Organizzazioni Mondiali]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Organizzazioni Mondiali] 1 1 [ORGANIZZAZIONI MONDIALI] Commento. Le bandiere cosiddette internazionali sono quelle il 2 cui messaggio è indirizzato alle platee più vaste. Alcune possono essere definite mondiali, perché appartenenti a tutto, o quasi, il genere umano. La loro simbologia richiama concetti universali. Quella delle Nazioni Unite mostra il globo terrestre circondato da rami di ulivo: è notoriamente una bandiera di pace sebbene spesso portata da soldati in armi e molti per essa siano sono caduti. I cinque cerchi colorati sulla bandiera olimpica annunciano che lo sport è di tutti, senza differenza alcuna (purtroppo in teoria: i soldi fanno sempre più la differenza) e la Croce Rossa, o gli altri simboli ad essa collegati, hanno, o dovrebbero avere, le strade aperte ovunque c’è sofferenza. Messaggi dunque da tutti facilmente comprensibili, spesso contraddittori, che l’umanità indirizza a se stessa. Nazioni Unite, United Nations, Nations Unies, Vereinte Nationen, ONU, UN, UNO, dal 1947 Il 24 ottobre 1945, con l’entrata in vigore dello statuto, nasceva l’Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite, aperta in linea di principio a tutti gli stati e finalizzata al mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza e alla cooperazione in campo economico, culturale e sociale. Gli stati membri erano 50 nel 1945; a tutto settembre 2002, dopo l'entrata della Svizzera (10.9.02) e di Timor Est (27.10.02), erano 191. Il carattere universale dell’organizzazione è ben rappresentato dall’emblema, adottato ufficialmente il 7 dicembre 1946, raffigurante una proiezione del globo terrestre centrata sul polo nord, ove sono visibili tutte le terre emerse, tranne l’Antartide. I rami d’olivo simboleggiano la pace. La bandiera - un drappo azzurro in proporzioni 2/3 con l’emblema in bianco al centro - fu approvata il 20 ottobre 1947 e alzata per la prima volta a New York il giorno successivo > ORGANIZZAZIONI COLLEGATE ALLE NAZIONI UNITE 3 Società delle Nazioni,, 1939-1941 La Società o Lega delle Nazioni fu ideata dopo la prima guerra mondiale dal presidente americano Thomas Woodrow Wilson, allo scopo di assicurare la pace e mantenere la sicurezza nel mondo. Fu ufficialmente istituita il 10 gennaio 1920 e le adesioni raggiunsero un massimo di 55 stati. Lo scoppio della seconda guerra mondiale, segnò il fallimento della Società anche se lo scioglimento ufficiale avvenne nel 1946. Fin dalle origini si manifestò la volontà di dotare l’organizzazione di una bandiera, ma non si raggiunse mai un accordo. Solo nel 1939 comparve un simbolo che alludeva all’armonia tra le nazioni dei cinque continenti; esso fu posto su una bandiera bianca che sventolò per due anni sul padiglione dell’SnN all’esposizione universale di New York. ONU prima del 1945 CENTER FOR HUMAN SETTLEMENT 4 SPACE AGENCY WORLD BANK FOR RECOSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT INTERNATIONAL FUND FOR AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT 5 INTERNATIONAL HYDROGRAPHIC ORGANIZATION INTERNATIONAL MONETA PERMANENT COURT OF ARBITRATION UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM 6 U.N. COMMISSION FOR SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT U.N. INTERN. RESEARCH AND TRAINING INSTITUTE FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN U.N. ENVIRONMENT PROGRAM U.N.INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION 7 U.N. VOLUNTEERS WORLD BANK WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY ORGANIZATION 8 WORLD METEOROLOGICAL ORGANIZATION WORLD TOURISM ORGANIZATION ACADEMIC COUNCIL OF THE U.N. Popoli e Nazioni non Rappresentati,, dal 1991 fino al 2002 9 dal 2002 L’organizzazione, fondata all’Aia l’11 febbraio 1991, è una sorta di ONU alternativa comprendente popoli e nazioni non rappresentati nella comunità internazionale. Sostiene i diritti delle minoranze secondo i fondamentali principi della non