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New otte FEBRUARY 1961 Contents World Affairs 2 Britain 5 South Africa 11 Central Africa 16 Southern 17 Northern Rhodesia 20 Nyasaland 22 Bechuanaland 23 East Africa 24 25 Uganda 27 Tanganyika 28 Zanzibar 29 Information Section 30 Published by THE INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS 36 Jermyn Street, London S W 1

World Affairs A New Broom in Washington John Fitzgerald Kennedy became President of the United Stat( January and speedily set about dispelling any complacency oi that might linger in administrative and legislative circles. His ir call to Americans to bear the burden of a 'long twilight struggle the common enemies of mankind: tyranny, poverty, disease itself' was followed by a grimly Churchillian 'State of the address aimed at impressing on his fellow-citizens the extent of I national peril and the national opportunity, at home and Attention was drawn to a forgotten group, the 'poor Am and to the 'denial of constitutional rights to some of our fellov cans on account of race'; to the growing menace of the Cold Asia and Latin America and to the even greater 'challenge of tt that lies beyond the Cold War'. To meet these external chalh advocated increased flexibility and a revision of military, econo political tools, equal attention to be paid to the 'olive branch' 'bunch of arrows'. A new and co-ordinated programme of economic, political and social progress should be establishe national peace corps of dedicated American men and women sI formed to assist in the local execution of this programme. Meanwhile the five-year Civil War centenary programme bel due solemnity at Grant's Tomb in New York and the grave o Virginia. Lecturing in Macon, Georgia, History Professor Be Wiley said: 'It is inconceivable that Lee, if he were alive toda3 advocate resistance to national authority or in any way abx turmoil or racial hatred.' Towards the end of January ( Governor, Ernest Vandiver, had second thoughts along these i a Federal Court had ordered the readmission of two Negroe University of Georgia, which had suspended them after soi segregationist rioting on the campus. The Negroes were ree without further incident and Governor Vandiver put forward point 'local option' plan for Georgia schools which was hail crack in Deep South resistance to desegregation. Business as Usual Elsewhere The United Nations Organisation and Mr. Hammarskjoeld into 1961 battered but unbowed. Both the Eastern and Weste found themselves more and more watching their international q's under the critical gaze of a steadily increasing Afro-Asian mitted' audience, the voting power of which would be even str, the 1961 Assembly. Mr. Hammarskjoeld cut short his visit t Africa and the Congo to fly back to New York for a Security meeting on the Congo called by Russia. His mood on the latter issue was described as one of 'optimistic despair' and 'resignation to chaos'. The Security Council rejected the move by its three Afro-Asian members (Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic), backed by Russia, to censure Belgium for alleged 'aggression' against the Congo. Earlier it had taken no action on the Cuban complaint of alleged 'imminent aggression' by the United States. In Belgium the strikes petered out, the federalist calls faded, the Loi Unique was passed, and M. Spaak returned to national politics. Nobody, however, seemed to believe that the basic causes of disorder and disunity had been removed. The Vatican announced the automatic excommunication of all in Haiti who had violated the rights of the Roman Catholic Church or used violence against two church leaders (four churchmen, including an Archbishop and Mgr. R~my Augustine, the Apostolic Delegate, have been expelled in recent months for objecting to Government moves against students). In Port-au-Prince the majority of students remained on strike. Indonesia's Defence Minister returned from Moscow early in January with a promise of 450 million dollars in military aid and equipment and a pledge of Soviet support for his country's efforts to 'free West Irian' (Netherlands New Guinea) from the 'colonisers'. In Malaya Tunku Abdul Rahman told Mr. Duncan Sandys that the United Nations should take an interest in the matter as soon as possible. Meanwhile the Netherlands and Australian Governments continued their 1958 policy of developing New Guinea as a whole, under increasingly dovetailed administrations with a certain Australian orientation. Zionists, Pan-Arabs and Pan-Africans In the Middle East the 25th World Zionist Congress met in Jerusalem and the Arab League assembled in Beirut. The main Zionist topic was the promotion and absorption of immigration and it appeared that outside Israel were now divided into persecuted communities who regard Israel as a haven but cannot go (as in Morocco, where there was a violent anti-Jewish outburst in the press in the middle of the month) and those in free countries who could but do not wish to go. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion told Western Zionists that instead of money (500 million dollars since Israel was set up) and good advice they should provide the state with trained and competent immigrants, otherwise Israel would become a Levantine state. He reminded delegates that 'Whoever dwells outside the land of Israel is considered to have no God' and that Israel was endangered by 40 million Arabs. In Beirut a Tunisian representative attended for the first time since 1958, when M. Bourguiba quarrelled with President Nasser. It seemed likely that Algeria and Israel would be the main items discussed. Increased Arab interest in Africa could be attributed at least partly to the growing Israeli penetration of Africa. The 'Pan-African' conference of 'militants' which met at Casablanca earlier in January had, despite President Nkrumah's hesitations, acceded to President Nasser's insistence and passed a resolution denouncing Israel as the 'instrument of imperialism and-neo-colonialism! in Africa. The African leaders also announced their intention to withdraw their troops from the U.N. command in the Congo, demanded the freeing of M. Lumumba and the disarming of Colonel Mobutu's army and announced the formation of a joint African high command and an African consultative assembly. In Lagos the African 'rule of law' conference opened under the auspices of the International Commission of Jurists. Dr. Elias, Nigeria's Minister of Justice, attacked the Ghana Preventive Detention Act as a' hang-over from British colonial administration' and pointed out that many newly-independent countries tended to perpetuate this 'instrument of tyranny'. Delegates agreed that 'fundamental human rights, especially the right to personal liberty, should be written into and entrenched in the constitutions of all countries and that such personal liberty should not in peacetime be restricted without trial in a court of law'. The Congo, Algeria and Portuguese Africa In the Congo chaos and fragmentation continued while famine increased; M. Lumumba was transferred to Katanga for safer custody but his support increased within and outside the country; there were reprisals against Europeans in Stanleyville and Kivu; the U.A.R. Government withdrew its 500-strong contingent of troops and others were said to be on the way out; President Kasavubu was no longer on speaking terms with Mr. Dayal and was demanding his recall. At the end of the month the neighbouring Belgian trust territory of Ruanda-Urundi came into the news with the deposition of the hereditary (and pro- Lumumba) Watutsi ruler of Ruanda, Mwami Kigeri V, at the instigation of the anti-monarchist Parmehutu majority movement representing the long-conquered Bahutu people. Urundi remained quiet. Despite massive abstentions of city Muslims at F.L.N. instigation the results of the January referendum gave President de Gaulle a sufficient mandate to proceed with his plans for an 'Algerian Algeria'. On 15 January the F.L.N. in Tunis warned all Algerians against participating in the new provisional institutions but later there were reports of peace moves and a group of Muslim members of the French Senate urged the reopening of negotiations. Sporadic F.L.N. outrages against civilians continued in Algeria and the hearings of the tribunal trying those accused of plotting the Algiers rising last year went on. World attention was suddenly focused on conditions in the static, publicity-shy Portuguese African territories as a result of the shortlived 'pirating' of the cruise- ship Santa Maria by Captain Henrique Galvio, playwright, former member of the National Assembly and author of a suppressed report on conditions in Angola, Mo ambique and Portuguese Guinea, for which he served twelve years in prison before escaping to the Argentine. 4

Commonwealth Miscellany There were elections in Zanzibar, the approval of a ministerial system for Aden, and disorders arising out of general strike action in the Gambia. Nigeria expelled the French envoy in protest against the recent French atomic test in the Sahara. The North and South Cameroons prepared to decide between Nigeria and the Cameroon Republic in a plebiscite on 11 February. In Malta Mr. Dom Mintoff's Labour Party affiliated with the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation; this body the Catholic Diocesan Committee called a 'tool for Communist propagation' and instructed all members not to vote for or belong to this party. En route for India and Pakistan the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh called in at the R.A.F. base in Cyprus, where they met Archbishop Makarios. It was reported that Cyprus was likely to apply for Commonwealth membership. In India their welcome was magnificent, cordial and unruffled by the regional and communal problems which still trouble India's internal peace. Earlier in January a 'fast unto death' by the Sikh devout Sant Fateh Singh terminated after twenty-one days and was followed by the release from prison of the Sikh leader, Master Tara Singh, and some 5,000 Sikhs arrested during recent political agitation. The Rev. Michael Scott caused perturbation amongst Indians who admire his championship of Africans by appearing in New Delhi as a mediator in the affairs of the Naga people. He had talks with Mr. Nehru but was not allowed to visit Nagaland. From Singapore came news of the foiling of a plot threatening racial warfare between Chinese and Malays by an extremist organisation known as the Soldiers of the Muslim Revolution. In Ceylon the religious schools crisis persisted until the Catholic Church made a volte-face on 17 January, calling off its militant agitation and expressing its complete faith in the Government. The Tamil agitation, however, continued and the Federal Party determined to launch a direct- action campaign from 31 January. Britain Immigration Discussion of possible legislative curbs on the free entry of Commonwealth immigrants to Britain continued with lowered frequency in the press and correspondence columns in January. A Yorkshire Post columnist considered that, despite Mr. Macleod's reluctance to change the law, a majority of the Cabinet now favoured legislation. Citizens of the Irish Republic were 'likely to be unaffected' (6/1). The Manchester Evening News (25/1) wrote that Mr. Macmillan was considering inviting the Prime Minister of the West Indies Federation, Sir Grantley

