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Home , Marinebrigade Ehrhardt, Paul von Hindenburg, Philipp Scheidemann, Rule by decree, Weimar Constitution

From Kaiserreich to Republic

Kaiser Wilhelm II's Abdication Proclamation, With actively seeking an armistice and revolution threatening, calls for Kaiser Wilhelm II to abdicate grew in intensity. Wilhelm was himself deeply reluctant to make such a sacrifice, instead expressing a preference to lead his armies back into Germany from the Western Front. Upon being informed by his military advisers that the army could not be relied upon not to harm him Wilhelm abandoned the notion. Wilhelm's abdication was announced by Chancellor Prince Max von Baden in a 9 November 1918 proclamation - before Wilhelm had in fact consented to abdicate (but after Social Democrat Philipp Scheidemann had announced the Kaiser's departure from the balcony of the ). Faced with a fait accompli Wilhelm formally abdicated and went into exile in Holland. His abdication proclamation (reproduced below) was formally published in on 30 November 1918. Kaiser Wilhelm fled to exile in the Netherlands, where he lived until his death in 1941. Having instigated the Kaiser's abdication Prince Max resigned, handing power to incoming Chancellor who, in statements issued on 10 November and 17 November, appealed for public calm and reassured the German public that the incoming government would be "a government of the people".

Kaiser Wilhelm II's Abdication Proclamation

I herewith renounce for all time claims to the throne of and to the German Imperial throne connected therewith.

At the same time, I release all officials of the and of Prussia, as well as all officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the navy and of the , as well as the troops of the federated , from the oath of fidelity which they tendered to me as their Emperor, King and Commander-in-Chief.

I expect of them that until the re-establishment of order in the German Empire they shall render assistance to those in actual power in Germany, in protecting the German people from the threatening dangers of anarchy, famine, and foreign rule.

Proclaimed under our own hand and with the imperial seal attached.

Amerongen, 28 November, 1918

November Revolution - November 9th, 1918

November 9th – Schicksalstag der Deutschen (Day of Fate)

Important events of November 9th that went down in history

1918: November revolution in Germany – the ends and a new republic emerges 1923: Hitler putsch – attempt to overthrow the government 1938: Night of Broken Glass/ Reichspogromnacht – nationwide pogrom against Jews 1989: Fall of the Berlin Wall

The German Revolution of 1918

In preliminary talks about the conditions of a possible ceasefire took place between the Allied powers and the German government. Nevertheless, the German naval command ordered the fleet on October 28th, 1918 to engage in a last honorable battle with the British Navy. The preparations to sail first triggered a mutiny among the sailors in Kiel and Wilhelmshaven, who had no intention of risking their lives near the end of the war and who were also convinced that the credibility of the new democratic government which was seeking peace would be lost by an attack at this stage.

Within a few days the mutiny spread throughout Germany and was joined by war-weary workers. Workers#’ and Soldiers’ Councils, based on the soviets in , were formed all over the country and took over the urban administration.

When the revolution reached Berlin in the early morning of November 9th, 1918, Chancellor Max von Baden quickly realized that there was no alternative to the Emperor’s abdication. Wilhelm II, however, was not inclined to renounce the throne. For this reason the Chancellor decided himself – in order to calm down the revolting masses – to announce the Emperor’s abdication. He then handed the power to the Social Democrat leader Friedrich Ebert by appointing him Chancellor.

At 2 p.m. the Social Democrat Philipp Scheidemann stepped out onto a window sill of the Reichstag. From there he proclaimed (on his own authority) a Republic in front of a mass of demonstrating people. A few hours later, around 4 p.m., (member of the Spartacus League and future founder of the KPD) proclaimed the Socialist Republic at the Berlin Stadtschloss.

The following day the SPD and USPD formed the Council of the People’s Commissioners, which was to govern the country until . In December 1918, it was decided by the Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils that elections for a National Assembly were to be held on January 19th, 1919. Since demands by left-wing parties, first and foremost the Spartacus League, to turn Germany into a soviet republic, following the example of the Russians in the in 1917, had been ignored, conflicts between Social Democrats and radical powers, now violently seeking to achieve their aims, got worse. On December 23rd, 1918 Ebert had to ask the army for support.

Provoked by this alliance, left-wing parties called on the people to demonstrate against the government on January 5th, 1919. Due to the enormous number of participants the demonstration turned into a riot. Parts of the Berlin city center were occupied and the overthrow of the government was announced. However, the rebellion was soon put down and the elections for the National Assembly could take place.

