TARAS 9780748664573 PRINT.Indd 17 27/11/2012 11:41 Challenging Multiculturalism
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The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back
The Role Of The Northern League In Transforming The Italian Political System: From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back Francesco Cavatorta Introduction Until the early 1990s, Italy displayed a stable party system, where newcomers found it particularly difficult to challenge the overwhelming influence of the traditional parties: Christian Democrats (DC), Socialist Party (PSI), and Communist Party (PCI). New political formations managed to emerge, but they were largely unable to sustain their electoral success over a long period of time and failed to establish themselves as credible alternatives. 1 The appearance of the Northern League (NL) in the late 1980s was also treated as temporary disaffection of sectors of the electorate from traditional politics. However, this proved not to be the case and the NL went on to become a very central player in the political system. This article examines the conditions for the emergence of the Northern League and its long lasting impact on Italian politics. The Northern League is partly responsible for major changes that occurred in Italy over the last decade and while its electoral fortunes have somewhat declined in recent years, the issues it brought to prominence are today very much central in political debates. The article argues that the NL, far from being a single-issue party, has a clear vision of what Italy in the new millennium should look like. Moreover, the article argues that this vision is similar to the one held by a number of right-wing parties in Western Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party. Accordingly, the NL has abandoned its pro-independence position and has entered again into a political and electoral alliance with the centre-right Berlusconi-led coalition. -
Men Vote in Mars, Women Vote in Venus: IZA DP No
IZA DP No. 7483 Men Vote in Mars, Women Vote in Venus: A Survey Experiment in the Field Vincenzo Galasso Tommaso Nannicini July 2013 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Men Vote in Mars, Women Vote in Venus: A Survey Experiment in the Field Vincenzo Galasso Università della Svizzera Italiana, IGIER and CEPR Tommaso Nannicini Bocconi University, IGIER and IZA Discussion Paper No. 7483 July 2013 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. -
Bolivia: Presidential Resignation and Aftermath
INSIGHTi Bolivia: Presidential Resignation and Aftermath Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs Updated November 14, 2019 On November 10, 2019, Bolivian President Evo Morales of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party resigned and subsequently received asylum in Mexico. Bolivia’s military had recommended that Morales step down to prevent an escalation of violence after weeks of protests alleging fraud in the October 20, 2019, presidential election. While Morales has described his ouster as a “coup,” the opposition has described it as a “popular uprising” against an authoritarian leader. The three individuals in line to succeed Morales (the vice president and the presidents of the senate and the chamber of deputies) also resigned. Opposition Senator Jeanine Añez, formerly second vice president of the senate, declared herself senate president and then assumed the position of interim president on November 12, 2019; MAS legislators do not recognize her authority. The U.S. Department of State supported the findings of an Organization of American States (OAS) audit that found enough irregularities in the October elections to recommend a new election. President Trump praised Morales’s resignation. State Department officials have called for all parties to refrain from violence and issued a travel warning for Bolivia. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo applauded Añez for stepping up as interim president. Congressional concern about Bolivia has increased. S.Res. 35, approved in April 2019, expresses concern over Morales’s efforts to circumvent term limits in Bolivia. Morales Government (2006-2019) Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous leader, had governed since 2006 as head of the MAS party. -
Constructing Identity in the Multi- Level Political Space of Europe
13 JCER VOLUME 1 • ISSUE 2 Sub-State Nationalism and Euro- pean Integration: Constructing Identity in the Multi- Level Political Space of Europe Marcus Hoppe 1. Introduction The European Union has been transformed into a multi-level political system by processes of European integration and globalisation on the one hand, and by pressures for decentralisation on the other. Thus, 'European integration and regionalism have posed twin challenges to the nation state in Western Europe' (Keating 1995: 1). While the central governments of the member states remain important actors within this new framework, their autonomy and the capacity to control policy-making and outcome has been reduced considerably. This is the consequence of two complementary processes: On the one hand, certain competencies have been shifted up- wards to the supranational EU level.1 On the other hand, nationalist and regionalist pressures for decentralisation and devolution in several member states have transferred some powers of the central state downwards to the sub-state political levels (Hooghe and Marks 2001). The emerging European polity offers new opportunity structures2 for strong political units below the level of the state, to enhance their autonomy and self-governing capacities in internal and external affairs.3 At the same time any involvement in Europe means being affected by the cons- training aspects of EU institutions, regulations and increased economic competition within the single market (Dyson and Goetz 2003). Sub-state nationalist parties, as actors within -
Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers. -
Labour Migration Governance in Contemporary Europe. the Case of Sweden
LAB-MIG-GOV Project “Which labour migration governance for a more dynamic and inclusive Europe?” Labour migration governance in contemporary Europe. The case of Sweden Monica Quirico FIERI, Torino, Italy April 2012 The research on which this paper is based benefits from the support of the “Europe and Global Challenges” Programme promoted by Compagnia di San Paolo, Riksbankens Jubileumsfond and VolkswagenStiftung. ii Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 1 1. FROM EMIGRATION TO IMMIGRATION COUNTRY............................................ 3 1.1 Immigration policies and their impact on labour market .................................... 3 1.2 Integration policies ........................................................................................... 6 2. TOWARDS A NEW LABOUR MIGRATION POLICY ........................................... 11 2.1 The debate on EU and Swedish Model........................................................... 11 2.2 The Committee on Labour Migration (KAKI) 2004-2006 ................................. 12 2.3 The 2008 law on labour migration................................................................... 14 2.3.1 Content..................................................................................................... 14 2.3.2 Driving actors and factors......................................................................... 17 2.4 Reference to EU and other countries............................................................. -
IHRC Submission on Bolivia
VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHT TO LIFE, RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, RIGHT TO ASSEMBLY & ASSOCIATION, AND OTHERS: ONGOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BOLIVIA Submission to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions from Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic Cc: Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Special Rapporteur on the f reedom of opinion and expression Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous peoples Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism The International Human Rights Clinic (IHRC) at Harvard Law School seeks to protect and promote human rights and internation-al humanitarian law through documentation; legal, factual, and stra-tegic analysis; litigation before national, regional, and internation-al bodies; treaty negotiations; and policy and advocacy initiatives. Table of Contents Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations to the U.N. Special Rapporteurs ........................................................................... 2 Facts ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Background on the Current Crisis ........................................................................................................ 3 State Violence Against Protesters -
Devolution,Lalegafalavocegrossa
sabato 16 novembre 2002 oggi 9 DALL'INVIATO Marcella Ciarnelli Tremonti, lo sostengo e mi sembra ingiusto che si possa accusarlo di ri- strettezze nella spesa che fanno parte SKOPJE Porta girevole. Atrio. Gente Il premier raccoglie E a Skopje vagheggia di un rigore necessario e che ci è che va, gente che viene. Ma gli ospiti imposto." del Grand Hotel evocato dal presi- Peccato tutto questo litigare, ora i cocci di un su sondaggi riservati ‘‘ dente del Consiglio, in trasferta a che lui si può vantare di "avere una Skopje per partecipare al vertice dei governo diviso. Riferendosi al che gli tributerebbero larga maggioranza che si può consen- paesi dell'Ince, non hanno niente a tire di pensare al lavoro di un'intera che spartire con Greta Garbo e John ministro dell’Istruzione dice: o una lunga durata, questa legislatura, ora che gli ultimi sondag- Barrimore. Ed il regista del film non ‘‘ gi confermano -dice Berlusconi- che è Edmond Goulding ma Silvio Berlu- gente che va gente che viene, e anche la prosssima il nostro governo sarà di lunga dura- sconi. Le prime donne che il pre- ta. Non limitato ad una sola legislatu- mier deve mettere d'accordo rispon- siamo come un Grand Hotel legislatura ra". Come se di mezzo non ci fossero dono ai nomi di Letizia Moratti e consultazioni elettorali dagli impre- Giulio Tremonti, ma anche i centri- vedibili risultati. Poiché, qualunque sti e i leghisti, gli cosa ne pensi il insoddisfatti di premier, i son- An e gli acchiap- daggi non sono patutto di Forza infallibili. -
Institut D'etudes Politiques De Paris