Adams, to attend the forthcoming Commonwealth Prime Ministers' conference to discuss the matter of controls. The Evening Standard and the Birmingham Evening Despatch (25/1) reported a private meeting of Conservative back- benchers from cities with large coloured settlements (London, Birmingham, Liverpool and Manchester) to compare notes on conditions and to draw up a 'control plan for immigrants'. The meeting was organised by Mr. Harold Gurden, M.P. (Selly Oak, Birmingham), who said that he and the other Birmingham Tory M.P.s wanted tests on health, a home, a job, enough money on arrival to prevent National Assistance being invoked, and a record of good social behaviour. In Kingston, Jamaica, Mr. Donald Chapman a Birmingham Labour M.P. told the local Rotary Club that he was sure the problem was being irrationally and wrongly blown up out of all proportion (Birmingham Mail 14/1). Back at home, two young Punjabis of doubtful nationality, who have sailed the oceans since September 1959 and been refused permission to land in Bombay and elsewhere, were at last allowed to land at Tilbury 'for a limited period' (Daily Mail 2/1). Also on the immigration issue a correspondent of the Gloucester Echo (30/12) thought Britain got the worst of every bargain in Commonwealth dealings, while a West Indian writing to the Sunday Times (1/1) asked: 'What will the people of Britain gain by excluding us except a deep feeling of shame that they have not lived up to their moral principles when they were put to the test?' 'Fair Employment' A 'code of fair employment' for coloured workers was recommended by Mr. Leslie Stevens, director of the Institute of Personnel Management, at a week-end school arranged by the Workers' Educational Association at Fircroft College, Selly Oak. He said that any coloured section of the population must now be regarded as a permanent factor in the community-trade unions should lead, and employers should help, in drawing up such a code (Birmingham Mail 9/1). In the Croydon Times (20/1) the prospective parliamentary Liberal candidate, Mr. Arnold E. Bender, chided a 'trade unionist' for saying in an earlier letter to the paper that 'coloured settlers put trade unionists on the dole or short time and keep their wages down'. Coloured nurses came in for special praise from a correspondent to the Sunday Times (15/1) and two Essex patients (Palmers Green Gazette 6/1 and Romford Times 11/1). In Brighton the public library committee firmly rejected a complaint by a local woman who found it 'offensive to be served by a native'. (Daily Express 4/1) The Churches In welcoming the appointment of the Bishop of Bradford, Dr. Coggan, as Archbishop of York, the Birmingham Post (20/1) recalled the 'fivepoint charter' for coloured people which he had put forward in York in

1959 and his statement: 'A coloured man, whether he be a brilliant university graduate or an illiterate pagan, is to me "the brother for whom Christ died".' The Methodist Recorder (12/1) published a feature on the 'one bright spot in Cable Street', St. Paul's Church House hostel for girls in Stepney. The evangelical weekly Life of Faith on 19 January carried a front-page article on 'The Welcoming of West Indians in our Midst' by Eddie Burke, until recently Advisor on Community Development to the West Indies Commission in Britain. The writer suggested five ways in which local people could help: (i) by befriending at least one West Indian; (ii) by passing on first-hand knowledge so gained to English friends; (iii) by helping to reduce instances of rejection and humiliation (e.g. in jobs, accommodation); (iv) by finding out about and making use of West Indian skills; (v) by showing respect for the church and avoiding shocking West Indians. Difficulties arising out of differing modes of worship were reported in South London. In Walworth residents of two streets planned to institute a prosecution under the new Noise Abatement Act against the Gospel Light Chapel of God, on the grounds of excessive noise, shouting and banging with tambourines until late on Wednesday and Sunday nights (South London Observer 7/1). A correspondent signing himself 'Free Thinker' wrote to the South London Press about two Jamaican Seventh Day Adventists who leave work earlier on Fridays during the winter months on religious grounds (South London Press 13/1). Five South London papers devoted considerable space (9/1 and 13/1) to a Ghanaian man who 'saw himself as a sort of Robin Hood', doing 'God's work' by taking from 'opulent' churches to 'give to poorer churches'. After being found guilty on four charges of obtaining money by false pretences with intent to defraud, he was committed to a mental hospital. From Harlesden came a report of anti-colour incidents at the Harley Gospel Hall, where a weekly 'Jamaica in London' prayer meeting is held. A gang of white youths had painted 'Go home you blacks' outside the mission and some white parents were said to be keeping their children away from Sunday school to avoid their mixing with coloured children. Alderman Reg Freeson, chairman of 's International Friendship Council, felt that the incidents were 'Fascistinspired' and did not indicate widespread prejudice in the borough. (Willesden Chronicle 23/12) Regional London. From Kensington came the news that a report by Mrs. P. Jeffrey, the West Indian social worker appointed through a Council grant to the Family Welfare Association, was in the hands of Council members. The report stressed the need to deal with individual problems at an early stage to prevent frictions evolving which might spark off a riot. Suggestions included the appointment of a liaison officer 'to introduce non-Europeans to the existing organisations in the area.' (Kensington News 13/1)

Housing was the single topic that figured most largely in the London press cuttings usually in reports of Rent Tribunal proceedings. Four cases involved coloured landlords and coloured tenants (South Western Star and South London Press 13/1 and 24/1; Gravesend and Dartford Reporter 21/1); in one case the Rent Tribunal chairman congratulated the West Indian landlord on his 'neat and tidy house' and told the tenant he was lucky to live there; six involved coloured landlords and white tenants (South London Observer 29/12; South London Press 30/12, 20/1, 24/1; South Western Star 7/1) (in three of these cases violence had been threatened on one side or the other); three cases concerned white landlords (one Polish) and coloured tenants (South Western Star 20/1; South London Press 24/1; South London Press 13/1). The latter report concerned a Nigerian student who asked for a rent cut because his landlady kept two wolves in the garden. A reporter from the Willesden Chronicle (6/1) reported that a 'race-bar' in accommodation existed in Willesden against dark-skinned, Irish and Continental people, and that about one-third of show-case advertisements in the area had 'forbidding' clauses. The Kensington News (13/1) reported progress towards better landlord-tenant relations in St. Stephen's Gardens thanks to efforts by Mr. and Mrs. Don Ezzreco of the Coloured People's Progressive Association. The great bulk of the remaining London cuttings came from South London and, although not usually carrying tendentious headlines, seemed likely to support unfavourable stereotypes about coloured people. Six cases of assorted violence were reported in some detail: in four both protagonists were coloured (Clapham Observer 6/1; South Western Star 13/1 and 20/1; Kentish Mercury 13/1; Tooting Gazette 20/1); in a fifth a fight between two coloured men led to a woman companion assaulting a policeman (South London Press 24/1); in the sixth case a complicated case of summons and cross-summons ended in fines for a Tooting woman and her son for assaulting a coloured man (South London Press 10/1). Coloured people were also associated with violence at second remove by Mr. A. H. Glenn Craske, the South-Western Magistrate, who, fining two Irish brothers for damaging coloured man's car in Clapham, made the widely publicised comment: 'There has been a great deal too much violence in this district, and (we) are determined to do what we can to stop it. A great deal of it, I am sorry to say, is trouble between coloured people and Irish, usually when the Irish have had a lot to drink.' (South Western Star 30/12). Other reports, less detailed but particularising the colour of the individual involved, concerned charges of living on immoral earnings (three cases), possessing or trafficking in Indian hemp (four cases) and two cases involving young white girls and coloured men. The De Speranza Club in Battersea (see January Newsletter) was finally ordered to close down (Clapham Observer 6/1), as was the Havana Club in Coldharbour Lane, described variously as the 'only social club for Africans in Brixton' and 'an absolute hell' (South London Press 17/1). The Norwood News of 30 December led with a feature under the headline 'Menace of the Riff-Raff Clubs' dealing with mixed coloured-white drinking clubs in Brockwell Park, West Norwood. The manager of the Brixtoria Dance Club in Brixton decided to ban coloured people, saying that in the past some coloured people had made themselves objectionable: 'They only come to meet white girls and hardly ever bring their own partners'. (South London Press 10/1) Reports of more socially-approved activities were fewer but included sporting events, two weddings, the institution of a course for immigrants on everyday life and problems in Britain arranged by the South Lambeth Institute (Guardian 13/1) and the participation of a West Indian actor in a forthcoming play by a Lewisham amateur dramatic society. (Sydenham Gazette 30/12) Birmingham. Birmingham again provided a large sheaf of cuttings for January. The dominant December issues, overcrowding in the 'twilight areas' and immigration, were carried over and a new one emerged in the shape of a ban on coloured workers by the city's ambulance service. The Sunday Mercury (15/1 and 22/1) and the Birmingham Mail (24/1) published lengthy and fairly sympathetic reports of conditions in which the 'new Brummies' (Indians, Pakistanis, West Indians and 8

