General Assembly [279Th Meeting]
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Revisiting One World Or None
Revisiting One World or None. Sixty years ago, atomic energy was new and the world was still reverberating from the shocks of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Immediately after the end of the Second World War, the first instinct of the administration and Congress was to protect the “secret” of the atomic bomb. The atomic scientists—what today would be called nuclear physicists— who had worked on the Manhattan project to develop atomic bombs recognized that there was no secret, that any technically advanced nation could, with adequate resources, reproduce what they had done. They further believed that when a single aircraft, eventually a single missile, armed with a single bomb could destroy an entire city, no defense system would ever be adequate. Given this combination, the world seemed headed for a period of unprecedented danger. Many of the scientists who had worked on the Manhattan Project felt a special responsibility to encourage a public debate about these new and terrifying products of modern science. They formed an organization, the Federation of Atomic Scientists, dedicated to avoiding the threat of nuclear weapons and nuclear proliferation. Convinced that neither guarding the nuclear “secret” nor any defense could keep the world safe, they encouraged international openness in nuclear physics research and in the expected nuclear power industry as the only way to avoid a disastrous arms race in nuclear weapons. William Higinbotham, the first Chairman of the Association of Los Alamos Scientists and the first Chairman of the Federation of Atomic Scientists, wanted to expand the organization beyond those who had worked on the Manhattan Project, for two reasons. -
Nehru and the Concept of One World
Nehru and the Concept of One World -Idealistic Fantasy or Practical Necessity? by Ambassador Shyam Saran Conference on "Nehru's Worldview and His Legacy-Democracy, Inclusion and Empowerment" New Delhi November 17, 2014 Nehru and the Concept of One World - Idealistic Fantasy or Practical Necessity? Shyam Saran We meet today to honour the memory of one of India’s most illustrious sons, Jawaharlal Nehru, and to celebrate his ideas and vision for the future, a vision not only for his beloved India but for the world as a whole. Nehru was a patriot but was also a committed internationalist. As the historian Arnold Toynbee observed: “Nehru was a pioneer in taking nothing less than the world itself as the field for his public activity”. In this context, one of Nehru’s significant contributions was his passionate advocacy of the concept of One World, which has received less attention than it deserves. Nehru drew upon the ideas of Wendell Willkie who wrote the book entitled One World which attracted Nehru. After the Second World War the Federation of American Scientists which included Albert Einstein also drew attention to how the advent of nuclear weapons had made the establishment of One World necessary to ensure human survival This paper seeks to explore how Nehru came to identify with these ideas, giving them an uniquely Indian and even Nehruvian flavour 1 and the manner in which he sought to promote their realization. Nehru’s vision of One World has a strong resonance today in a world that is riven by violence and conflict and witnessing the viral spread of extremist ideologies and fanaticism, even as the rapid advance of technology and the economics of globalization render national or regional interventions both inadequate and ineffective. -
Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. -
The History Problem: the Politics of War
History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement. -
Remembering World War Ii in the Late 1990S
REMEMBERING WORLD WAR II IN THE LATE 1990S: A CASE OF PROSTHETIC MEMORY By JONATHAN MONROE BULLINGER A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Communication, Information, and Library Studies Written under the direction of Dr. Susan Keith and approved by Dr. Melissa Aronczyk ________________________________________ Dr. Jack Bratich _____________________________________________ Dr. Susan Keith ______________________________________________ Dr. Yael Zerubavel ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey January 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Remembering World War II in the Late 1990s: A Case of Prosthetic Memory JONATHAN MONROE BULLINGER Dissertation Director: Dr. Susan Keith This dissertation analyzes the late 1990s US remembrance of World War II utilizing Alison Landsberg’s (2004) concept of prosthetic memory. Building upon previous scholarship regarding World War II and memory (Beidler, 1998; Wood, 2006; Bodnar, 2010; Ramsay, 2015), this dissertation analyzes key works including Saving Private Ryan (1998), The Greatest Generation (1998), The Thin Red Line (1998), Medal of Honor (1999), Band of Brothers (2001), Call of Duty (2003), and The Pacific (2010) in order to better understand the version of World War II promulgated by Stephen E. Ambrose, Tom Brokaw, Steven Spielberg, and Tom Hanks. Arguing that this time period and its World War II representations -
Japanese Scientists' Critique of Nuclear Deterrence Theory and Its