violenza, del rispetto dei diritti dell’uomo, della non ingerenza e del non allineamento. I membri, in origine 18, erano oltre 50 nel 2003. La bandiera è azzurro chiaro come quella delle Nazioni Unite; l’emblema centrale rappresenta il mondo ed è caratterizzato da 24 settori tutti di colore diverso, che simboleggiano la pari dignità di tutti i popoli. Dal 2002 il disegno dell’emblema appare modificato, rotondo e senza la scritta. Organizzazione per la Cooperazione e lo Sviluppo Economico, OCSE, OCDE, OECD fino al 2010 dal 2010 L’organizzazione, che intende sollecitare lo sviluppo economico e il commercio mondiale, fu creata il 30 settembre 1961 come evoluzione della preesistente OECE (Organizzazione 10 Europea per la Cooperazione Economica) che contava 18 stati membri tutti europei. Oggi (2011) l'organizzazione, con sede centrale a Parigi, è diffusa in tutti i continenti e comprende 34 stati, più un certo numero di "osservatori". La bandiera reca il logo dell'OCSE. La sfera azzurra rappresenta il mondo e il simbolo grigio scuro allude allo sviluppo (dovrebbe corrispondere al segno di "avanti", ma, curiosamente, sulla prima versione appariva come segno di "indietro"). Dal dicembre 2010 figura sulla bandiera il nuovo logo. Sul globo terracqueo appaiono ora i continenti, mentre il simbolo è verde e grigio e, in armonia con gli scopi dell'organizazione, è in effetti rivolto al battente ("avanti"). Croce Rossa, Comitato Internazionale della Croce Rossa, Croix Rouge, Red Cross, dal 1863 La Croce Rossa Internazionale è un’organizzazione umanitaria non governativa fondata nel 1863 a Ginevra, dove tuttora ha sede. Nata con lo scopo di assistere i soldati feriti sul campo di battaglia e di salvaguardare le strutture di cura e soccorso, in conformità alle convenzioni di Ginevra, estende la sua attività in tempo di pace ai vari aspetti della solidarietà pubblica e privata. La bandiera, voluta dal fondatore dell’organizzazione Henri Dunant nel 1863, fu ufficialmente riconosciuta dalla prima Convenzione di Ginevra del 22 agosto 1864. È derivata dalla bandiera svizzera per inversione dei colori. Il campo bianco è anche simbolo di pace. Il drappo è quadrato. Attualmente, l'uso e l'esposizione della bandiera e dei simboli correlati è regolamentato dalla Convenzione di Ginevra del 12 agosto 1949 e dai successivi protocolli aggiuntivi. Crescente Rosso, Mezzaluna Rossa, , dal 1876 11 Nei paesi mussulmani, la Croce Rossa Internazionale assume il nome di Crescente Rosso e anche sulla bandiera la croce è sostituita da una mezzaluna (in alcuni paesi con le punte rivolte verso l'asta). Tale vessillo fu usato per la prima volta in Turchia nel 1876. In certe regioni della Russia la croce e il crescente si trovano combinati su uno stesso drappo. Esistono inoltre simboli locali: In Israele, la Stella di David Rossa (Magen David Adom) e in Iran il Leone con il Sole Rosso (oggi praticamente scomparso). Cristallo Rosso, dal 2007 Bandiera prevista dal 3° protocollo aggiuntivo alla Convenzione di Ginevra del 1949, approvato l'8 dicembre 2005 dalla maggioranza dei paesi membri. Il simbolo, denominato "Cristallo Rosso", è entrato ufficialmente in vigore il 14 gennaio 2007, sei mesi dopo le prime ratifiche nazionali; in tale data erano 84 i paesi che lo riconoscevano, molti meno (9) quelli che avevano provveduto a ratificarlo. Il Cristallo Rosso è stato introdotto per evitare implicazioni religiose, politiche e culturali legate ai simboli tradizionali; tuttavia non sostituisce la croce, il crescente e altri emblemi locali, ma può essere usato in alternativa o in combinazione con essi. Giochi Olimpici, Comitato Olimpico Internazionale,, dal 1914 12 L’idea di celebrare le olimpiadi moderne, nel ricordo e nello spirito di quelle dell’antica Grecia si deve al barone Pierre de Coubertin. Il progetto fu annunciato nel 1892; due anni dopo si costituì a Parigi il Comitato Olimpico Internazionale e nel 1896 si celebrarono ad Atene i primi Giochi dell’era