A few days later and Karl Liebknecht, the leaders of the so-called Spartacist uprising, were kidnapped, tortured and murdered by the , a volunteer military unit.

The Fall of the German Empire

Background  Failure of the last massive battles of the German army in the spring/summer of 1918  Impact of the US war entry in 1917  August 14th, 1918 – (OHL- Supreme Army Command) - Hindenburg and Ludendorff - admits defeat  OHL demands immediate armistice in September 1918

2. November events (Berlin)

 November 3rd, 1918: begin of sailor and soldier mutiny in Kiel, navy refuses to go out to sea to fight in one final hopeless battle and sacrifice lives

 The Kiel mutiny was a major revolt by sailors of the German High Seas Fleet on 3 November 1918. The revolt triggered the German revolution which was to sweep aside the monarchy within a few days. It ultimately led to the end of the German Empire and to the establishment of the .

 November 9th, 1918: Chancellor Max von Baden hands over chancellorship to Friedrich Ebert and proclaims the abdication of the Kaiser, before he even abdicates

 A race for the proclamation of a new republic begins (decisive for the future of Germany)

a. Philipp Scheidemann (SPD) – b. Karl Liebknecht (Spartacist/Communist) – socialist republic

 A new provisional (temporary) government is formed (Rat der Volksbeauftragten)

 The Ebert-Groener Pact was an agreement between President Ebert and (German Army) that ensured the safety of the new Weimar Republic in its early days. Facing threats from the Spartacists, led by Liebknecht and Luxembourg, the Army, along with the Freikorps, were allowed to crack down on left-wing groups posing a danger to the new Government. In return, the Army would be able to retain its independence and support from the interventions of bureaucrats. This is a very controversial decision as the Army is anti-republican and pro-monarchist.

 November 11. 1918 – armistice is signed and official end of the Great War – Remembrance Day/ Armistice Day is celebrated in many countries as a holiday

The German delegation signs the armistice in a railway carriage in the middle of a forest at Compiègne. Mathias Erzberger (3rd from right) will eventually be murdered as a scapegoat for the situation Germany is in. This exact same location and railway carriage will eventually play another important and symbolic role in June 1940, when the French are forced to sign their armistice and surrender to as a supreme moment of revenge.

Philipp Scheidemann (SPD), Proclamation of the Parliamentarian Republic, November 9th, 1918 at the Reichstag

Workers and soldiers! The four war years were horrible, gruesome the sacrifices the people had to make in property and blood; the unfortunate war is over. The killing is over. The consequences of the war, need and suffering, will burden us for many years. The defeat we strove so hard to avoid, under all circumstances, has come upon us. Our suggestions regarding an understanding were sabotaged, we personally were mocked and ignored. The enemies of the working class, the real, inner enemies who are responsible for Germany's collapse, they have turned silent and invisible. They were the home warriors, which upheld their conquest demands until yesterday, as obstinate as they fought the struggle against any reform of the and especially of the deplorable Prussian election system. These enemies of the people are finished forever. The Kaiser has abdicated. He and his friends have disappeared; the people have won over all of them, in every field. Prince Max von Baden has handed over the office of Reich chancellor to representative Ebert. Our friend will form a new government consisting of workers of all socialist parties. This new government may not be interrupted, in their work to preserve peace and to care for work and bread. Workers and soldiers, be aware of the historic importance of this day: exorbitant things have happened. Great and incalculable tasks are waiting for us. Everything for the people. Everything by the people. Nothing may happen to the dishonor of the Labor Movement. Be united, faithful and conscientious. The old and rotten, the monarchy has collapsed. The new may live. Long live the German Republic!"

Karl Liebknecht (Spartacus League), Proclamation of the Free Socialist Republic, November 9th, 1918, at the Stadtschloss (2 hours later)