Japanese Scientists’ Critique of Nuclear Deterrence Theory and Its Influence on Pugwash, 1954–1964 ✣ Akira Kurosaki Japan and Pugwash from a Transnational Perspective In July 1957, 22 scientists from both sides of the Iron Curtain gathered in the quiet village of Pugwash in Nova Scotia to discuss nuclear dangers and ways to establish world peace. This meeting led to the founding of a loose- knit transnational coalition of scientists known later as the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs (Pugwash, for short). During the Cold War, Pugwash provided scientists with a forum to discuss issues related to world peace and security. It also served as an informal communication channel be- tween East and West.1 In 1995, Pugwash, together with its former president and one of its founding members, Joseph Rotblat, won the Nobel Peace Prize “for their efforts to diminish the part played by nuclear arms in international politics and in the longer run to eliminate such arms.”2 As Pugwash’s activities expanded and its participants increased, national groups sprang up in several countries, including Japan. In the late 1950s, the Japanese affiliate was created under the leadership of three prominent theo- retical physicists: Hideki Yukawa (1907–1981), who received the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1949; Sin-Itiro¯ Tomonaga (1906–1979), who received the No- bel Prize in 1965; and Shoichi¯ Sakata (1911–1970). The Japanese branch sent scientists to international Pugwash meetings and kept scientists and citizens in Japan informed about Pugwash activities. In 1962, Yukawa, Tomonaga, and Sakata also established the Kyoto Conference of Scientists (KCS) in line with 1. -
CSR90 the United States, China, and Taiwan
Council Special Report No. 90 February 2021 The United States, Cover photo: A red pin indicates Taiwan on a map of East Asia. (hyotographics/Shutterstock) China, and Taiwan: Council on Foreign Relations cfr.org A Strategy to Prevent War 58 East 68th Street 1777 F Street, NW New York, NY 10065 Washington, DC 20006 tel 212.434.9400 tel 202.509.8400 Robert D. Blackwill and Philip Zelikow Council Special Report No. 90 February 2021 The United States, China, and Taiwan: A Strategy to Prevent War Robert D. Blackwill and Philip Zelikow The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. -
“One World, Different Dreams”
Owning the Olympics: Narratives of the New China Monroe E. Price and Daniel Dayan, Editors http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=308803 The University of Michigan Press “One World, Different Dreams” The Contest to De‹ne the Beijing Olympics Jacques deLisle “One World, One Dream”—Slogan of the Beijing 2008 Games “Same Bed, Different Dreams”—Chinese Colloquialism The Olympics are as much about stories—many of them political—as they are about sports. The ancient Games famously included an imper- ative to warring city-states to cease hostilities, an af‹rmation of a Greek identity coextensive with civilization, and other matters beyond ath- letics. Political narrative also has been central to the modern Games. Particularly in the television age, the host nation, journalists, and oth- ers have sought to de‹ne the plotline of each Olympiad. Many recent Games have been entangled with weighty political themes: Nazi Ger- many’s rise (Berlin 1936), Middle East con›icts (Munich 1972 and Mel- bourne 1956), the Cold War (Helsinki 1952, Moscow 1980, and Los An- geles 1984), and host states’ political rehabilitation (Tokyo 1964, Rome 1960, and arguably Munich) or arrival on the world stage (Seoul 1988 and arguably Tokyo). Politics and narrative are again prominent in the Beijing Games. The host regime is determined to assure a positive story, especially on polit- ically charged issues. The 2008 Olympics have produced propaganda and mobilization efforts on a scale unseen in China since the begin- ning of the post-Mao Zedong Reform Era. Regime efforts, along with genuine popular enthusiasm, brought huge crowds to the streets the night Beijing won the right to host the Games (MacLeod 2001c; Pan and Pomfret 2001; People’s Daily 2001). -
British Columbia Peace Council
British Columbia Peace Council, 1949 - 199 4 An inventory of their fond s in the Library of the University of British Columbia Special Collections and University Archives divisio n prepared by: Terri Thompson typed by: Therese Chouinard December 1994 ii Table of Contents Historical information iii Scope/contents Inventory OFFICE FILES, 1960's - 1980's 1 LOG BOOKS 6 OFFICE FILES, 1980 - 6 MINUTES 13 EPHEMERA 13 POSTERS 14 111 Historical information The British Columbia Peace Council, established in 1949, was affiliated with the Canadia n Peace Congress and through the Congress had strong ties to the World Peace Council . Their mandate was to actively support the movement for universal peace and security . B.C. Peace council activities included letter writing campaingns, public awareness rallies , delegations to Victoria and the presentation of briefs to the Legislative Assembly of B .C. Owing to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, its activitie s decreased and the Council was disbanded in 1994 . Scope/contents The fonds consists of office files, log books, minutes, posters, and buttons deposited from their office. The office files consisted mainly of correspondence and printed material an d are divided into two groups : files from 1960 to ca. 1980 and files from ca. 1980 to 1994. The files are arranged in alphabetical order according to subject headins . Some of the correspondence include the Canadian Prece Congress, World Peace Council, and the Pacific National Exhibition. The original order was kept even though some headings have bee n repeated by the organization (e.g . -