moderna. La bandiera, disegnata dallo stesso de Coubertin, fu alzata per la prima volta il 23 giugno 1914 in occasione del ventesimo anniversario della fondazione del Comitato Olimpico. La prima olimpiade che usò la bandiera fu quella di Anversa, nel 1920. Il bianco del drappo simboleggia l’amicizia e la pace. Gli anelli intrecciati rappresentano i cinque continenti (azzurro per l’Europa, giallo per l’Asia, nero per l’Africa, verde per l’Oceania e rosso per le Americhe). Proporzioni 2/3. Giochi Paralimpici, Comitato Paralimpico Internazionale,, dal 1989 1989-1991 1991-2003 13 dal 2003 L'idea di manifestazioni sportive per atleti con disabilità nacque con la riprersa dei giochi olimpici dopo la seconda guerra mondiale (Londra 1948), tuttavia le competizioni furono sporadiche fino al 1960 (Roma) quando furono disputati i primi giochi organizzati. Nel 1976 si svolsero in Svezia i primi giochi paralimpici invernali e nel 1989 si costituì il Comitato Paralimpico Internazionale (IPC), che adottò come propria la bandiera alzata l'anno precedente ai giochi di Seul. Essa mostrava nei cinque colori olimpici cinque simboli che ricordavano il t'aegŭk coreano. Nel 1991 i simboli furono ridotti a tre, nei colori verde, rosso e blu, ma la nuova bandiera si vide solo nel 1994 (Lillehammer). La bandiera attualmente in uso, con il logo radicalmente rinnovato, fu adottata nell'aprile 2003. Movimento Cooperativo, Alleanza Cooperativa Internazionale, dal 1925 Movimenti Pacifisti ed egualitari vari 1925-2001 14 dal 2001 Il Movimento (o Alleanza) Cooperativo Internazionale, nato in Inghilterra nel 1844 e diffusosi in tutto il mondo, teorizza tra l’altro la distribuzione delle risorse attraverso il sistema delle cooperative. Il cooperativismo si pone come alternativa al capitalismo e al comunismo e uno stato, la Guyana, lo ha scelto come sistema economico ufficiale. La bandiera “arcobaleno”, intesa come simbolo di uguaglianza e giustizia sociale, proposta per il movimento nel 1896, fu finalmente adottata nel 1925. Proporzioni 2/3. La bandiera ha ispirato fin dall’inizio vari altri movimenti pacifisti ed egualitari che hanno adottato bandiere con l’iride, simili o poco differenti. Forse per questo l’organizzazione ha deciso nel 2001 di adottare una nuova bandiera, di fondo bianco con un arcobaleno che sfuma in un volo di colombe. La sigla che figura sul drappo può talora cambiare a seconda della lingua dei vari paesi Amnesty International, dal 1963 Bandiera (non ufficiale) della nota organizzazione non governativa sovranazionale che persegue il mancato rispetto della "Dichiarazione universale dei diritti dell'Uomo".
Recommended publications
  • Unity in Diversity, Volume 2
    Unity in Diversity, Volume 2 Unity in Diversity, Volume 2: Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept Edited by Sabine Asmus and Barbara Braid Unity in Diversity, Volume 2: Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept Edited by Sabine Asmus and Barbara Braid This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Sabine Asmus, Barbara Braid and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5700-9, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5700-0 CONTENTS Introduction .............................................................................................. vii Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept of Unity in Diversity Sabine Asmus Part I: Cultural Markers Chapter One ................................................................................................ 3 Questions of Identity in Contemporary Ireland and Spain Cormac Anderson Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 27 Scottish Whisky Revisited Uwe Zagratzki Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 39 Welsh
    [Show full text]
  • The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
    Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Cornishness and Englishness: Nested Identities Or Incompatible Ideologies?