Irish) live in Sparkbrook and on the Edgbaston-Balsall Heath border. This provoked considerable correspondence, mainly in favour of controls (Mercury 29/1). On 23 January Mr. Leslie Seymour, Conservative M.P. for Sparkbrook, made a fact-finding tour of the area. He later criticised the Birmingham Public Works Committee for the state of the streets, said that the rate of immigration to the city was too fast and suggested that the local authority, residents and earlier immigrants should be encouraged to educate newcomers in the standard of living expected of them. (Birmingham Post and Evening Dispatch 24/1) On 19 January an organisation called the Birmingham Immigration Control Committee held its first public meeting in Handsworth under the chairmanship of Mr. J. Sanders. The chairman of the Control Committee, Councillor C. A. Collett, told an all-white audience of 150 about 'the deterioration which is taking place in the city through uncontrolled immigration'. He advocated legislation to stop all immigration for five years and to control it thereafter; altering the law to allow for the deportation of undesirables, including the 'ruthless coloured landlords who exploit immigrants'; limiting the vote to immigrants with ten years' residence in this country; and legislation to prevent money being sent out of the country, except through properly controlled channels. (Birmingham Post 20/1). Some days earlier the Vicar of St. John's Church, Sparkhill, had praised West Indian bus conductors and conductresses (Birmingham Evening Despatch 6/1) and the Vicar of St. Aidan's, Small Heath, had written in his parish magazine that it was wrong to restrict immigrants: 'Without immigrants we should not be able to run our buses, which get the workers to their jobs, nor should we be able to maintain our hospitals ... The fact is that Birmingham cannot house the workers it needs-but it does need the workers, whether they are immigrants or not.' (Birmingham Mail 10/1) A deputation from the ambulance service met the city's Ambulance Sub- Committee on 5 January to discuss 'general problems' which might arise if more coloured people were employed (at present one Indian is employed out of a total personnel of 200 and the service is short of 60 staff). Receiving no satisfaction an anonymous spokesman announced an overtime ban, which was, however, called off after one day. Mr. W. L. Griffiths, divisional organiser of the National Union of Public Employees, issued a long statement reiterating that no colour bar was involved but that the ambulance men ('who have a deep pride in the efficient and humane service they render') felt apprehensive about public reactions to coloured ambulance workers in the performance of their job; 'The ambulance men have made repeated reference to the often intimate and extremely personal nature of the emergency first-aid treatment they must give to some patients, particularly women in difficulty or abnormal childbirth' (Birmingham Evening Despatch 12/1). Commenting on this change of decision Alderman W. T. Bowen, chairman of the Health Committee, said: 'The idea of a colour bar is too outrageous. If anyone objects to working with coloured workers because of their colour, I am happy that they should leave the service tomorrow. The City Council attitude is quite clear-no discrimination. If this is observed by the National Union of Public Employees, then there is no difference between us.' (Birmingham Mail 13/1). The ban had been deplored editorially by the Birmingham Evening Despatch and the Birmingham Mail. (11/1) Midlands. In Coventry the first Indian to be accepted as a conductor on Corporation buses started work, and Indians celebrated the eleventh anniversary of Indian independence at a celebration attended by the Lord Mayor of Coventry and some Indian High Commission officials (Coventry Evening Telegraph 20/1 and 30/1). In Wolverhampton the West End Working-Men's Club, which has five coloured members, was reported to have been operating a colour bar on new applications since July 1960. Asked for a reason, the Secretary said: 'It's the same as if you bring a coloured man home and your wife says she would prefer he didn't stay. She can't explain it-and it's the same with the men.' (Express and Star 5/1). Also in Wolverhampton Mr. Thomas Devis, a King Street licensee, announced that he would ban all unaccompanied women who accept drinks from coloured men on his premises (Birmingham Post 18/1). Nottingham was in the local and national news with what the Daily Mail (23/1 and 24/1) called 'the Strange Case of the Schoolgirl Bride'. 9

It was learned that Taharun Meah, a new girl amongst twelve-year-olds at Bentinck Secondary School for Girls, was married to 35-year-old restaurant- owner Captan Meah, who had brought her over from Pakistan in October 1960. Mr. Meah claimed that his bride was sixteen; a classmate parent said: 'If she's married she should not be at school, mixing with other young girls'; the Director of Education said: 'So far as I am concerned it will be lessons as usual'; the Chief Constable spoke of further investigations. (Nottingham Evening News and Nottingham Evening Post 23/1) Sheffield. The satisfactory employment situation was featured in the local press. Despite a slight deterioration in the January unemployment registrations, due mainly to seasonal lay-offs in the building trade and an 'influx of Jamaican women', the Sheffield Evening Telegraph (25/1) felt confident that they would quickly be absorbed into jobs. The employment exchange manager pointed out that only 147 coloured men and 59 coloured women were now registered compared with 231 and 62 at the same time last year (Star 11/1). In three cases in which coloured bus conductors were rudely treated or struck by passengers (all youths) the prosecutor commented that unfortunately both in this country and abroad coloured men seemed fair game to people wanting to be awkward. (Star 13/1) Liverpool. A feature article in the Liverpool Daily Post (30/12) looked forward to the eventual lifting of the shadow of partial unemployment that had overhung the city with the coming of four motor firms to the area. Discussing possible additional sources of labour the writer mentioned and the West Indies. Later in the month the Liverpool Echo (26/, 27/ and 28/1) published three articles by George Eglin on the coloured settlement in Liverpool in the formerly 'elegant homes of merchants and ship-owners whose family wealth was founded . . . on the slave trade'. The writer found that, while problems and prejudice persisted, Liverpool had come closer than any other English city to achieving racial integration and commended in particular the work of the Stanley House Community Centre. Mixed Marriages , Scotsman and Birmingham Post (13/1) contained reports of Sir John Wolfenden's remarks on mixed marriages in an article on race relations in the 1961 edition of the Church of England Year Book. He considered that Britons, who are one of the most 'mongrel' peoples of the human race, are prejudiced when it comes to marriages of mixed colour. The attitude was not so much ill-disposed as insular, and fears of social consequences were a major reason. Young people were, however, much more ready to take differences of colour for granted-a promising sign. Some national dailies, notably the social column of the Daily Mail, devoted considerable space to the 'coloured jazzman who married into Debrett', when a peer's daughter married a jazz pianist from Trinidad after a 'whirlwind one-day courtship' (Daily Express 7/1; Daily Mail 4/1, 6/1 and 7/1). A writer to the Yorkshire Evening Post (20/1) took issue with Sir John Wolfenden about the mongrel character of the British; another felt that 'black is black and white is white; the union of the two is a crime'; and a West Indian felt dismay at the paper's attitude to mixed marriages. Other Topics Aspects were reported of the school children's conference organised by the Council for Education in World Citizenship in early January on 'Something New Out of Africa'; it was opened by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Macleod and speakers included Dr. Busia and Dr. Ritchie Calder, who called the children 'the best audience in the world' and told them to go and educate their elders. A Sunday Times (8/1) reporter wrote: 'They were very earnest, this audience, very amiable; they saw both sides of every issue, and they sat in large murmuring circles discussing how the world had gone wrong. . . . They cheered the mention of Dag Hammarskjoeld, mixed marriages, the boycott of South African goods, attacks on the Belgians. They were very likeable, but they weren't going to set the world on fire.' 10

