected him, and because he is responsible to them. Sir Edgar has never tried to remove the political grievance of the franchise which worries the Africans so much. Europeans do not want the majority of the Africans to have the vote, and therefore their leader acts accordingly. Sir Edgar is a European leader, not an African leader. By banning the African-led parties Sir Edgar wants the 4,000,000 Africans to remain without an African leader of real stature. He wants to impose himself as their leader, but of course Sir Edgar cannot be an African leader. He can only be an African driver which he now is. He uses his army, police, air force, and legislation, not to lead them, but to drive them where he wants them to go. If I were a cartoonist, I would draw Sir Edgar with a long whip driving millions of African people away from the House of Franchise, and for my caption I would have "tYou are too many to vote". And this is the greatest fear of Sir Edgar. If there were only 20,000 Africans in Southern Rhodesia all Africans would be given the vote. 5. Sir Edgar claims that he has the confidence of the majority of the African people, and yet he fears to give the vote to this majority which has confidence in him! The truth is that he knows that he doesntt enjoy the confidence of the majority of the African people. Heknows that if he gave them the vote, they would not vote for him. The African people want an African leader, not a European leader. The British want a British leader and not an African leader. The French want a French leader and not an African leader. The Russians want a Russian leader not an African leader. The Americans want an American leader not an African leader. This is plain common sense anywhere in the world, and Sir Edgar should know better. African people would be utterly unnatural to rally behind a European leader for whom they are not even allowed to vote. 6. Sir Edgar claims to be very popular with the African people. He even claims to be called "Tandabantu" - lover of black people. But why does "Tandabantu" need such " an enormous police force equipped with helicopters, spotter planes, armoured cars, and riot squads, a reservist system capable of putting virtually all able-bodied male Europeans into uniform at a few hours' notice, and a large Federal Army in the background to put down a few malevolent agitators?" The truth is that Sir Edgar knows deep down in his heart that he is most unpopular with the African people and hence the need for this semi-military arrangement. The very fact that after the banning of each African-led party a new and more powerful African political movement has arisen from the ashes of the old one shows that Sir Edgar is most unpopular with the African people. Sir Edgar is a minority leader, and as such he is naturally unpopular with the majority of the people of the country. No sane African can entrust his future to a white minority leader. 7. Sir Edgar Whitehead is a political coward of the worst order. He promised the country that he was going to get at least 50,000 Africans to register as voters, but he only got 10,000. He was frustrated. So he called in the police to cause trouble among his African political opponents. Then he got ZAPU banned. He got Mr. Nkomo in restriction. He got moro than 300 ZAPU leaders also in restriction. He got more than 2,000 ZAPU men arrested. Having thus chained them politically, and before the restriction period of Nkomo and his lieutenants ends he calls for elections on 14th December. A coward of cowards! A fake political leader afraid of true leaders! - 3 - 8. Sir Edgar has constantly maintained that he is waging a war against "enemies of law and order", and therefore he needs the support of every "law-abiding African". The so-called "enemies of law and order" are the African nationalists who demand here and now full independence in the land of their birth. The real "enemies of law and order" are those who deny the majority of the people of Southern Rhodesia the right to vote. The European minority, led by Sir Edgar, is the real "enemies of law and order" since they do not want the vote to be extended to the 4,000,000 Africans in Southern Rhodesia. They want it to remain the monopoly of only 250,000 whites. In this way they are prqpared to go to any length to oppress the African majority in order that the white minority rules Southern Rhodesia indefinitely. They are the oppressors. The Africans are the oppressed. A minority which oppresses the majority is indeed the real "enemies of law and order". Sir Edgar is indeed the arch enemy of law and order since he disregards completely the wishes of the majority. Since he became Premier of Southern Rhodesia the country has moved from one political crisis to another because he has made laws that are subversive of, and immical to, law and order. 9. I appeal to you, sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, to think seriously about what I have said in this letter. Do not be deceived by love of money, or cheap politics, and sell your country by participating in the next elections. Sir Edgar is really not for you. The British Government has privately told him to change the franchise but he has refused. The United Nations which comprises 110 nations has told him to suspend the new constitutin, but he 4as refused to listen. How then can you listen to a man who won't listen to the advice of Britain, and to the international advice of the United Nations ? Sir Edgar is only interested in the white-people of Southern Rhodesia, not in the African people. Have nothing to do with the next elections.