The day of the revolution has come. We have enforced peace. Peace has been concluded in this moment. The old has gone. The rule of the Hohenzollern, who have resided in this palace for centuries, is over. In this very hour we proclaim the Free Socialist Republic of Germany. We greet our Russian brethren, which have been ignominiously chased out four days ago ... The day of liberty has begun. Never again a Hohenzollern will enter this place. 70 years ago at this place Friedrich Wilhelm IV. was standing, and he had to take off his cap to honor the 50 corpses, covered with blood, of those who died fighting at the barricades in the defense of the cause of liberty [1848 Revolution]. Another defile passes here today. It is the spirits of the millions who have given their lives for the sacred cause of the proletariat. With a split scull, soaked in blood these victims of the rule of force totter along, followed by the spirits of millions of women and children who were depraved in the cause of the proletariat. And further millions of blood-victims of this very world war follow them. Today an incalculable mass of inspired proletarians stands at this very place, to pay homage to the liberty newly gained. Party comrades, I proclaim the Free Socialist Republic of Germany, which shall include all tribes1, where there are no more servants, where every honest worker will receive his honest pay. The rule of capitalism, which has turned Europe into a cemetery, is broken ... We have to collect all our force to establish a government of workers and soldiers, to create a new stately order of the proletariat, an order of peace, of fortune, of liberty of our German brethren and of our brethren all over the world. We stretch out our hands to them and call on them to complete the world revolution.

1 Stamm refers to the regional groupings - Bavarians, Swabians, Franconians, Rhinelanders, Westfalians, Saxons etc., who make up the German people; old-fashioned German

Proclamation of the Democratic Republic by Proclamation of the Socialist Republic by Philipp Scheidemann Karl Liebknecht (Spartacist)

- Goal: parliamentary government (National - Goal: soviet republic constituent assembly) - All power should lie on the hands of the - sovereignty of the people workers and soldiers - general elections - Legislative and executive power lies - with the soviets, worker’s councils - No separation of power

- The old has gone, it’s time for a new - Relieve the distress of the people, beginning eliminate the consequences of war - Belief that the rule of capitalism, which - Enemies of the people (Kaiser and friends) has turned Europe into a cemetery, is are finished forever broken – capitalism is the enemy

- end revolution immediately, fear of - Encourages people to fight, revolution bloodspill if revolution continues, prevent has only just begun expansion of revolution (in contrast to Liebknecht who wants a world revolution) - Strong language e.g. “collect all our cooperation, to allow the government to work force” uninterruptedly to preserve peace and to care for work and bread Completion of global proletarian VICTORY of the Revolution revolution = End of Revolution = world revolution has just begun

3. Founding of the Weimar Republic

 December: SPD – Majority agrees on Election for National Assembly (Parliament) on January 19, 1919  December 28, 1918 USPD-Representatives leave the Rat der Volksbeauftragten form the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) under the leadership of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, rejection of election

Begin of Spartacist uprising (January 5th) Murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg on January 15th

The Spartacist Uprising

The Spartacus League was a Marxist revolutionary movement organized in Germany during . The League was named after Spartacus, leader of the largest slave rebellion of the . It was founded by Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and others. The League subsequently renamed itself the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD), joining the Comintern in 1919. Their leaders, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were murdered in by the Freikorps. The new government was linked to the murders, which deepened the rift between the communists.

‘The 9th of November was a weak, half-hearted, half-conscious and chaotic attempt to overthrow the existing public power and to put an end to class rule. What now must be done is that all the forces of the proletariat should be concentrated in an attack on the very foundations of capitalist society. There, at the base, where the individual employer confronts his wage slaves… there, step by step, we must seize the means of power from the rulers and take them into our own hands… And we must not forget that the revolution is able to do its work with extraordinary speed.’

Rosa Luxembourg, 30th December 1918

About 100 Sparticists and 17 Freikorps were killed in the fighting. Ebert had regained control of Berlin but had to rely on the extremely right-wing nationalist volunteers – the Freikorps. This undermined the credibility of the new government.

Elections for the National Assembly on 19 January, 1919 - introduction of women's suffrage - legal voting age had been lowered from 25 to 20 years - Together, these changes raised the number of eligible voters by around 20 million. - The turnout rate was 83%, a slightly lower percentage than in the last Reichstag elections in 1912, but a much greater absolute turnout due to the expanded suffrage. Among women the turnout was 90%

 Opening of the first National Assembly in Weimar in February 1919  Election of Friedrich Ebert to the first Reichspresident  : the is ratified

Timeline of November Revolution

Effects of the November Revolution

1. Short Term - New government agrees an armistice on 11th November. Germany had to withdraw from all land won and pull back 30 miles into Germany.

2. Medium-Term – Politics in Germany became very unstable as extreme left-wing (Communists/Spartacists) and right-wing groups (Freikorps) fought for power.

3. Long Term – The Weimar Republic formed after the Kaiser abdicated but Ebert’s new government doesn’t form new constitution until mid-1919 due to political turmoil.