South Africa Aftermath of Church Conference The decisions taken at the December conference of eight South African Protestant churches sponsored by the World Council of Churches brought strong reaction within the Dutch Reformed Churches. The Afrikaans press was inundated with letters from ministers and laymen condemning the support given by the D.R.C. delegates to the resolutions. In many cases the criticisms linked the conference with the anti-apartheid arguments in the book Vertraagde Aksie (see December Newsletter). A number of public meetings were held to protest against the liberal views expressed by the church leaders. At Brits 2,000 laymen and ministers denounced the 'liberalistic and communistic' thoughts expressed in the book (Transvaler 7/1). The D.R.C. Council of Pretoria strongly rejected the attitudes of the delegates who attended the inter-church conference and decided to ask the Synod of the Transvaal D.R. Church to resign from the World Council of Churches. (Transvaler 12/1) Nationalist Senator J. Grobler in an article in Dagbreek en Sondagnuus (15/1) said the Government could never accept the findings of the inter-church conference and asserted that it was common knowledge that communistic influences were at work within the World Council of Churches. In Parliament Mr. Japie Basson, ex- Nationalist, told the Government: 'Nothing you do will enable you to escape the inevitable outcome of the great movement which has started in the churches on colour issues.' (Rand Daily Mail 27/1) Die Voorligter (The Lantern), the official magazine of the D.R.C., said in its February issue that considerable confusion and uncertainty had arisen among followers of the church as a result of the decisions taken and the statements made at the inter-church conference. Referring to 'the flood of correspondence in the public press and the editorial comment thereon' Die Voorligter appealed to church members to exercise more patience and practise a little more faith and to give the church leaders concerned a chance to state their views and explain their actions at the forthcoming Synods and the meeting of the Church Council in March. Mr. Hammarskjoeld's Visit The long-awaited visit to South Africa by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Dag Hammarskjoeld, took place early in January. During his brief visit Mr. Hammarskjoeld visited Pretoria, Cape Town and Pondoland. With the approval of Dr. Verwoerd he had talks with three former African National Congress leaders (Pretoria News 13/1). At the conclusion of the visit the Department 11 of External Affairs said that Dr. Verwoerd would inform the Cabinet on his discussions with Mr. Hammarskjoeld, while the latter would report to the Security Council. The official statement said that although the Prime Minister insisted that the discussions did not mean recognition by the Government of UNO's authority he had utilised the opportunity to explain the Union's policies and their application. (Transvaler 13/1) The Sunday Tribune (15/1) commented that Mr. Hammarskjoeld had been asked by the Security Council to see if the South African Government could be induced to abandon its policies of apartheid and racial discrimination and asked: 'What is the answer that Mr. H. has taken back?' Ex-Chief Luthuli, former president of the banned A.N.C., said that until Mr. Hammarskjoeld made a public statement his visit would remain under a cloud and tend to make Non-Whites suspicious not only of his role as Secretary-General but of the Security Council and the United Nations itself (Star 13/1). The South African Congress Alliance sent a report to the United Nations criticising Mr. Hammarskjoeld's visit, mainly because he failed to make any effort to meet the leaders of the opposition political organisations, especially the Non-Whites (Rand Daily Mail 20/1). Contact (28/1) reported that a Liberal Party delegation had been able to see Mr. Hammarskjoeld's African affairs adviser, Mr. A. Wieshchoff, for ten minutes in Pretoria; the latter had told the delegation that the Commissioner-General for the Transkei, Mr. Hans Abraham, had been 'unpleasant, provoking and downright bad-mannered' in his speech at a dinner given for Mr. Hammarskjoeld and that the normally cool and unruffled SecretaryGeneral had lost his temper 'and given Abraham back better than he had got from him'. Pondoland Unrest Five weeks after a state of emergency was declared in Pondoland an official statement was issued in Pretoria that peace had been restored throughout the area. (Star 5/1) The Chief Information Officer of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development denied that hundreds of Pondos had been arrested and said such rumours were attempts to create a bad atmosphere on the eve of the arrival of the Secretary-General of the United Nations (Rand Daily Mail 6/1). New Age (19/1) alleged that reports were circulating in Pondoland that men and women were being rounded up in large numbers, herded into army trucks and transported to an unknown destination. Die Transvaler (27/1) stated that a meeting of 500 Pondos near Bizana had unanimously decided to apologise to the Government for their disorderly behaviour and to fine themselves £5 each to recompense those who had suffered damage. In reply to a question in Parliament the Minister of Justice said that 4,769 Africans, 2 Whites and 2 people of other races had been arrested in Pondoland. Of these, 2,067 Africans and the 4 others had been 12 brought to trial. Replying to another question the Minister of Defence said the army forces had not met with any armed resistance nor had they used fire-arms, except for one warning shot in the case of an escaping African. The only casualties inflicted were of a minor nature, accidentally caused. (Cape Argus 27/1) Reports on Sharpeville and Langa When Parliament opened on 20 January the reports of the Commissions of Enquiry into the Sharpeville and Langa disturbances were tabled by the Minister of Justice, Mr. F. C. Erasmus. He said (Star 26/1) that the Langa report was available to the Government on 30 July and the Sharpeville report was in his hands on 25 October. He explained that their release was delayed because the Government believed that it was preferable to table them in the House of Assembly rather than to release them to the press and have them distorted. (1) Sharpeville. In his report on Sharpeville Mr. Justice P. J. Wessels said that the task entrusted to him was to hear evidence on the events on the day of 21 March and to present a report of the facts; it was not the task of the commission to report on the liability or responsibility of individuals. The report says the Pan-African Congress was closely connected with the events but there was no evidence that the P.A.C. openly advocated violence. Mr. Justice Wessels says that although he was not impressed by all the police witnesses he had no doubt that they were of the opinion that their lives were in danger immediately before the shooting. In general, however, his view was that there was no organised attempt by the crowd to attack the police. (2) Langa. Mr. Justice Diemont, reporting on the Langa disturbances, described some of the police actions as undisciplined, unjustified and unlawful but added that most of the police carried out their duties with discipline and self-control. He said he was satisfied beyond all doubt by the evidence that the leaders of the P.A.C. urged the people to avoid violence and bloodshed but that Philip Kgosana was responsible for deliberately spreading the rumour that some high authority would give the people an answer to their demands for the abolition of reference books. Mr. Justice Diemont concluded: 'I am of the opinion that Kgosana and his co-leaders acted irresponsibly. It was a mischievous action which was calculated to have serious repercussions.' Race Relations Conference The South African Institute of Race Relations held its annual council meeting in Cape Town during the third week of January. Mr. Justice 0. D. Schreiner, recently retired from the Bench, was elected national president (Cape Times 20/1). The retiring president, Professor E. H. Brookes, appealed to the Whites of South Africa to offer something real and tangible to the Non-Whites, and to the Non- Whites to accept such concessions as an instalment of better things to come (Rand 13

Daily Mail 18/1). The conference called for the complete abolition of the pass system and for the development, both agriculturally and industrially, of depressed rural areas like the reserves to make it possible for the inhabitants to earn a living. Another resolution condemned the proposed Publications and Entertainments Bill (a measure of tighter censorship) as a violation of the right of free expression. (Cape Times 23/1) National Support for Dr. Verwoerd's Policy for Coloureds Following upon a period of rumour of differences inside the Nationalist Party on policy regarding the Coloured people, the Federal Council of the Party issued a statement fully supporting the interpretation of its policy as expounded by the Prime Minister, Dr. Verwoerd (see January Newsletter). The secretary of the Federal Council said that members were unanimous in their support of Dr. Verwoerd. The Council's statement emphasised that separate development 'is the only possible and morally defensible policy' and condemned the policy of integration as 'destructive of the rights and even the future existence of the biggest section of each race group, as well as the high level of cultural and economic life in the country, and as well as the maintenance of Christianity'. (Dagbreek en Sondagnuus 22/1; Die Burger 23/1) Exiles Plan Campaign Against South Africa After discussions over two months exiled leaders of five organisations claiming to represent the Non-Whites of South Africa and South West Africa formed themselves into an international organisation called the South African United Front. Meeting in London, they evolved a campaign aimed at bringing about an adverse decision on the Union's Commonwealth membership when the Prime Ministers meet in London in March (Star 17/1). The South African United Front announced on 23 January that it is studying plans to cut off the supply of African labour from territories outside the Union to the South African gold mines. Most of the 360,000 Africans working in the mines are recruited outside the Union. United Front leaders said the campaign against racial segregation and White domination would include intensification of the trade boycott and economic sanctions. (Rand Daily Mail 24/1) Passports (1) Refused. The Government refused two Port Elizabeth schoolteachers passports to take up teaching posts in the Federation. One of the teachers said that many Coloured teachers were working in factories because they could not get appointments in South African schools. (Evening Post 23/1) (2) Withdrawn. The vice-president of the National Union of South African Students, Mr. Hugh Lewin, had his passport seized by order 14 of the Minister of the Interior. No reason was given but Mr. Lewin stated that he believed that the seizure was connected with his student activities. He was one of the student leaders who addressed a meeting of Fort Hare students after they had been ordered off the campus. He attended a student conference at Ibadan, Nigeria, last year; on the way he visited Ghana, where he signed the anti-apartheid declaration demanded by the Ghana Government. (Sunday Times 22/1) Kgosana and Others Flee Philip Kgosana, the 23-year-old former university student who led the march of 30,000 Africans on Cape Town on 30 March last year, was reported to have fled from South Africa when he failed to appear at the resumed hearing of his trial on a charge of incitement. With him were four others accused in the same case (Cape Times 10/1). Later a magistrate in Maseru, Basutoland, refused to grant an extradition order against these four men, who had made their way to the High Commission Territory (Star 19/1). Kgosana was reported to be somewhere in Basutoland waiting for an aeroplane to take him to London via Dar-es-Salaam. (Rand Daily Mail 21/1) Treason Trial The Treason Trial was resumed on 9 January after the Christmas recess. Throughout January the Crown continued its address to the Court. The Star (9/1) reported that 7 million words of evidence have so far been recorded and that since they were arrested on 5 December 1956 the accused have travelled more than 20,000 miles between their homes, the Johannesburg Drill Hall and the Special Court in Pretoria and have spent more than 1,500 hours in court. According to the report of the Auditor-General, the total expenditure incurred by the Government in the Treason Trial up to 31 March 1960 was £113,587, excluding the cost of altering and furnishing a building for the Special Court (Rand Daily Mail 25/1). On 27 January the trial was adjourned for ten days because of the renewed illness of Mr. Justice Kennedy (Star 27/1). In Cape Town the Administrator of the Cape warned the Cape Town City Council that if it allowed the City Orchestra to be hired out for a concert in aid of the Treason Trial Defence Fund it might lose its annual subsidy of £7,500 (Cape Times 21/1). The Council refused to withdraw from the arrangement and the concert was duly held, attracting an audience of 1,300. (Cape Argus 23/1) Sports Apartheid The South African Sports Association, a Non-White organisation, decided at its first biennial meeting in Johannesburg on 16 January to ask the International Olympic Games Council to expel the South African Olympic Games Association if it refused 'to offer friendship to all South Africans on a basis of equality'. The meeting also resolved to launch a campaign in which all true sportsmen, White and 15