    CORNISHNESS AND ENGLISHNESS: NESTED IDENTITIES OR INCOMPATIBLE IDEOLOGIES? Bernard Deacon (International Journal of Regional and Local History 5.2 (2009), pp.9-29) In 2007 I suggested in the pages of this journal that the history of English regional identities may prove to be ‘in practice elusive and insubstantial’.1 Not long after those words were written a history of the north east of England was published by its Centre for Regional History. Pursuing the question of whether the north east was a coherent and self-conscious region over the longue durée, the editors found a ‘very fragile history of an incoherent and barely self-conscious region’ with a sense of regional identity that only really appeared in the second half of the twentieth century.2 If the north east, widely regarded as the most coherent English region, lacks a historical identity then it is likely to be even more illusory in other regions. Although rigorously testing the past existence of a regional discourse and finding it wanting, Green and Pollard’s book also reminds us that history is not just about scientific accounts of the past. They recognise that history itself is ‘an important element in the construction of the region … Memory of the past is deployed, selectively and creatively, as one means of imagining it … We choose the history we want, to show the kind of region we want to be’.3 In the north east that choice has seemingly crystallised around a narrative of industrialization focused on the coalfield and the gradual imposition of a Tyneside hegemony over the centuries following 1650.
    [Show full text]
  • In Galicia, Spain (1860-1936)
    Finisterra, XXXIII, 65, 1998, pp. 117-128 SUBSTATE NATION-BUILDING AND GEOGRAPHICAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ‘THE OTHER’ IN GALICIA, SPAIN (1860-1936) JACOBO GARCÍA -ÁLVAREZ 1 Abstract: The ‘social construction’ of otherness and, broadly speaking, the ideological-political use of ‘external’ socio-spatial referents have become important topics in contemporary studies on territorial identities, nationalisms and nation-building processes, geography included. After some brief, introductory theoretical reflections, this paper examines the contribution of geographical discourses, arguments and images, sensu lato , in the definition of the external socio-spatial identity referents of Galician nationalism in Spain, during the period 1860-1936. In this discourse Castile was typically represented as ‘the other’ (the negative, opposition referent), against which Galician identity was mobilised, whereas Portugal, on the one hand, together with Ireland and the so-called ‘Atlantic-Celtic nationalities’, on the other hand, were positively constructed as integrative and emulation referents. Key-words : Nationalism, nation-building, socio-spatial identities, external territorial referents, otherness, Spain, Galicia, Risco, Otero Pedrayo, Portugal, Atlantism, pan-Celtism. Résumé: LA CONSTRUCTION D ’UN NATIONALISME SOUS -ETATIQUE ET LES REPRESENTATIONS GEOGRAPHIQUES DE “L’A UTRE ” EN GALICE , E SPAGNE (1860-1936) – La formation de toute identité est un processus dialectique et dualiste, en tant qu’il implique la manipulation et la mobilisation de la “différence”
    [Show full text]
  • The Heritage of AL-ANDALUS and the Formation of Spanish History and Identity
    International Journal of History and Cultural Studies (IJHCS) Volume 3, Issue 1, 2017, PP 63-76 ISSN 2454-7646 (Print) & ISSN 2454-7654 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2454-7654.0301008 www.arcjournals.org The Heritage of AL-ANDALUS and the Formation of Spanish History and Identity Imam Ghazali Said Indonesia Abstract: This research deals with the Islamic cultural heritage in al-Andalus and its significance for Spanish history and identity. It attempts to answer the question relating to the significance of Islamic legacies for the construction of Spanish history and identity. This research is a historical analysis of historical sources or data regarding the problem related to the place and contribution of al-Andalus’ or Islamic cultural legacies in its various dimensions. Source-materials of this research are particularly written primary and secondary sources. The interpretation of data employs the perspective of continuity and change, and continuity and discontinuity, in addition to Foucault’s power/knowledge relation. This research reveals thatal-Andalus was not merely a geographical entity, but essentially a complex of literary, philosophical and architectural construction. The lagacies of al-Andalus are seen as having a great significance for the reconstruction of Spanish history and the formation of Spanish identity, despite intense debates taking place among different scholar/historians. From Foucauldian perspective, the break between those who advocate and those who challenge the idea of convivencia in social, religious, cultural and literary spheres is to a large extent determined by power/knowledge relation. The Castrian and Albornozan different interpretations of the Spanish history and identity reflect their relations to power and their attitude to contemporary political situation that determine the production of historical knowledge.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4: Saba in the Documentary Record