Exam Style Question Describe one effect of the November Revolution on Germany (4 marks)

A basic answer The Weimar Republic was created (level 1, 1-2 marks) Or An armistice was agreed with the Will give a consequence, or effect, but Allies no supporting detail. Will tell the story without focusing on the effect. One effect of the November A good answer Revolution of 1918 on Germany was (level 2, 3-4 marks) the Weimar Republic was created. This was because the Kaiser abdicated Will make a statement giving a on the 9th November after his consequence and then develop this government faced large scale statement by giving extra detail or disobedience and the Allies refused to explanation. discusses surrender terms with the Kaiser. As a result, a new system of government representative of the people was needed which led to the creation of the Weimar Republic in August 1919.

President Friedrich Ebert's Address to the German Assembly, February 7th, 1919 Following the German revolution in November 1918 - which saw the forced abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II - a fresh constitution was drawn up and a new assembly established; the latter first met on 6 February 1919.

The Imperial Government welcomes through me the Constituent Assembly of the German nation. With a special warmth I greet the women who for the first time appear in the Imperial Parliament with equal rights.

The Provisional Government owes its mandate to the revolution. It will return it into the hands of the National Assembly. In the revolution, the German people rose against an obsolete collapsing tyranny. As soon as the right of the to self-determination is assured, it returns to the road of legality. Only on the broad highway of Parliamentary discussion and decision can the urgent changes in the economic and social spheres be progressively achieved without destroying the Empire and its economic position.

Therefore, the Government welcomes in this National Assembly the supreme and single sovereign in Germany. […]

We have lost the war; this is not the consequence of the revolution. Ladies and gentlemen, it was the Imperial Government of Prince Max of Baden which began the armistice which made us defenseless. After the collapse of our allies, and in view of the military and economic situation, there was nothing else for it to do. The revolution declines the responsibility for the misery into which the evils of the old autocracy, and the arrogance of the military threw the German people. It is also not responsible for our serious shortage of food. […]

To what end, on their own witness, did our enemies fight? To annihilate Kaiserism. Kaiserism exists no more. It is abolished forever. The very fact of this National Assembly proves it. They fought "to destroy militarism." It lies in ruins, and will never rise again. (Cries from the Independent Socialists, "you are setting it up again."). According to their solemn proclamation, our enemies fought "for justice, freedom, and a permanent peace," but so far the armistice conditions have been of unprecedented severity and have been pitilessly carried through. Without more ado, is treated as French territory. […]

In this act of Might policy, there is no trace of the spirit of reconciliation. The armistice conditions are explained on the ground that they were imposed on the old Hohenzollern regime. What justification is there for continually intensifying them against the young Socialist Republic, in spite of the fact that we do our very utmost to satisfy the very heavy obligations laid upon us?

We warn the enemy not to drive us to extremities. Any German Government may one day be compelled, like General Winterfeldt, to renounce all further participation in the peace negotiations and thrust upon the enemy the whole burden of the responsibility until the new order of the world!

[…] Germany laid down her arms in confidence, trusting in the principles of President Wilson. Now let them give us a Wilson peace, to which we have a claim.

Our free People's Republic - the whole German people - aims at nothing other than to enter with equal rights into the League of Nations, and there win for itself a position of respect by industry and probity. […]

Once more we turn to all the peoples in the world with the urgent appeal to see that justice is done to the German people - not to permit the annihilation of our hopeful beginnings by the oppression of our people and our economic life. The German people has won its right to self- determination at home. […] Germany must not again fall into the old misery of disintegration and confinement. […] Only a great united possibility of developing our economic life - a politically capable, strong, single Germany - can secure the future of our people.

The Provisional Government has entered into a very evil heritage. We were the liquidators of the old regime. […] The future looms before us full of anxiety. In spite of all that, we trust in the indestructible creative power of the German nation.

[…] Now must the spirit of Weimar, the spirit of the great philosophers and poets, again fill our life, fill it with the spirit described in Faust and in Wilhelm Meister's Wanderjahre. Not roaming in the interminable and losing one's self in the theoretical, not hesitating and wavering, but with clear vision and firm hand taking a firm hold on practical life.

Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. VII, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923

The Weimar Constitution

Character: - First democratic constitution of Germany - Representative democracy - Intentions are very admirable but too many flaws

The President (Reichspräsident) is the head of the government. He commands the army and appoints and dismisses the chancellor and ministers. He can dissolve the Reichstag and rule the country by emergency The Chancellor (Reichskanzler) and the ministers run the government. They are allowed to propose new laws. The Reichstag is elected by the German people. It has got between 421 and 627 members, who propose and vote on laws. They confirm the chancellor and the ministers as well as pass a vote of confidence in them. The has got 66 members, who are elected in 18 federal states. It votes on new laws (as well as the Reichstag) and has the right to veto a law. Every German citizen (men and women) over 20 is allowed to vote. They can also influence the laws directly by referendum. Elections for the Reichstag are held every four years, while the president is elected every seven years. The electors also vote for the 18 state that elect the state governments. The state governments send representatives to the Reichsrat.

Strengths of the new constitution In some ways the laws of the Weimar Republic were very democratic - Men and women had the right to vote at the age of 20 even before the USA and the UK - The head of the government (the Chancellor) had to have the support of most of the people in the Reichstag - A strong president was necessary to keep control over government and to protect the country in a crisis - Voting by proportional representation meant that the number of seats each party had in the Reichstag was based on the number of votes they got e.g. if the party won 10% of the votes it was given 10% of the seats - Technically separation of powers in Executive, Legislative, Judicial branch

Weakness of the new constitution There were many flaws in the constitution and when things didn’t go well for Germany in the early post-war years, Ebert and his colleagues were criticized for creating a weak system of government. - Art. 48 allowed the President to without parliament/ the majority, to dissolve parliament – this was taken advantage of many times - president’s role is too strong - this is a threat to the separation of powers which does not exist anymore - Proportional representation and lack of 5% for representation in parliament led to many conflicts such as too many parties (over 30!), no majority meaning the government only worked with coalitions that were very difficult

In addition to that - Lacking acceptance of women’s suffrage - Republic is blamed for defeat in war (Dolchstoßlegende – Stab-in-the-back-myth) and - Conflicts between supporters of republic and its enemies - Ideological conflicts between the parties remained - Challenges from army that supported the Kaiser - Judicial system is also flawed as many judges are supporters of the monarchy - Republic without republicans

Chancellors of the Weimar Republic, there were only 2 presidents – Friedrich Ebert (1919- 1925) and (1925-1934)

Verdicts on the Constitution

Source A: From a speech by Hugo Preuss, the liberal lawyer who headed the Commission that drew up the constitution, to the Weimar Assembly, April 1919. I have often listened to the debates with real concern, glancing often rather timidly to the gentlemen of the Right, fearful lest they say to me: ‘Do you hope to give a parliamentary system to a nation like this, one that resists it with every sinew in its body? Our people do not comprehend at all what such a system implies.’ One finds suspicion everywhere; Germans cannot shake off their old political timidity and their deference to the authoritarian state.

Source B: , DVP leader, talking to a German ambassador The ordinary people have no affection for Ebert. The truth is, the Germans do not want a president in a top hat… He has to wear a uniform and a fistful of medals.

Source C: During the debates on the constitution, a USPD deputy, Cohn, warned of possible dangers under Article 48. …if some henchmen of the Hohenzollerns [the royal family], a general perhaps, were to be at the head of the Reich.

Source D: A. Nicholls, Weimar and the Rise of Hitler, 1979, p. 128 Whatever problems faced the Weimar Republic they were not attributable to the democratic nature of the Constitution, which were a brave statement of liberal and democratic principles.

Source E: K. Fisher, Nazi Germany. A New History, 1995, pp. 56-9 …The final document… was in many ways a mirror image of the social dissonances of [lack of harmony in] German society. The Weimar Constitution was a hodge-podge of principles drawn from Socialist and liberal agendas; it represented so much confusion in regard to economic was stymied [impeded] from the beginning… [It was] one of the most democratic documents in the world. In 1919, however, it was doubtful whether such a democratic constitution objectives and unresolved class conflicts that German democracy could work in the hands of a people that was neither psychologically nor historically prepared for self-government.

Source F: D. Peukert, The Weimar Republic, 1991, p. 50 Despite its imperfections, the Weimar Reich constitution provided an open framework for an experiment in democracy which would have been quite capable of further refinement under more favorable circumstances. It brought different groups into the new order; enduringly so in the case of the old ‘enemies of the Reich’ in the Social Democratic labor movement and Catholic political groups, temporarily so in the case of sections of the middle class. It offered new CORPORATIST ways of attempting to reconcile basic social divisions, and it laid down the foundations for an expansion of the welfare state. Finally, it was signally successful, by international standards, in helping make possible the transition to a peacetime economy.