Black, would be asked to boycott sporting events conducted on racial lines. In an address to the meeting Mr. Reg Honey, South Africa's representative on the Olympic Games Committee, advised the South African Sports Association to compromise on the issue of racial discrimination in sport for the time being. He said: 'If you are successful in getting South Africa expelled from the world body, you will probably never take the place of the White section without our assistance. By coming to a compromise and accepting the position as it is now Non-White sportsmen would be given a chance to wear the Springbok colours.' (Rand Daily Mail 16/1) Department of Asiatic Affairs The Prime Minister announced (Die Burger 21/1) that the Government intended to establish a Department of Asiatic Affairs and a Department of Immigration in the near future. Indian leaders promptly rejected the idea of a separate state department to cater for Indians. Mr. P. R. Pather, president of the Natal Indian Organisation, said: 'Nothing can be more dangerous than to compartmentalise every section of the population.' Dr. G. M. Naicker, president of the Natal Indian Congress, said: 'The Indian people are not interested in any tribal institution in place of a truly non-racial democracy. We claim to be South Africans of Indian origin and as such want a direct say in the government of this country through the ballot box.' (Star 21/1) A spokesman of the Transvaal Indian Congress said the department could never be a true medium of liaison between the Indian people and the Government and would be contrary to all the precepts of democracy. (Rand Daily Mail 24/1) Central Africa New Year Lull As the New Year opened there was a pause in the intense political activity which had marked the closing stages of 1960. In the two the political protagonists consolidated their positions before the second round of the territorial constitutional talks; in Nyasaland the opposing parties began to prepare their platforms in anticipation of the first elections to be held under the new constitution. January was singularly free of the controversies which had become such a regular feature of the Federal scene but observers agreed that the basic conflicts would again emerge with the resumption of the territorial conferences. Their predictions were borne out. Although the year came in like a lamb the Federal Prime Minister, Sir , sallied forth like a lion. In a New Year message he accused 'certain African nationalists' of 'maintaining their leadership by intimidation and thuggery'. He pledged an 'all-out war on thugs' and stated that the alternative to the Federal Government's policy of partnership, 'though it may spell Africa for the Africans, will nevertheless see the entrenchment of the savagery reflected in the weapon of intimidation now used'. (Sunday Mail 1/1) A Full Pigeon-Hole for Mr. Sandys The preliminary examination of Southern Rhodesia's constitution began on 16 January. Delegates were drawn from the main political parties and the High Commissioner sat in as an observer. The president of the National Democratic Party, Mr. , agreed to attend the talks under the chairmanship of Sir on the understanding that the conference proper would not resume until the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, Mr. Duncan Sandys, took the chair. Accordingly the talks were described by such terms as 'preliminary discussions' and 'delegates' meetings'. Their purpose was to undertake a clause-byclause examination of the existing constitution, disposing of those matters on which delegates showed unanimous agreement and holding over controversial matters until the arrival of Mr. Sandys. A strict security curtain was placed around the meetings and press reports on the discussions were confined to speculation on the occasional cryptic official statements. The examination of the clauses was followed by brief discussions on papers presented by the parties represented and at the end of a week the delegates were able to adjourn with 37 of the 64 clauses disposed of and with their relative positions officially tabled. Mr. Sandys was summoned. His role, said the Evening Standard (25/1), would be that of 'both mediator and adjudicator ... He will face a most difficult task when he takes over the chairmanship.' Said (23/1): 'The preliminary talks have avoided any major clash . . . and the policy adopted has been "Shelve this until Mr. Sandys arrives". . . . The skirmishing has been a series of scraps in which no section of the delegates has been prepared to give any ground on basic principles.' Of the controversial clauses left over for discussion under Mr. Sandys's chairmanship the most important concerned parliamentary representation. 'All other knotty problems', said the Herald, 'seem to depend on the answer to the question: Who is to get the vote?' A Discordant Start to Decisive Talks On his arrival in Salisbury Mr. Sandys began a series of meetings with leading delegates in preparation for the resumption of the 17 conference on 30 January. His hopes were summarised in the comment: 'Given a spirit of realism on all sides, I see no reason why agreement should not be reached on all outstanding points on a fair, honourable and workable basis for all concerned.' (Herald 28/1) The Dominion Party put a sinister interpretation on Mr. Sandys's remarks. Said the M.P. for North: 'Judging from Mr. Sandys's blithe reference to "realism" it appears that he has come to the constitutional talks attuned entirely to the wrong political wavelength. If he imagines he can impose a prefabricated Kenya-style formula on Southern Rhodesia he will, as far as the Dominion Party is concerned, be swiftly and mightily disillusioned.' (Herald 30/1) The N.D.P., on the other hand, in a pre-conference press statement, insisted that it would pursue undeviatingly its goal of universal adult suffrage. The party also announced that it had retained the services of Dr. T. 0. Elias, Attorney-General and Minister of Justice in Nigeria, to act as its constitutional adviser at the talks. An 'authoritative' Government source responded by stating that Dr. Elias would 'definitely not' be allowed to attend the conference (Herald 30/1). Dr. Elias cancelled his passage and the N.D.P. immediately cabled Dr. (a member of the party currently serving with the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa in ) asking him to come instead. When the conference opened on 30 January some hundreds of Africans gathered outside the meeting-place to cheer and jeer (according to affiliation) as the delegates arrived. A number of placards were displayed expressing such fruity apophthegms as 'Welcome, Duncan, but don't sell three million people to the vultures' and 'We want universal adult suffrage, i.e. One Man One Vote'. Mr. Sandys moved around the crowd collecting the placards so that 'I'll know what you want'. After tucking them under his arm he marched into the conference (Herald 31/1). When the Prime Minister arrived he was greeted by 'loud shouts of derision' according to the Evening Standard. (30/1). Two Africans were arrested, the demonstrators were cleared from the conference precincts and the talks began. Mixed-Up Marriage Laws Following the imprisonment of a European woman and an African man for having sexual relations the Colony's Immorality and Indecency Suppression Act (which prohibits immoral associations between African women and European men but not vice versa) came in for vigorous criticism from various quarters on the grounds that the Act discriminated between races as well as sexes and that personal behaviour could not be altered by legislation. Said the African Daily News (13/1): 'Women of all races have condemned the Act as it stands today.' A correspondent described it as 'one of the most unfair laws' while another asked, 'I wonder how many people think there has been justice as far as this case is concerned?' (African Daily News

10/1) 'The justice of this old legislation has been questioned,' reported the Herald(19/1). The Government was cautious, its Minister of Native Affairs deciding to invite the public's views. Letters were sent to European and African women's organisations and to the churches 'asking them to submit their views on the need for a change in the Act'. Equal caution was shown by the Federal Government-for both political and diplomatic reasons-when a member of its London staff, the Assistant Information Attach6 at Rhodesia House, Mr. Lawrence Vambe, speaking in his private capacity at a public meeting, suggested that inter-marriage could provide a solution to the problems of a multi-racial society (Sunday Mail 8/1). The matter was allowed to rest after Mr. Vambe had issued an 'explanation'. Precautions, Politics and Arson in the Townships It was announced that a 'strict check' would be kept on Europeans entering African municipal townships. The main reason given was 'a precaution against rioting'. It was said that 'disturbances flare up very quickly'; Europeans in trouble could be rescued if their presence in the townships was known. Visitors would carry a sticker on their car and would 'sign the book' before entering any of the townships concerned. The Government-administered suburb of Highfield was, however, excluded from the regulations. (Herald 25/1) Southern Rhodesia's largest political meeting was held on 8 January, when leading members of the N.D.P. addressed a crowd estimated to number between 25,000 and 30,000 in African township. A handful of Europeans were present. 'The question of the party being representative of the African people', said the Daily News (9/1), 'can no longer be in dispute.' Later in the month the N.D.P. was accused by the Sunday Mail (22/1) of ancestor worship. Retorted the party's deputy president, Mr. Moton Malianga: 'And Europeans lay wreaths at the statue of Cecil Rhodes.' Buildings belonging to four Africans in Harare and Highfield African townships were fired by petrol bombs in December. Two of the victims were U.F.P. delegates to the London talks, one was a journalist covering the talks and the fourth occupied a neighbouring house to that of another U.F.P. delegate. No one was injured. Police offered a reward of £500 for information about the attacks and arrests were made at the end of December. (Evening Standard 16/12 and 30/12) Forward Moves and a Backward City Council A statement issued by the Prime Minister's office announced that the Southern Rhodesian Civil Service would be thrown open to all races on 1 January. 'The whole purpose of the scheme', said the statement, 'is to give effect to the Government's decision that, irrespective of race or colour, there shall be equal pay for equal work.' New training and selection methods would be introduced to ensure that there was no lowering of standards. (Evening Standard 23/12)

In late December the Salisbury City Council, an all-European body, awarded a £200,000 contract for the building of 396 houses in a new African township to Messrs. Posselt and Coull, a firm employing European artisans. The firm's tender was some £24,000 higher than that of another construction company-Costain (Africa)-which proposed to employ African labour. European unemployment was given as one of the main reasons for the City Council's choice. Some fifty unemployed European artisans, it was said, were registered at the employment exchange. (The last estimate of African unemployment in the Colony put the figure at some 80,000.) A major row ensued. Councillor H. Posselt, last year's Mayos of Salisbury and a director of the firm awarded the contract, resigned from the Council and his firm requested permission to withdraw its tender (his action was described as gentlemanly and his integrity was in no way called in question). The City Council refused to alter its decision but three dissenting members announced that they would take legal action against the Council if it insisted on awarding the contract to any firm but the lowest tenderer (Herald 21/12 et seq.). 'The Salisbury City Council', said the Daily News (28/12), 'is possibly the most backward in the country . . . Several Councillors are so backward that they should no longer be entrusted with any responsible position.' At this stage the Government stepped in with a statement by the Prime Minister, Sir Edgar Whitehead, that 'Salisbury City Council is in danger of having future Government loans refused if it persists in the attitude it has adopted' (Herald 4/1). 'Intimidation!' declared an elderly Alderman. The Prime Minister, he suggested, 'should be brought to trial under the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act' (Herald 5/1). But at a subsequent meeting the City Council reversed its decision and awarded the contract to Costains. (Herald 10/1) Northern Rhodesia The first indication of impending crisis came in the middle of January when a member of the Legislative Council resigned as a delegate to the constitutional talks in protest against what he termed 'a slight on the Federal Government'. The member believed that the Federal Government should be represented at the talks by virtue of its 'considerable executive and administrative governing powers in Northern Rhodesia'. Similar demands for Federal representation at the resumed territorial conference were reported by the Northern News (12/1) to be growing throughout the country. Speeches by leading members of the U.F.P. indicated a growing determination to prevent an African parliamentary majority. 'Macleod, no further south!' declaimed Mr. John Roberts to a Lusaka audience. The majority of the European population stood squarely behind the 20 politicians and four main branches of the Copperbelt European Mineworkers' Union 'expressed their readiness to strike should constitutional changes be brought in which would mean the passing of government into irresponsible hands. A stoppage could be called in twelve hours.' (Sunday Mail 29/1) The word 'irresponsible' was understood to be synonymous with 'African'-the Sunday Mail's headline stating, 'Miners to Strike if Africans Rule'. African opinion was against any Federal intrusion into the territorial talks. Nyasaland, it was argued, had been given a new constitution without the active participation of the Federal Government, neither were representatives from that government attending the Southern Rhodesia talks. Northern Rhodesia's new constitution was an exclusively territorial matter and attendance by Federal representatives was not in the interests of the Africans. 'Why should the British Government be bullied by Welensky's satellites?' asked Mr. Kaunda. (Herald 28/1) Some Delegates Fail to Take Off On 25 January, five days before the talks were due to resume, Sir Roy Welensky, with three of his Cabinet Ministers, flew to Lusaka to attend a meeting with Northern Rhodesia's U.F.P. leaders. Two days later the U.F.P. delegates to the constitutional talks, supported by the Dominion Party, cancelled their air passages to London. 'It is understood', said the Evening Standard (27/1), 'that this decision was taken after a big row between the British Government and the U.F.P. leaders over a shock communication outlining drastic proposals for the talks.' The Herald (28/1) reported that 'well-informed sources' believed the decision to have been taken on Sir Roy Welensky's instructions (he was 'understood to have received a copy of the proposals'). Shortly afterwards both Mr. Roberts and the Federal Minister of Law, Mr. J. Greenfield, flew to London 'for talks with the British Government but not to participate in the territory's constitutional conference (Sunday Mail 29/1). The Liberal Party leader, Sir John Moffat, referring to the talks boycott, said that 'there had been either a gross breach of confidence by Sir Roy or an attempt by him to control the course of the constitutional discussions before they started'. (Herald 30/1) In the meanwhile the United Kingdom Government had conceded that all parties to the talks might have Federal representation. Delegations would not be increased in size but one Federal M.P. could be substituted for one other delegate in each party's team (Evening Standard 27/1). As a result of this concession to the Federal Government the U.N.I.P. delegates were reported to have left for London in 'a very angry mood'. Despite the boycott by the European-led parties the conference began on schedule. 'If anyone does not turn up that is their business,' said a Colonial Office spokesman. (Herald 30/1)