Institut d'études politiques de Paris ECOLE DOCTORALE DE SCIENCES PO Programme doctoral de sociologie Centre d’études européennes de Sciences Po Doctorat en sociologie Joint agreement with Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca The regulation of urban logistics platforms The urban governance of food wholesale markets in France and Italy : the case of Paris (Semmaris) and Milan (Sogemi) Alessandro MAGGIONI Thesis supervised by Patrick LE GALÈS, Directeur de recherche au CNRS and Alberta ANDREOTTI, Professore associato Defended on 26th March 2019 Jury: Mrs Alberta ANDREOTTI, Professore associato, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca (supervisor) Mr Antoine FRÉMONT, Directeur scientifique adjoint, HDR, Institut français des sciences et technologies des transports, de l'aménagement et des réseaux (reviewer) Mr Patrick LE GALÈS, Directeur de recherche au CNRS, CEE, Sciences Po Paris (supervisor) Mr Enzo MINGIONE, Professore emerito, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca Mr Paolo PERULLI, Professore ordinario, Università del Piemonte Orientale (reviewer) Mr Tommaso VITALE, Associate professor, CEE, Sciences Po Paris Alessandro Maggioni - «The regulation of urban logistics platforms» - Thesis IEP de Paris – 2019 2 Acknowledgements The time for acknowledgements is both full of joy and uncertainty. Joy is linked to the approaching end of a chapter in my life that already heralds the beginning of a new one. Uncertainty is not so much linked to identifying the people who have contributed more than others to this work. Rather, it is difficult to identify the exact moment in time from which to start to recognize the role that many people have played in making this moment possible. If I am here now writing these lines of gratitude it is only for the outcome of a long series, begun well before this educational and professional stage, of encounters and confrontations with people who have inspired me, I admired, have changed me. -
Analyzing Diverging Local Responses to Immigration
Democracy and Discrimination: Analyzing Diverging Local Responses to Immigration Justin Peter Steil Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 ©2015 Justin Peter Steil All rights reserved ABSTRACT Democracy and Discrimination: Analyzing Diverging Local Responses to Immigration Justin Peter Steil Over the past decade, cities have passed an unprecedented number of laws seeking to drive undocumented immigrants from their jurisdictions. At the same time, however, large numbers of cities have passed policies seeking to incorporate recent immigrants into local civic and social life, regardless of immigration status. What explains why similar cities have responded so differently? Quantitative analysis tests the explanatory power of theories of political opportunity structure, labor market competition, demographic changes represented as threats, and the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners in predicting the passage of exclusionary and inclusionary ordinances in cities nationwide. The predictors of the passage of exclusionary ordinances are consistent with the salience of political opportunity structure, demographic changes represented as threats, and the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners. The predictors of the passage of inclusionary ordinances are most consistent with theories of political opportunity structure and the relative absence of the exclusionary tendencies of homeowners in cities with lower levels of owner-occupied housing. Case studies in two sets of paired cities that passed diverging ordinances examine the social and political processes on the ground. This qualitative research finds that residents in exclusionary cities expressed anxieties over the effects of demographic change on home values and neighborhood character. -
The Digital Crusades: the Media and Western European Nationalists
The Digital Crusades: The Media and Western European Nationalists http://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2012/06/01/progres-et-reculs-du-vote- front-national_1711219_823448.html Haydn Rippon Principal Supervisor: Dr. Lee Duffield Associate Supervisor: Ass. Pro. Susan Carson Queensland University of Technology 2016 Abstract This thesis investigates the strategic media practices of the ‘new nationalist’ political parties and social movements in contemporary Western Europe. It refers to an extensive literature, interviews and a review of media artefacts related to these political parties and social movements, to establish how they achieved substantial public support in the present era. It uses four case studies, being three political parties and one activist social movement: the French Front National (FN), the Flemish Vlaams Belang (VB), Danish Dansk Folkeparti (DF) and the Europeanist-regionalist social movement, Bloc Identitaire (BI). The thesis draws on the work of Cas Mudde, who defines the parties as authoritarian, nativist and populist – referred to as ANPs in this research. It describes the central concern of the case study subjects with Islam in Europe, and their developing of the issue to gain support. In this monograph the broad issue, ‘Islam’, takes in mass immigration into Europe, integration or otherwise of Muslim populations, and the associated tensions. The research comes at a point when the party family is at a ‘tipping point’, with the growth of a political zeitgeist that is supportive of their broad thrust by an increasing number of voters in most of Europe, and this research considers the ANPs’ own efforts in the media field to be a contributing factor to the development of that zeitgeist.