ACTIVITY 1

1. Read the contemporary accounts in Sources A-C. What problems for the survival of democracy in Germany do these comments suggest? 2. Read the verdicts of historians in Sources D-F. a. What strengths do they identify in the Weimar Constitution? b. What weaknesses do they identify? 3. Do they think that the constitution itself was a strong basis for democracy or a recipe for chaos?

Was the Weimar Republic doomed from its very beginnings?

ACTIVITY 2

1. Study the chart above. List the strengths and the weaknesses of the Weimar democratic system set up in Germany in 1918-19 (you may like to do this as a table like below), under the following headings: a. Germany’s political tradition b. The nature of the 1918 Revolution c. The Weimar Constitution d. The overall context of 1918-19, especially Germany’s defeat in 1918.

Groups Strengths Weaknesses Germany’s political tradition Nature of the 1918 Revolution Weimar Constitution Other reasons e.g. defeat in WW1

2. German Reconstruction Minister said in 1919: ‘Now we have a Republic, the problem is we have no republicans.’ Explain what you think he meant. 3. Do you think Germany’s new democracy was ‘fatally flawed?’ Explain your views. 4. Explain why the prospects for the survival of the new democratic regime were not great.

Political culture of the young Weimar Republic

- Search for scapegoats responsible for surrender/defeat and misery of Germany - Denunciation of the parliamentarian democracy as system that is responsible for all the misery - Hate campaigns against republican politicians, even going as far as calling for murder – see Erzberger or Rathenau - Willingness to use violence and force - Symptom of the strengthening of anti-constitutional/ anti-democratic forces

Enemies of the Supporters of Enemies of the

Republic the Republic Republic

Red block Black, red, gold Black, white, red

great gains great losses great gains

Left Right e.g. KPD e.g. SPD, DDP, Zentrum, DVP e.g. DNVP, NSDAP

Why Weimar? Hypothesis

 Continuous parliamentary work outside of the chaotic Berlin  Aversions from Germany and abroad against Berlin (capital of Prussia, center of militarism)  Weimar geographic center of Germany  Focus on German culture (spirit of Weimar – Goethe and Schiller) Weimar Constitution Strengths and Weaknesses

Republic without Republicans The Weimar Republic is burdened by…

 Effects of war: - Poverty - Food scarcity - Immense debt - Reparations - War guilt clause 231  Resistance and rejection from various groups in the German population  Extremism from right and left (, Spartacist Uprising)  Political Murders - Mathias Erzberger - Walther Rathenau  The Stab-in-the-back-Myth (Dolchstoßlegende)  Even the judicial system is “blind on the right side”, supporting/ignoring right- wing extremism

The Stab-in-the-back Myth

Antisemitic interpretation – The Jews at home are regarded as being responsible for the collapse of the war front.

The Stab-in –the-back Myth

Ever since the loss of the War the German people felt that they had probably given up too much too soon. The armistice signed in 1918 and the Treaty of Versailles were perceived as a disgrace by the vast majority of the population. No one wanted to accept that Germany was a defeated country. Reichspresident Ebert contributed to those feelings when he told veterans in 1919 that “no enemy has vanquished you” and that “they returned undefeated from the battlefield”, even though he had meant these sayings as a tribute to the German soldiers.

It is believed that that the term “stab-in-the-back” can be dated to the autumn of 1919, when the former general was dining with General Malcolm, the head of the British Military Mission in Berlin. Reports state that Malcolm asked Ludendorff why it was that he thought Germany lost the war. Ludendorff replied with a list of excuses, including that the home front failed the army. In return Malcolm asked him whether he thought that they had been stabbed in the back. Witnesses state that at that moment Ludendorff’s eyes had lit up and he had leapt upon the phrase like a dog on a bone. “Stabbed in the back?” he repeated. “Yes, that’s it, exactly, we were stabbed in the back.”

Ludendorff liked this phrase so much that he made it known among the general staff as the ‘official’ version. Shortly afterwards the term was picked up by right-wing political groups and used as a form of attack against the early SPD-led Weimar government, which they referred to as “the November criminals”.