Recommended publications
  • General Assembly Resolution Were Reserved for the Europeans Alone
    United Nations FOURTH COMMITTEE, 1363rd GENERAL MEETING ASSEMBLY Friday, 26 October 1962, at 3,45 p.m. SEVENTEENTH SESSION 0 f/icial Records • NEW YORK CONTENTS failed to appreciate the seriousness of the crisis Page threatening Southern Rhodesia. Agenda item 56: 3. During the forty years which had elapsed since Question of Southern Rhodesia: report of the the first Constitution had been granted to the settlers Special Committee established under Gen­ in 1923, the Government of Southern Rhodesia had eral Assembly resolution 1654 (XVI) (con­ done practically nothing to prepare the people for tinued) self-government. Now a new Constitution was about to General debate (continued). • . 221 be introduced in order to perpetuate white domination for centuries to come. The people of Southern Rho­ Chairman: Mr. Guillermo FLORES AVENDANO desia had shown great tolerance during the longyears of white minority rule, but no self-respecting people (Guatemala). would be content with fifteen seats in the legislatl}re to represent 3 million as against fifty seats for the 250,000 white settlers. Over the years the white In the absence of the Chairman, Mr. Nabavi (Iran), settler Parliament in Southern Rhodesia had enacted Vice-Chairman, took the Chair. many repressive laws which had turned the country into a police State in the heart of the peaceful African continent. The Africans in Southern Rhodesia were AGENDA ITEM 56 subjected to economic exploitation; their wages were Question of Southern Rhodesia: report of the Special Com­ kept below subsistence level and certain positions mittee established under General Assembly resolution were reserved for the Europeans alone.
    [Show full text]
  • A Crucial Watershed in Southern Rhodesian Politics
    A crucial watershed in Southern Rhodesian politics The 1961 Constitutional Process and the 1962 General Election E v e n t u e Högskolan på Gotlandll fi 2011 VTg ”Kandidatuppsats”u Författare: Jan Olssonr / Avdelningen för Historiab Handledare: Erik Tängerstadil d ( 1 F o r m a t Abstract The thesis examines the political development in Southern Rhodesia 1960-1962 when two processes, the 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election, had far- reaching consequences for the coming twenty years. It builds on a hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalisation of all groups, the white minority, the African majority and the colonial power. The main research question is why the ruling party, United Federal Party (UFP) after winning the referendum on a new Constitution with a wide margin could lose the ensuing election one year later to the party, Rhodesian Front (RF) opposing the constitution. The examination is based on material from debates in the Legal Assembly and House of Commons (UK), minutes of meetings, newspaper articles, election material etc. The hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalization of the main actors was partly confirmed. The process led to a focus on racial issues in the ensuing election. Among the white minority UFP attempted to develop a policy of continued white domination while making constitutional concessions to Africans in order to attract the African middle class. When UFP pressed on with multiracial structural reforms the electorate switched to the racist RF which was considered bearer of the dominant settler ideology. Among the African majority the well educated African middleclass who led the Nationalist movement, changed from multiracial reformists in late 1950‟s to majority rule advocates.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe: African Working Class Nationalism, 1957-1963
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Zambezia (1996), XXIII (ii). ZIMBABWE: AFRICAN WORKING CLASS NATIONALISM, 1957-1963 T. H. MOTHIBE Department of History, National University of Lesotho Abstract Scholars of Zimbabwean history have argued that organised African labour was subordinated to petit bourgeois nationalism. This article refutes these assessments and argues that, in the period between the formation of the first mass nationalist organisation and the adoption of the armed struggle, organised labour and nationalism were intimately connected, a fact that reflected in part the structural position of the African workers in a colonial society. This relationship was, however, disrupted by the adoption of armed struggle by the nationalists in 1963. THE YEAR 1957 marked a very important era in the history of Zimbabwe's nationalist struggle. This was manifested in the formation of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC) on September 12 (in defiance of what the settlers celebrated as Occupation Day). This was the first mass nationalist organisation. It also marked the beginning of a close alliance between organised African labour and African political parties in colonial Zimbabwe, an alliance that snapped with the split in the nationalist movement in 1963. The conventional assessment, however, has generally been that African labour came to be subordinated to the nationalist struggle with the formation of the SRANC.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
    Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Rhodesia Elects Channing B
    SOUTHERN RHODESIA ELECTS CHANNING B. RICHARDSON Professor oj International Affairs at Hamilton College, New York, now Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University College oj Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Administrator, United Nations Arab Refugee Camps, Gaza, 1949-^0. EVER since the Central African Federation was launched in 1953, the unacknowledged but chief task of all political parties has been to define ''partnership'' between the races. As defined in daily attitudes and practices, the word is slowly taking on a meaning which places the Federation far ahead of the Union in some aspects of racial affairs. As defined in law, it bears a meaning not very different from that of apartheid. As defined in the recent territorial elections in Southern Rhodesia, it will probably mean an even slower approach to the granting of African advance and opportunities than the slow approach that has existed to date. To understand these all-important elections, a piece of recent political history must be mentioned. In November of last year, the Federal Party under the Federal Prime Minister, Sir Roy Welensky, united with the United Rhodesia Party (U.R.P.) under the Southern Rhodesian Prime Minister, Mr. R. S. Garfield Todd, to form the United Federal Party (U.F.P.) At the time this seemed like the sensible beginning to a federa­ tion-wide ''middle of the road" party. However, trouble began almost immediately, since the newly "united" party contained within it men of vastly conflicting views towards the African problem. After the fusion had taken place, a group of political leaders led by Sir Patrick Fletcher and other members of the Cabinet, began to seek ways and means of ridding the party of Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Peasants and Nationalism in the Development of Land Ownership Structure in Zimbabwe from Pre-Colonialism to the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) Period
    LAND TO THE PEOPLE: Peasants and nationalism in the development of land ownership structure in Zimbabwe from pre-colonialism to the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) period. Bridget M. Mupfuvi Salford Business School University of Salford, Greater Manchester United Kingdom Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, March 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................................................... 2 CHAPTER ONE ..................................................................................................................... 10 THE PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING: INTRODUCING THE STUDY ......................... 10 1.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Key Research Questions ................................................................................................. 16 1.3 Significance of the study ................................................................................................ 19 1.4 Historical Significance of the Study ............................................................................... 20 1.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 25 1.7 Chapter Outline .............................................................................................................. 26 CHAPTER TWO ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Counter-Insurgency in Rhodesia
    Counter-insurgency in Rhodesia J.K.Cilliers GROOM HELM London • Sydney • Dover, New Hampshire CONTENTS ©1985J.K. CiUiers Croom Helm Ltd, Provident House, Burrell Row Beckenham, Kent BR3 1AT Croom Helm Australia Pty Ltd, First Floor, 139 King Street, Sydney, NSW 2001, Australia British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Cilliers, J.K. Counter-insurgency in Rhodesia. List of Tables and Figures 1. Zimbabwe - History List of Abbreviations and Terminology I. Title Acknowledgement 968.91 DT962.5 Introduction ISBN 0-7099-3412-2 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAR FOR ZIMBABWE: Croom Helm, 51 Washington Street, 1890 TO 1979 Dover, New Hampshire 03820.USA 1.1 The Early Years 1 Cataloging in Publication Data applied for. 1.2 The Establishment of a Strategic Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: Base Area in the North-east 11 84-45702 1 , 3 Operation Hurricane 14 1.4 1974: Security Force Reaction ... 1 .5 18 Detente 22 1 .6 1976 and Dr Henry Kissinger 1 .7 27 The Patriotic Front 33 1 .8 1977: ZPRA Intensifies the War .. 35 1 .9 The Internal Settlement 44 1.10 Lancaster House 55 COMMAND AND CONTROL 2.1 The Rhodesian Security Force's approach to command and control ... 60 2.2 JOC's, JPS and Operation Hurricane. 61 2.3 War Council, COMOPS and NATJOC 66 2.4 Special Forces 73 2.5 Conclusion 76 PROTECTED AND CONSOLIDATED VILLAGES 3.1 The Concept 79 3.2 Initial Attempts at Creating Printed and bound in Great Britain by Protected Areas 82 Biddies Ltd, Guildford and King's Lynn 7.2 Mozambique 175 3.3 Operations Overload and Overload 83 7.3 Zambia 185 Two 7.4 Botswana .
