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From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back

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From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back The Role Of The Northern League In Transforming The Italian Political System: From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back Francesco Cavatorta Introduction Until the early 1990s, Italy displayed a stable party system, where newcomers found it particularly difficult to challenge the overwhelming influence of the traditional parties: Christian Democrats (DC), Socialist Party (PSI), and Communist Party (PCI). New political formations managed to emerge, but they were largely unable to sustain their electoral success over a long period of time and failed to establish themselves as credible alternatives. 1 The appearance of the Northern League (NL) in the late 1980s was also treated as temporary disaffection of sectors of the electorate from traditional politics. However, this proved not to be the case and the NL went on to become a very central player in the political system. This article examines the conditions for the emergence of the Northern League and its long lasting impact on Italian politics. The Northern League is partly responsible for major changes that occurred in Italy over the last decade and while its electoral fortunes have somewhat declined in recent years, the issues it brought to prominence are today very much central in political debates. The article argues that the NL, far from being a single-issue party, has a clear vision of what Italy in the new millennium should look like. Moreover, the article argues that this vision is similar to the one held by a number of right-wing parties in Western Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party. Accordingly, the NL has abandoned its pro-independence position and has entered again into a political and electoral alliance with the centre-right Berlusconi-led coalition. This coalition is the favourite to win the 2001 national election and the NL is likely to hold once again a number of key ministerial posts. The presence of the Northern League in the new government will certainly accelerate the pace of decentralising reforms. The initial goal of federalism will probably be achieved after the NL went through a stage of profound radicalisation within which it flirted will independence. The failure of the Padanian project 1 conceived in ethnic terms has brought the NL back to its roots and it is likely that Italy will soon be a federal state. International factors and their impact on the Italian political system The emergence of the Northern League can be understood only by taking into account the collapse of the bipolar international order and its effects on the Italian political system. The stability of the system centred on the necessity of keeping the Communist Party out of power in order for Italy to remain firmly anchored to the Western camp. 2 To achieve this goal, all parties would enter a Grand Coalition rather than having the PCI share government responsibilities. This Grand Coalition was not necessary in the aftermath of World War II, as the DC was able to win the majority of seats in Parliament. The situation eventually changed, as support for the DC decreased while other smaller parties were making electoral progress. Thus, since the mid 1960s a coalition between the DC, the PSI and other minor parties was in power. In order to maintain their position, the parties in government implemented a system of close control of the state apparatus, fostering a network of patronage and clientelism to perpetuate their hold on public affairs. This led the political class to widespread corruption, chronism, mismanagement of public resources, ties to organised crime, and lack of national consciousness. At the same time, “vast sectors of the entrepreneurial and professional classes supported the parties in government in exchange for the authorities’ blind eye when it came to fiscal, environmental, and safety regulations.” 3 In short, Italy traded good government for political stability. 4 Nevertheless, stability was effective in keeping the Communists out of government and in guaranteeing strong economic growth. Thus, the outstanding economic results, particularly in the North, and political stability counterbalanced the 'side-effects'. On the other side of the spectrum was the Communist opposition. Through the years the PCI had been able to attract constantly one third of the electorate: not enough to govern, but enough to gain important concessions. The government and the opposition worked together on 2 very sensitive issues to implement specific reforms, leading to the belief that the PCI itself was profiting from the system. Nevertheless, Italian politics, "frozen" 5 in the aftermath of WW II, was divided on a left/right cleavage and other fractures that might have determined a different party- structure were subordinate to the ideological struggle. Thus, "the territorial conflict within Italy found no direct expression in the party system." 6 In this context came the collapse of communism. The most important justification for the DC's rule and for its internal cohesion was found in its ideological confrontation with the Marxist sub-culture and the fall of the Soviet Union undermined its role. The DC was unable to produce an innovative project to lead Italy forward, its recent governing record was very questionable and the extension of corruption scandals that struck the party at every level buried the DC’s remaining legitimacy. The fall of the Berlin Wall had great repercussions on the PCI as well and the party broke up in 1991. The majority of party members accepted the leadership's decision to fully embrace social democracy; while a small number of hard-liners went on to form a new communist party. Thus, in the early 1990s the two largest Italian parties were left without any ideological legitimacy and accused of having led the country to ruins. The PSI as well disappeared under the weight of corruption scandals. According to the NL, all traditional parties were one and the same. Luciano Costantini argues that in the NL discourse “parties are all the same because they are all in favour of centralism and because they want to deprive the rich regions of their wealth through an unfair tax system and through an Southernised bureaucracy.” 7 This climate of political incertitude and loss of trust toward the mass parties favoured the sudden expansion of the Northern League. Thus, international political events contributed to liberate the Italian electorate from the old voting pattern and provoked deep changes. Renato Mannheimer argues that "three processes closely intertwined had a relevant role in determining the decline of consensus for traditional parties" 8: the decreasing importance of 'sub-cultural traditions which deeply affected electoral choices by perpetuating particular values, myths and symbols; the decreasing influence of the 3 left/right dimension in looking at or dealing with certain issues; and the loss of faith in the role of traditional parties. Thus, the old cleavage disappeared and the NL correctly identified the new one in the North/South differences. The politics of the 'white' 9 northern regions that "had been held politically hostage" 10 by the Cold War was at last freed. However, the end of the international ideological struggle was a necessary, but not sufficient cause to produce the League’s victories. Since the late 1980s the international economic order had undergone substantial changes in its structure and modes of production. The end of the Cold War accelerated those changes by eliminating the alternative economic model. Increasing global exchanges, an acceleration of the technological revolution, and the importance of the ‘financial’ economy apparently limit the effective intervention of governments in the economy. After the collapse of socialist models and the long-term growth of the American economy, the Anglo-American model has become, it appears, the only efficient economic organisation. Global competition dramatically increased, production moves from one country to another in search of the lowest cost of labour while the financial market decides the economic fate of many countries. "The move from a Fordist mode of production, that had contributed to create in Western Europe a net of protection for the working class, to a post-Fordist world dramatically changed all social and economic relationships." 11 Italian entrepreneurs such as the former president of Confindustria (the association of Italian patrons) Giorgio Fossa, economists such as the European Union Commissioner Mario Monti, and many politicians believe that the Anglo-American model needs to be copied. In order to stay competitive on the world market, they call for much less state intervention, free hand in dealing with the labour force, improvement of all infrastructures, possibility to move goods and capitals without restraint, and a dramatic decrease of state expenditures. Thus, the end of the ideological war and the revolutionary impact of economic globalization's forces determined the rise of new issues and demands that needed to find a political channel. 4 The inability to manage the political and economic crisis of the late 1980s and early 1990s was particularly evident in the ‘deep North’, a very dynamic regional economy. In the area, there are a vast number of entrepreneurs employing few people and engaged on international markets that are in search of political representation since they have become the protagonists of the global economy. Relations between these entrepreneurs and the DC-led central government were previously regulated on a simple assumption: the rich North provided enough money to Rome in exchange for being left alone. Thus, the government tolerated massive tax evasion, exemption from safety regulations, and predatory investments in the Southern regions of the country through a policy of tax breaks. In exchange, support for the DC and the PSI would remain firm and no particular attention would be paid to how state money would be spent, particularly in the South. Workers in these small and medium sized firms were and are not heavily unionised unlike their fellow workers in larger factories.
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