In November 1919, the newly elected National Assembly set up a commission that was meant to investigate the causes of the War and Germany’s defeat. When the former general and later president Paul von Hindenburg was called on to testify, he cited a newspaper that had summarized quotations by a British general, stating that the German army had been ‘dagger- stabbed from behind by the civilian populace.’ Von Hindenburg’s testimony – and the fact that he was such a well-respected person – contributed particularly to the wide spread of the Dolchstoßlegende in post- World War I Germany.

Popularized by patriotic German newspapers, the phrase became a central image in propaganda produced by the many right-wing and traditionally conservative political parties, including the NSDAP.

In November 1919, former general and war hero Paul von Hindenburg gave the following assessment of Germany’s defeat in World War I, giving weight to the stab in the back theory popular with right-wing nationalists:

“History will render the final judgment on that about which I may give no further details here. At the time we still hoped that the will to victory would dominate everything else. When we assumed our post we made a series of proposals to the Reich leadership which aimed at combining all forces at the nation’s disposal for a quick and favorable conclusion to the war; at the same time, they demonstrated to the government its enormous tasks. What finally became of our proposals, once again partially because of the influence of the parties, is known. I wanted forceful and cheerful cooperation and instead encountered failure and weakness.

The concern as to whether the homeland would remain resolute until the war was won, from this moment on, never left us. We often raised a warning voice to the Reich government. At this time, the secret intentional mutilation of the fleet and the army began…

The effects of these endeavors were not concealed from the supreme army command during the last year of the war. The obedient troops who remained immune to revolutionary attrition suffered greatly from the behavior, in violation of duty, of their revolutionary comrades; they had to carry the battle the whole time. The intentions of the command could no longer be executed. Our repeated proposals for strict discipline and strict legislation were not adopted. Thus did our operations necessarily miscarry; the collapse was inevitable; the revolution only provided the keystone.

An English general said with justice: “The German army was stabbed in the back.” No guilt applies to the good core of the army. Its achievements are just as admirable as those of the officer corps. Where the guilt lies has clearly been demonstrated. If it needed more proof, then it would be found in the quoted statement of the English general and in the boundless astonishment of our enemies at their victory.

That is the general trajectory of the tragic development of the war for Germany, after a series of brilliant, unsurpassed successes on many fronts, following an accomplishment by the army and the people for which no praise is high enough. This trajectory had to be established so that the military measures for which we are responsible could be correctly evaluated.”

Paul von Hindenburg

Myth

Reality

Impact

The Kapp Putsch

At the end of WWI the German army consisted of approximately 350,000 soldiers. In addition to them, there were more than 250,000 men enlisted in the various Freikorps, the German volunteer military units. However, the Treaty of Versailles required Germany to reduce the armed forces to a maximum of 100,000 men. This led to a great existential fear for many soldiers.

However, the leaders of the Marinebrigade Ehrhardt, which was supposed to disband in , were determined to resist and asked General von Lüttwitz, commander of the Berlin , for support. Lüttwitz himself had organized the Freikorps units at the beginning of WWI. He now called on President Ebert and Defense Minister Noske to stop the whole program of troop reductions. When Ebert refused Lüttwitz ordered the soldiers to march on Berlin.

When Lüttwitz seized Berlin on March 13th, 1920, the Minister of Defense ordered the army to put down the rebellion, but his request was refused. He was informed that: ”Reichswehr does not fire on Reichswehr”. It was proclaimed that a new right of center nationalist government was being established with , a right-wing journalist who opposed everything the Republic and its president Friedrich Ebert stood for – as chancellor.

While Kapp tried to form a new government President Ebert and his ministers were forced to leave the capital and move to Dresden. The only thing left for them to do was to call for a general strike to oppose the rebels. The strike call received massive support. The country was paralyzed and when the leading generals of the army – with the exception of General Ludendorff – informed Lüttwitz that his actions were entirely unjustifiable and that he had to resign in the interests of the country, the putsch collapsed.

Although the putsch had lasted only five days, a few things became obvious: The government could not enforce its authority and was equally unable to put down a challenge to its authority. It was only the mass power of a general strike that could re-establish Ebert’s authority. The success of this strike, however, shows that the people of Berlin were at that point unwilling to support a right-wing government led by Kapp.

The supporters of Kapp and Lüttwitz and the conspiracy against the Weimar Republic, turned to the emerging . The Marinebrigade Ehrhardt, Lüttwitz’s main fighting force, put a sign on their helmet to identify who they were: the swastika.

The Kapp Putsch

Kapp Putsch

Causes

Evaluation