Karl Dallas Interview Transcript After Hiroshima Project Interviewees
Karl Dallas Interview Transcript After Hiroshima Project Interviewees: Karl Dallas (KD) DOB 29 January 1931 and Gloria Dallas (GD) Interviewers: Ruth Scrase (RS) and Ruth Dewa (RD) Date: 27.05.2015 RS: My name is Ruth Scrase and the date today is the 27th of May 2015, and we’re um... here today to interview Karl Dallas... KD: And Gloria... Because Gloria is part of the story. RS: Okay, lovely, yes. So Gloria Dallas as well... Thank you... And if you’d like to er... if you’d like to say your names please... KD: Well I’m Karl Dallas and I’m aged 84 um, and, er, you could say that I’ve been in the peace movement all my life, er, because before the war, um, we were active – my family that is were, er, [1:00] actively anti-fascist, um, and er, we were very much in favour of international security which involved you know Britain and France and the Soviet Union um, and er, but of course Chamberlain sold.. sold out the Czechs and my first memory of a demonstration was in 1938 a protest at.. when Chamberlain came back from Munich having sold out the Czechs. Um... And then of course after the War there was, er, there was the – well there was at the end of the war with Japan there was the bomb on Hiroshima... er, which was a great shock to.. to all of us. And, er, so after... from then ‘til now really, we’ve been campaigning against er, er, nuclear war. -
World War Ii and Us Cinema
ABSTRACT Title of Document: WORLD WAR II AND U.S. CINEMA: RACE, NATION, AND REMEMBRANCE IN POSTWAR FILM, 1945-1978 Robert Keith Chester, Ph.D., 2011 Co-Directed By: Dr. Gary Gerstle, Professor of History, Vanderbilt University Dr. Nancy Struna, Professor of American Studies, University of Maryland, College Park This dissertation interrogates the meanings retrospectively imposed upon World War II in U.S. motion pictures released between 1945 and the mid-1970s. Focusing on combat films and images of veterans in postwar settings, I trace representations of World War II between war‘s end and the War in Vietnam, charting two distinct yet overlapping trajectories pivotal to the construction of U.S. identity in postwar cinema. The first is the connotations attached to U.S. ethnoracial relations – the presence and absence of a multiethnic, sometimes multiracial soldiery set against the hegemony of U.S. whiteness – in depictions of the war and its aftermath. The second is Hollywood‘s representation (and erasure) of the contributions of the wartime Allies and the ways in which such images engaged with and negotiated postwar international relations. Contrary to notions of a ―good war‖ untainted by ambiguity or dissent, I argue that World War II gave rise to a conflicted cluster of postwar meanings. At times, notably in the early postwar period, the war served as a progressive summons to racial reform. At other times, the war was inscribed as a historical moment in which U.S. racism was either nonexistent or was laid permanently to rest. In regard to the Allies, I locate a Hollywood dialectic between internationalist and unilateralist remembrances. -
President: Franklin D. Roosevelt in Film
The Evolving American Presidency Series Series Foreword: The American Presidency touches virtually every aspect of American and world politics. And the presidency has become, for better or worse, the vital center of the American and global political systems. The Framers of the American government would be dismayed at such a result. As invented at the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention in 1787, the Presidency was to have been a part of a government with shared and overlapping powers, embedded within a separation-of-powers system. If there was a vital center, it was the Congress; the Presidency was to be a part, but by no means, the centerpiece of that system. Over time, the presidency has evolved and grown in power, expectations, responsi- bilities, and authority. Wars, crises, depressions, industrialization, all served to add to the power of the presidency. And as the United States grew into a world power, presidential power also grew. As the United States became the world’s leading super- power, the presidency rose in prominence and power, not only in the U.S., but on the world stage. It is the clash between the presidency as invented and the presidency as it has devel- oped that inspired this series. And it is the importance and power of the modern American presidency that makes understanding the office so vital. Like it or not, the American Presidency stands at the vortex of power both within the United States and across the globe. This Palgrave series recognizes that the Presidency is and has been an evolving institu- tion, going from the original constitutional design as a Chief Clerk, to today where the president is the center of the American political constellation.