Nyasaland Early in January the Nyasaland Government gazetted the electoral regulations which were to operate under the Protectorate's new constitution. These laid down inter alia that 'simple literacy in any one of eight languages or dialects and proof that one has paid tax for at least ten years can gain a vote . . . The qualifications for the right to vote are the lowest in the Federation.' (Nyasaland Times 6/1) 'Many African women will also be able to vote,' said the Herald (4/1). 'The regulations do not require a voter to be a citizen of the Federation to qualify for the vote, as is the case in the other two territories of the Federation.' The regulations were immediately challenged by the U.F.P. In a rapid assessment a spokesman said that they went 'so far beyond the decisions of the London conference (last) August that they raise the greatest doubt as to the intentions of the Nyasaland Government and the Colonial Office' (Evening Standard 4/1). 'This franchise', said the News (7/1), 'is One Man One Vote through the back door.' The electoral rules were based on the recommendations of the Working Party set up to implement the conclusions of the 1960 Lancaster House conference. Certain minor amendments were made by the Colonial Secretary. These included a reduction in the qualifying age for candidates from 27 to 25, the inclusion of Urdu in the list of qualifying languages and facilities for postal voting on the higher roll (Nyasaland Times 13/1). Following publication of the Working Party's report and the gazetting of the regulations, Mr. A. Dixon, leader of the U.F.P. in Nyasaland, made a 'slashing attack' on the Colonial Secretary, accusing him of 'selling us down the river'. Mr. Dixon asserted that 'The Working Party report deviates to a fantastic degree from the written and oral undertakings given at Lancaster House. It is a betrayal on the same scale as that of the Europeans in Kenya and is typical of Mr. Macleod.' (Nyasaland Times 20/1) The Evening Standard (5/1), however, considered that 'in many respects the regulations are admirable.' Pre-Election Speculations and Tensions Publication of the regulations was followed by speculation on the election date. At a press conference the Acting Chief Secretary, Mr. P. Richardson, was reported to have said that July was 'the earliest possible date' that they could be held (Nyasaland Times 20/1). This was immediately denied by a Government spokesman, who stated that Mr. Richardson had 'made it quite clear that it was utterly impossible to forecast the date of the election' (Herald 20/1). The Nyasaland division of the U.F.P. announced that it was 'delighted' at the delay (Nyasaland Times 20/1). Said the Malawi News: 'We know that the 22

U.F.P. are very happy (at the postponement). They think this will give them time in which to strengthen their position for the elections.' The Malawi News believed that the U.F.P. would exploit the delay by provoking a situation which would force the Government to 'suspend the constitution and arrest some of our influential men'. The journal warned that the people were in 'no mood to entertain any unnecessary delays'. The African Mail (24/1) also warned against delaying the elections. Nyasaland, it said, was 'at a standstill due to political uncertainty- and the air is full of tension'. Elections in May, as previously hoped for, were late enough; to hold them in July was 'ridiculous'. The Mail was not over-stating the case when it referred to 'tension'. The charges and counter-charges of recent weeks had created no atmosphere of pre-election tolerance and Dr. Banda was constrained to call a 'peace and calm' conference on 22 January. Ironically this produced the opposite effect, through a series of mischances. As Dr. Banda was addressing a crowd of some 6,000 an impression, variously ascribed to the presence of a television cameraman and to the police, arose that an attempt was about to be made on his life. The crowd surged to Dr. Banda's aid, the loudspeaker broke down, rain fell heavily, the speakers' platform collapsed, pandemonium reigned. Threatened police used tear gas and reinforcements were called. Dr. Banda attempted to calm his followers from the roof of his car. The crowd was at length dispersed when the police reinforcements arrived. Eighteen Africans were arrested but eleven were later released. Thirty people were injured, one fatally. The Malawi Congress Party called for a judicial enquiry and the Government for a full report. Bechuanaland During December there were two unobtrusive but important indications of political and economic foresight in the quiescent British Protectorate of Bechuanaland. Firstly it was announced that the country was to receive autonomous government after elections in May 1961. A British Government Order in Council decreed that the Protectorate would be given a new constitution in which legislative and executive councils would be established for the first time. The legislative council would have an elected unofficial majority with parity between Africans and Europeans (ten seats each) and an additional member for Asians. The new constitution would run for a period of five years. (Herald 31/12) Secondly information was published indicating that the Rhodesian Selection Trust Group of Companies had agreed that African directors would be appointed to any mining company formed in the Bamangwato area of Bechuanaland. In June 1959 the Bamangwato

Tribal Authority had signed a mineral concession with R.S.T. granting the latter prospecting and exploitation rights, but details of the agreement had not then been disclosed. Outlining aspects of the agreement (which had been published in a London journal) the African Mail (27/12) reported that it included provision for the Bamangwato to receive royalties and shareholdings in addition to directorships. 'This revolutionary move by Sir Ronald Prain (chairman of R.S.T.) . . . is thought to be the first time any big organisation in southern Africa has pledged itself to appoint African directors,' said the Mail. East Africa PAFMECA Conference The most important gathering yet held of East and Central African leaders took place on 11 January in KANU headquarters at Nairobi under the auspices of the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East and Central Africa, whose current chairman is Mr. Tom Mboya. From East Africa there came Mr. Nyerere (Tanganyika), Mr. Milton Obote and Mr. Benedict Kiwanuka (Uganda), Mr. Aziz Hamisi (Zanzibar), and Messrs. Mboya, Odinga and Kiano (Kenya). From Central Africa came Mr. Kenneth Kaunda (Northern Rhodesia) and Mr. Joshua Nkomo (Southern Rhodesia). Dr. Banda was unable to attend. The leaders called for the break-up of the Central African Federation and the creation of an East African federation, and looked forward to an eventual federation of all the East and Central African territories. The conference envisaged that as soon as African-controlled governments were in power the chief ministers should meet to work out the details of an East African federation, which is 'politically and economically essential now for the unity and social betterment of the peoples of these countries'. According to the Daily Nation (13/1) it was tacitly agreed that if Uganda proved to be a stumbling-block Kenya and Tanganyika would go ahead without her in the first instance. The East African Standard (13/1) expressed the view editorially that a federation conference later in the year with the participation of the British Government was now a certainty. Mr. Nyerere summed up: 'I think 1 could now put the federation as a probability.' (Daily Nation 13/1) Salaries Commission The report of the Fleming Commission on the terms and conditions of service of civil servants in East Africa was published on 7 January. It recommended substantial salary increases, particularly for expatriate European civil servants. There has been a steady flood of criticism 24 of the report from all parts of East Africa, especially by African and Asian civil servants alleging gross racial discrimination in favour of Europeans. The Governments have not yet announced to what extent they accept the report and consequently have felt themselves unable to correct the misunderstandings on which most of this criticism is based. It is an unfortunate situation. Kenya Primary Elections The first part of the election campaign has been completed with the selection of candidates for the 21 non-African seats who are to go forward to the common roll elections. In these primaries voting was restricted to members of the race for whom the constituency was reserved. The procedure was unusual in that a voter could send forward as many or as few candidates as he wished. Candidates were required to secure a minimum of 25 per cent of the votes cast in order to remain in the running. The contests in the eleven Asian seats were of little general interest and most candidates were sent forward. Attention centred on the ten European primaries, and in particular on the contest between Mr. Michael Blundell and Sir Ferdinand Cavendish-Bentinck. The Coalition received powerful confirmation of its claim to represent the majority of European opinion in the country, gaining 61 per cent of the total poll. In the conventional sense it 'won' 8 of the 10 seats, the other 2 going to independents. But to be sure of victory in this election it was necessary for the Coalition to reduce the votes of its opponents to less than 25 per cent of the total, so that they were completely eliminated in the primaries. This stricter condition was fulfilled in only three cases. Mr. Blundell himself barely scraped home with a poll of 26.7 per cent-'I have always enjoyed skating on thin ice.' (Daily Nation 24/1) The campaign itself had crystalised the widespread feelings of disillusion and betrayal of Europeans and their growing apprehensions for the future. The British Government is blamed for this and the best way of registering a protest, especially against Mr. Macleod, was to vote against his chosen instrument (as it is generally thought), Mr. Blundell and his New Kenya Party. Feeling ran high at a number of meetings and at one a prominent farmer who had accompanied Sir Ferdinand to London last year led an egg-throwing incident that received international publicity. 'What an example to set the Africans!' (Daily Nation 19/1) was a widespread comment which had interesting overtones of its own. The daily press gave extensive and fair coverage to the campaign, although editorial opinion favoured the New Kenya Party. The Sunday Post was strongly pro-Coalition.