    [Show full text]
  • New Otte New Otte FEBRUARY 1961 Contents World Affairs 2 Britain 5
    New otte New otte FEBRUARY 1961 Contents World Affairs 2 Britain 5 South Africa 11 Central Africa 16 Southern Rhodesia 17 Northern Rhodesia 20 Nyasaland 22 Bechuanaland 23 East Africa 24 Kenya 25 Uganda 27 Tanganyika 28 Zanzibar 29 Information Section 30 Published by THE INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS 36 Jermyn Street, London S W 1 World Affairs A New Broom in Washington John Fitzgerald Kennedy became President of the United Stat( January and speedily set about dispelling any complacency oi that might linger in administrative and legislative circles. His ir call to Americans to bear the burden of a 'long twilight struggle the common enemies of mankind: tyranny, poverty, disease itself' was followed by a grimly Churchillian 'State of the address aimed at impressing on his fellow-citizens the extent of I national peril and the national opportunity, at home and Attention was drawn to a forgotten group, the 'poor Am and to the 'denial of constitutional rights to some of our fellov cans on account of race'; to the growing menace of the Cold Asia and Latin America and to the even greater 'challenge of tt that lies beyond the Cold War'. To meet these external chalh advocated increased flexibility and a revision of military, econo political tools, equal attention to be paid to the 'olive branch' 'bunch of arrows'. A new and co-ordinated programme of economic, political and social progress should be establishe national peace corps of dedicated American men and women sI formed to assist in the local execution of this programme. Meanwhile the five-year Civil War centenary programme bel due solemnity at Grant's Tomb in New York and the grave o Virginia.
    [Show full text]
  • Outright Confidence 1N Rhodesia
    VoL 2, No. 3 (Published Fortnightly) 5th February, 1968 Outright confidence 1n• Rhodesia INANCED entirely by F private enterprise and given Government blessing, the £17m. nitrogenous ferti­ lizer factory to be built on a 300-acre site eight miles out­ side Que Que, is the largest capital investment in a single project in Rhodesia since Lake Kariba. Sponsoring the undertaking is a Rhodesian company, Sable Chemical Industries Ltd. The Minister of Commerce and ladustry, Mr. Jacll Mussett, said In • 1250 "I The crowd at the Salisbury Town House which a televhion interview that a condition EPlC , • ml e welcomed Mr. and Mrs. Louis Hennings and their: of the agreeme:ot on tbe project wu . family at the end of their 1,250 miles journey fro,; tbat when Government desired, Rho­ trek ends ID the Free State in a horse-drawn wagon, "Spirit of deslau would be able to bold SI per • South Africa"'. Thousands of people churl!d the c:eDt. of the equity. Sahsbury trekker; as they were escorted in!o. the dry by /50 He said the advantages of the electro­ local nders on their way to a c1v1c welcome. Mr. lysis method to be used in the new Hennings pres_entl!d Mr. lan Smith with a tho,~oughbred colt, Beaufort, "as a token factory would outweigh the disadvan­ of estum wh1ch befits a great leada of men • The horse is from a special breed tages. (Boerperde) kept pure for more than a century by the Hennings family. Money The c:apital for the project bad mainly collected on their joume1 was handed to the Friends of Rhodesia Trust.