The device of primary elections has sharpened divisions within the European community and these are likely to be exacerbated by the fact that the verdict in favour of the Coalition is expected to be reversed when Africans join in the common roll. On the day after his victory in the primaries Sir Ferdinand addressed an open letter to the leaders of KANU and KADU asking them to 'respect the wishes of the European community, who have made it clear beyond doubt which men they trust and wish to represent them' (E.A. Standard 26/1), but his plea was rejected by both African parties. KANU Split KANU was formed by the leaders returning from the Lancaster House conference last year. Within weeks the facade of unity was broken by the launching in June 1960 of KADU (see August Newsletter). The question is now being seriously debated whether the party will split again before the elections in the last week of February. As usual the extremes are provided by Mr. Tom Mboya and Mr. Oginga Odinga. The miasma of rumour and intrigue which has surrounded the party cleared dramatically on 20 January when Dr. Waiyaki, the Kikuyu branch chairman of KANU in Nairobi, announced that he would stand against Mr. Mboya for the open seat. Mr. Mboya succeeded in getting the branch committee, though not the party's governing council, to 'expel' Dr. Waiyaki. Next Mr. Odinga, who is vicepresident of KANU, came into the open with a public denunciation of Mr. Mboya going as far back as 1956 (Daily Nation 27/1). Mr. Gichuru (a Kikuyu) was mentioned with Mr. Mboya in this attack, which serves to underline the fact that the feud cannot be explained simply on a tribal basis. Both Kikuyu and Luo leaders are deeply divided. It is not surprising under these circumstances to find that party branches have been unable to resolve the tensions and in nine constituencies 'panels' of official KANU and independent KANU candidates are offering themselves for election. Nor is it surprising that party brawls are increasing, especially in the urban areas. At the time of writing Mr. Gichuru, president of KANU, had suspended Mr. Odinga from office. This is taken to imply that the GichuruMboya faction is in the majority in the governing council (Daily Nation 31/1). Much of the complexity of all these machinations for power is due to the fact that very great importance is attached to the concept of legitimacy in relation to the party's constitution, manifesto, public undertakings, mandate, etc. Nominations Nomination day for the common roll elections was 24 January. Several important figures have been returned unopposed: Messrs. Gichuru and Mathenge from KANU and Messrs. Muliro, Keen and Tipis from KADU. Out of the total of 33 open seats the two parties are officially contesting each other in only nine seats. In fourteen 26 seats (including two walk-overs) KANU is not opposed by KADU. In one seat neither party is competing. This seat (Northern Province West) includes a well- known retired District Commissioner among the candidates. A large number of independent candidates are standing. Particularly in the eighteen seats where the two main parties are not competing against each other it is probable that these independents represent, to a great extent, disappointed aspirants for the party ticket. A Straw in the Wind? One of the cliches of African politics is that if were freed he would unite the warring parties and factions into an irresistible freedom movement. This assumption is being questioned in public for the first time. On 5 January the acting general secretary of KADU, Mr. W. Wabuge, voiced the fear that all Kenyatta's communications appeared to be with fellow Kikuyu and KANU members. If this was confirmed KADU would make him a political enemy (Daily Nation 5/1). A fortnight later the Nakuru branch of KADU had already made up its mind: 'We have no confidence in Kenyatta as the first Chief Minister in Kenya.' (Daily Nation 18/1) Uganda Secession Issue Having declared Buganda's independence on 31 December the Lukiko has spent the past month discussing how to implement the declaration. The independence committee which was set up last October to deal with this problem presented its report to the Lukiko on 12 January. In fact the report is little more than a statement of what Buganda's administrative and economic position might be like after effective independence. The committee calculates that if all revenue collected by the Protectorate Government from Buganda were made available to the Kingdom of Buganda then she could 'support herself economically'. But it adds that in order to meet the costs of running an independent country substantial sums will have to be raised. A figure of £25 million is mentioned as a possibility. The committee makes no recommendations on how the transition to independence is to be effected. After approving the report the Lukiko passed the buck to the Kabaka. It resolved that those sections of the report which could be implemented without prior consultation with H.M. Government should be implemented immediately by the Kabaka's Ministers, while those which required prior negotiation should be dealt with by a five-man committee headed by the Katikiro, Mr. Kintu. The Kabaka gave his approval to the resolution but at the same time put the responsibility for implementation firmly back on to the shoulders of the Lukiko. Since no attempt had been made to define which proposals required prior consultation with the British Government only the obvious one received immediate attention, namely the appointment of two new Ministers-for Foreign Affairs and for Commerce, Industry and Communications. During a lengthy debate the Minister for Education, Mr. Mayanja, repeatedly said: 'What is the use of appointing two Ministers when there is nothing for them to do?' (Kenya Weekly News 27/1). In the end these portfolios were given to two existing Ministers. 'Once again honour was saved all round and life goes on as usual.' (Kenya Weekly News 27/1) Throughout these manoeuvres the Uganda Government has repeatedly denied recognition of independence and the resolutions passed by the Lukiko. To this the Lukiko's standard reply has been that it is not seeking either the approval or the disapproval of the Protectorate Government. Opposition to Buganda's pretensions has come from the expected quarters such as the Democratic Party, Uganda People's Congress and the Bunyoro Rukurato. More surprising has been the criticism of the three co-opted members of the independence committee and of the secretary, Mr. F. W. Mpanga. In a stringent minority report which was withheld from the Lukiko they said: 'The only way to preserve the throne and the identity of Buganda is not to secede from the rest of Uganda, considering the economics, the politics and the geography of Buganda in relation to the rest of Uganda and indeed to the whole of East Africa.' (Uganda Argus 14/1) Relationships Commission Lord Munster, chairman of the Relationships Commission, arrived in Uganda on 15 January to start the work of his commission. He has had talks with the Kabaka and his ministers, a move which has been interpreted by the president general of the Democratic Party, Mr. B. Kiwanuka, as 'clear evidence that the Kabaka's Government itself does not believe in Buganda's declared independence'. (Uganda Argus 26/1) Shortly before the end of an earlier visit in December Lord Munster had stated categorically that the commission would not recommend the postponement of the elections to the Legislative Council which are due to take place in March. (Uganda Argus 23/12) Tanganyika West German Visit Mr. Nyerere, accompanied by his Minister for Commerce and Industry, Mr. Swai, has spent five days in West Germany as a guest of the Federal 28

Government. At the end of the visit the Government expressed 'its readiness in principle to render development assistance' (E.A. Standard 27/1). An official delegation is to visit Tanganyika in March to study its economic problems and to make proposals for assistance. TANU and the Workers Tanganyika's 'harmonious and peaceful march to nationhood' (Tanganyika Standard 31/12) appears to be marred only by some dissatisfaction among trade unionists that the new Government appears to be making so little progress on Africanisation and over the establishment of a national minimum wage. The Tanganyika Federation of Labour officially supports the Government but there are stories of trade union members joining the African National Congress and even of the formation of a new political party. (Tanganyika Standard 22/12) School Integration Non-European boys will attend St. Michael's and St. George's School at Iringa for the first time next term. On the basis of a competitive examination and interviews 41 pupils have been selected from 79 applicants; 21 are Africans and 20 Asians. Congress Leader in Peking The news that the president of the African National Congress, Mr. Z. Mtemvu, had arrived in Peking took everyone by surprise, including his own party. It is thought that he must have been financed by Mr. Oginga Odinga in Nairobi, who himself recently visited Peking and who has obtained funds from Communist sources. (Kenya Weekly News 13/1) Zanzibar Election Results The background to the elections was given in the January Newsletter. Out of the 22 elected seats the Afro-Shirazi Party led by Sheikh Abeid Karume won 10 (one seat being captured by a single vote), the Zanzibar Nationalist Party led by Sheikh Ali Muhsin won 9 seats and the breakaway Zanzibar and Pemba People's Party led by Sheikh Mohamed Shamte Hamadi won only 3 seats. The Resident, Sir George Mooring, called on Sheikh Abeid Karume (A.S.P.) to form a government (i.e. to come to terms with the Z.P.P.P.) and gave him a week to do so. He has refused to allow the parties to count the eight official and nominated members in their arithmetic, insisting that they raise a majority from among the elected members. Sheikh Abeid Karume 29 failed to win over the Z.P.P.P. and succeeded only in splitting the party by detaching one member. The other two declared support for the Z.N.P. On 26 January Sheikh Ali Muhsin (Z.N.P.) was given the opportunity to form a government and was also given a week in which to do it. But since the coalitions were nominally divided equally with eleven members each the stalemate continued. Finally on 10 February a caretaker government and new elections were announced. Information Section 1. INSTITUTE ACTIVITIES Mr. Harry Franklin, a member of the Northern Rhodesian Legislative Council and a delegate at the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference, addressed a joint meeting of the Institute of Race Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs on 13 February. His subject was 'The Katanga Situation. 'The Indian Problem in Bolivia and Guatemala' was the subject of a talk delivered at a joint meeting of the I.R.R. and the R.I.I.A. on 15 February. The speaker was Dr. Lorand Dabasi-Schweng, who has worked on technical assistance for the past ten years under the auspices of F.A.O., I.L.O., the World Bank and 'Point Four'. There will be a joint meeting of the I.R.R. and the R.I.I.A. at 1.30 p.m. on 21 February, when Miss Mary Benson, author of Tshekedi Khama, will speak on 'The High Commission Territories in Southern Africa'. The Institute is publishing two new books in February: White Man by Gustav Jahoda, price 21s., and Latin America-The Balance of Race Redressed by J. Halcro Ferguson, price 7s. 6d. Both books are published for the Institute by the Oxford University Press and are obtainable from James Bain, Ltd., Booksellers, 14 William IV Street, London, W.C.2. The South African Progressive Party has just published the first volume of its 'Molteno Commission Report' on the constitutional problems of South Africa. This volume covers franchise, reform of the Senate and a proposed Bill of Rights. Copies can be obtained through the Institute. 2. RECENT EVENTS Sir Ifor Evans gave an address on 'The Magnitude of Intolerance' at the annual general meeting of the Council of Christians and Jews on I February. 'The Colour Question in the Portuguese Empire 1415-1825' was the subject of the forty-third annual Raleigh Lecture on History, delivered by Professor C. R. Boxer on 15 February under the auspices of the British Academy. 3. COMING EVENTS 'White Britons and Coloured Immigrants-Prejudice or Antipathy?' will be the subject of the Conway Discussion at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, Holborn, W.C.1 on 7 March at 7.15 p.m. The discussion will be led by Mrs. Judith Henderson, who contributed to Coloured Immigrants in Britain, published by the Institute of Race Relations. The Oversea Service will hold an introductory course for people going to India, Pakistan and South-East Asia at Moor Park College, Famham, Surrey, on 13-17 March. Further information can be obtained from the Oversea Service at 2 Eaton Gate, London, S.W.l. A Forum on race relations, East-West contacts, world poverty and nuclear disarmament will be held at Caxton Hall, Westminster, S.W.1 on 16 March at 8 p.m. It has been organised by the Sword of the Spirit, 162A Strand, W.C.2, from which tickets (price 2s. 6d.) can be obtained. A One World Examination Syllabus Competition has been organised offering prizes of £100, £50 and £25 for staffs of schools or colleges, individually or grouped, and for students or syndicates of students. Entries should consist of a detailed sylabus of composite modem studies suitable for G.C.E. '0' level or equivalent an should be accompanied by a book-list and specimen question paper. Further information can be obtained from Miss L. Charlesworth, C.B.E., c/o 39 Parker Street, London, W.C.2. The closing date is 31 July 1961. 4. BOO0KS The titles listed in this and the following sections are almost invariably those of accessons to the Institute's library in the foregoing month and they can, therefore, be consulted by readers. The Constitutional Structure of the Commonwealth, by K. C. Wheare (Oxford Clarendon Press, 1960, 25s.) An analysis by the Rector of Exeter College, Oxford, of the 'collection of rules, understandings, and practices by which the position and mutual relations of the countries . . . of the Commonwealth are regulated and described', with several appendices, an index and a table of statutes. A Survey of North West Africa (The Maghrib), edited by Nevill Barbour (O.U.P. under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1959, 35s.) Since his retirement Mr. Barbour, a former Times correspondent in the Middle East and former Assistant Head of the Eastern Services of the B.B.C., has made a special study of North Africa. After a general historical introduction to the whole area detailed essays describe the geography, history, economic and social conditions and political life of Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Morocco and Spanish West Africa. The style is admirably clear and there is a bibliography, maps and index. Congo 1959: Belgian and African Documents (Centre de Recherche et d'Information Socio-Politiqucs, Brussels, 1960, 195 Belgian francs) This selection of unedited documents from Belium and the Cnn,n drIno lOW is of the greatest value to all who are interested in the background to the present Congo situation. The book is in French and contains brief notes on the principal personalities involved. Eritrea, by G. K. N. Trevaskis (O.U.P., under the auspices of the R.I.I.A., 1960, 21s.) Mr. Trevaskis, since 1954 Adviser and British Agent to the Western Aden Protectorate, describes here the 'revolutionary' effects of the British occupation of the former Italian colony from its beg mg in 1941 until the federation of Eriea with Ethiopia in 1952, the growth f political consciousness and the intensification of racial and religious divisions under the spur of land-hunger, unemployment; alien subversion and irresponsible political leaders. The Arabs in Israel, by Walter Schwarz (Faber and Faber, 1959, 21s.) A narrative of travels in Israel with sketches of some of the people Mr. Schwarz met during his eighteen months there; he discusses the effects of Arab-Israeli tensions on the Arab minority in their everyday lives, on security, land, employment, education, and some of the social and moral problems raised. The book is illustrated with photographs. On Alien Rule and Self-Government, by John Plamenatz (Longmans, 1960, 21s.) The achievement of national independence, political democracy and individual freedom is the main theme of this philosophical essay-whether, and if so how they can be achieved by subject peoples. Mr. Plamentatz, Fellow of Nuffield College, Oxford, University Lecturer in Modern History, and a Montenegrin by birth, considers the arguments for and against the continued rule of 'backward' by 'advanced' peoples. The African Revolution, by James Cameron (rhames and Hudson, 1961, 18s.) This is a rapid survey of the countries of the African continent by the former News Chronicle correspondent. It consists of brief chapters outlining the present situation and the historical background in each country, with short introductory and concluding essays. The Vision Splendid, by C. E. Lucas-Phillips (Heinemann, 1960, 25s.) Sub-titled 'The Future of a Central African Federation' this 'report' of the 'oneman Monckton Commission' which Brigadier Lucas-Phillips recently undertook presents a somewhat different picture from the official report. Brigadier Lucas Phillips looks to the whites of Southern Rhodesia, maintaining the British way of life, to form the nucleus of an ideal 'multi-racial democratic partnership' in the far distant future. Die Kirchen wide die Rassen, by Gustav Menzel (Rheinischen Missions- Gesellschaft, Wuppertal, Germany, 1960)

A very useful little German book on the background of apartheid in South Africa and the attitudes of the different churches of the Union to racial questions. Employment in an Underdeveloped Area, by W. F. Maunder (Yale University Press, 1960, $5) As a Research Fellow at the Institute of Social and Economic Research of the University College of the West Indies Mr. Maunder, now a Lecturer in Statistics at the University of Hong Kong, supervised an island-wide survey of unemployment in Jamaica. The sample survey of Kingston described in this book is of interest both for its factual value and as a guidepost for adapting the Western concept of unemployment and methods of measurement to the conditions of an underdeveloped economy. The Christian Ministry in Africa, by Bengt Sundkler (S.C.M. Press, London, 1960, 35s.) Professor Sundkler, Director of the Swedish Institute of Missionary Research at Uppsala, investigates the state of Christianity in Africa today and the work of the pastors. There is also a section on the activities of the African theological colleges and a final chapter of recommendations for the future and for the emergence of an authentic African ministry and theology. There are several appendices and an index. Shadows on the Grass, by Isak Dinesen (Michael Joseph, 1960, 10s. 6d.) Four beautifully-written essays by Baroness Karen Blixen in which she brings to vivid life some of her servants and neighbours in the far-off golden age of the settlers' Kenya. 5. OTHER PUBLICATIONS Sixth Report of the Oversea Migration Board: Published by H.M.S.O., 1960, price 2s. 37 pages. The Tyranny of Economic Paternalism in Africa: Sub-titled 'a study of frontier mentality 1860-1960,' supplement to Optima, December 1960, by S. Herbert Frankel, Professor of Colonial Economic Affairs in the University of Oxford, 51 pages. A New Zealand Colour Bar: Reprint from the Commentary in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, September 1960, 4 pages. Kenya 1961: Pamphlet published by the Committee for Racial Co-operation in Kenya (P.O. Box No. 749, 15 Tooley Street, London, S.E.1), January 1961. Plan for Success: The policy statement of the New Kenya Party (P.O. Box 30103, Nairobi), 1960, 23 pages. Now and the Future: The policy statement of the Kenya Coalition, 1960, 14 pages. Colour Prejudice: By Jean M. Fraser, No. 12 in the Christian Focus Series published by the Edinburgh House Press (2 Eaton Gate, S.W.1), 1960, price 2s., 36 pages. Education on Nazism: A catalogue of books and films compiled by Stanley Rowe, issued by the Manchester Group (4 Moxley Road, Manchester 8), June 1960. Realisations in the Nuclear Field in the Republic of the Congo (3 pages) and The Development of Education in the Congo before Independence (3 pages): Notes issued by Inforcongo, Brussels, 1960. The Editor apologises to readers for holding over the Research Section until March because of pressure on space, and renews the appeal to readers to send In notes of all current research projects being undertaken in race relations. CHANGE OF ADDRESS The Institute of Race Relations has now moved to 36 Jermyn Street, London, S.W.1. The new telephone number is REGent 0774. SUBSCRIPTIONS The annual subscription to the Newsletter is £1 and the subscription for March to December 1961 inclusive is 16s. Cheques and postal orders should be made payable to the Institute of Race Relations and sent to the Newsletter Assistant, 36 Jermyn Street, London, S.W.1. Please renew all overdue subsrpin © Printed in Great Britain for the Publishers, The Institute of Race Relations 36 Jermyn Street, London, S.W.1, by Messrs. R. J. Acford Ltd., Industrial Estate, Chicaester.