    [Show full text]
  • PUBLICATION No. 36 MARCH, 1977
    PUBLICATION No. 36 MARCH, 1977 =- RHODESIANA Publication No. 36 —March, 1977 THE RHODESIANA SOCIETY Salisbury Rhodesia CONTENTS March 1977 Page SIR HERBERT JOHN TAYLOR. KT: First CHIEF NATIVE COMMISSIONER, BY ROGER HOWMAN .. .. .. 1 MOODIE'S DRIFT, BY C. K Cooke .. 16 THE COLOURS OF THE SOUTHERN RHODESIA VOLUNTEERS (WESTERN DIVISION) by Col. J. de Lisle Thompson 23 THE HISTORY OF GWELO, PART 3, BY PAT DAVIS 26 Harold Basil Christian: An Early Rhodesian Botanist, by Michael J. Kimberley........................................................................................................... 37 ALICE MARGARET ALLEN: RHODESIA'S FIRST HEAD-MISTRESS, BY R. R. Langham Carter 47 William HENRY SITWELL (1860-1952), BY OTTO REITZ 53 Short ARTICLES: Earlier Days in Salisbury, by the late L. S. Maclean: Umtali Incident, by Mrs. Hylda Richards: Bindura in the Twenties, by Mrs. R.M.. Morris: Major F. R. Burnham. D.S.O., by J. P. Lott .. 62 Society Activities 71 Notes . 75 Correspondence 78 Rhodesia Served the Queen, Volume Two. A REVIEW ARTICLE BY J. F. MIDGLEY 82 REVIEWS .. 85 The cover picture is of the Ndebele Great Dance. It is from an engraving in "The Illustrated London News", 1872, after a sketch by Thomas Baines. The Rhodesiana Society Founded 1953 The Society exists to promote Rhodesian historical studies and to encourage research, it also aims to unite all who wish to foster a wider appreciation and knowledge of the history of Rhodesia. There is no entrance fee; with effect from January, 1977 the subscription is $5.00 Rhodesian currency ($8.90 U.S.A. or R7,00) a year, and this entitles paid-up members to those numbers of Rhodesiana issued during the year.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Rhodesia Explodes
    63 SOUTHERN RHODESIA EXPLODES ENOCH DUMBUTSHENA Southern Rhodesian Journalist and Member of the National Democratic Party Two weeks after telling the settlers that "no one in Southern Rhodesia need be afraid that what has happened in the Congo could possibly happen here", the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, Sir Edgar Whitehead, called all able-bodied white men to join a new army reserve and a special constabulary. These will form new security forces to maintain peace and order, or, in other words, to suppress any future African riots. Sir Roy Welensky, Federal Prime Minister, has called upon Europeans to join the three European divisions of a new army inspired by the riots in the Congo. The Federal Government will spend an additional £3 million on this army and on equipment. None of the three territories of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland spends as much as £3 million on African education. Last year Southern Rhodesia spent only £2,641,000 on African education. It is interesting to note that Sir Roy's three white divisions were the first indication that the army is now being organized for the defence of white people against Africans in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Two years ago Sir Roy Welensky spoke of a "Boston Tea Party" should the Federation fail to get its independence; and it can be assumed that he meant by that the possibility of some settler rebellion against Great Britain. Now the army and the police, in the name of maintaining peace and order, will be used to keep the Africans down.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis in Southern Rhodesia
    Crisis in Southern Rhodesia http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ranger00002 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Crisis in Southern Rhodesia Author/Creator Ranger, Terence Date 1960-07-30 Resource type Articles Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe Source Rhodes House Library, Ranger Papers, Box 1, 16R-19V Format extent 8 page(s) (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ranger00002 http://www.aluka.org CRISIS IN CRISIS IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA Reprinted from CENTRAL AFRICAN EXAMINER July 30, 1960. The Central African Examiner is an independent journal published fortnightly in Salisbury, the capital of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.
    [Show full text]