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/45747 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation Author: Espersen, R. Title: “Better than we”: landscapes and materialities of race, class, and gender in pre- emancipation colonial Saba, Dutch Caribbean Issue Date: 2017-02-09 Page | 47 Chapter 4: Saba in the Documentary Record This chapter outlines the processes involved in documentary research, and outlines the colonial history of Saba, from first sightings by Europeans to the early twentieth century, with the abandonment of Middle Island and Palmetto Point. A significant proportion of the history recounted herein is derived from original archival and historical newspaper research by the author, which is indicated by references to archive locations and their indexes that do not include an adjoining secondary source reference. In particular, it focuses on the oral and documentary history concerning free and enslaved Sabans of African descent. This includes the first arrival of enslaved Africans to the island, the rise and fall of the plantation economy, the emergence of free Sabans of African descent, laws pertaining to the institution of slavery, emancipation as it occurred on Saba in 1863, and its aftermath. The sources and their history A wide variety of sources were employed throughout this research in several collections worldwide. The most important sources for seventeenth and eighteenth colonial documents have been the Calendar of State Papers through the British National Archives (herein abbreviated to the BNAr), and the Dutch National Archives in The Hague (herein abbreviated to DNAr). The National Archives of Curaçao (herein abbreviated to the NArC) holds two important collections of correspondence between Lt.
    [Show full text]
  • Liste Des Indicatifs Téléphoniques Internationaux Par Indicatif 1 Liste Des Indicatifs Téléphoniques Internationaux Par Indicatif
    Liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux par indicatif 1 Liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux par indicatif Voici la liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux, permettant d'utiliser les services téléphoniques dans un autre pays. La liste correspond à celle établie par l'Union internationale des télécommunications, dans sa recommandation UIT-T E.164. du 1er février 2004. Liste par pays | Liste par indicatifs Le symbole « + » devant les indicatifs symbolise la séquence d’accès vers l’international. Cette séquence change suivant le pays d’appel ou le terminal utilisé. Depuis la majorité des pays (dont la France), « + » doit être remplacé par « 00 » (qui est le préfixe recommandé). Par exemple, pour appeler en Hongrie (dont l’indicatif international est +36) depuis la France, il faut composer un Indicatifs internationaux par zone numéro du type « 0036######### ». En revanche, depuis les États-Unis, le Canada ou un pays de la zone 1 (Amérique du Nord et Caraïbes), « + » doit être composé comme « 011 ». D’autres séquences sont utilisées en Russie et dans les anciens pays de l’URSS, typiquement le « 90 ». Autrefois, la France utilisait à cette fin le « 19 ». Sur certains téléphones mobiles, il est possible d’entrer le symbole « + » directement en maintenant la touche « 0 » pressée plus longtemps au début du numéro à composer. Mais à partir d’un poste fixe, le « + » n'est pas accessible et il faut généralement taper à la main la séquence d’accès (code d’accès vers l'international) selon le pays d’où on appelle. Zone 0 La zone 0 est pour l'instant réservée à une utilisation future non encore établie.
    [Show full text]
  • 04 Session3.Pdf
    The 1st World Humanities Forum Proceedings Session 3 Parallel Session 1. Status and Prospects of Conflicts among Civilizations Call for Papers Session 1 Call for Papers Session 2 The 1st World Humanities Forum Proceedings Parallel Session 1. Status and Prospects of Conflicts among Civilizations 1. “Completely different, exactly the same” – towards a universal ethics / Unni Wikan (University of Oslo) 2. Relativism, Universalism, and Pluralism in the Age of Globalization / Young-chan Ro (George Mason University) 3. After 9/11: Suturing the Rift between the Islamic World and the West / Fakhri Saleh (Literary Critic) 4. Buddhist ‘Genesis’ as a Narrative of Conflict Transformation: A Re- reading of the Agganna-sutta / Suwanna Satha-Anand (Chulalongkorn University) “Completely different, exactly the same” – towards a universal ethics Unni Wikan University of Oslo Please don´t cite without the author’s permission Purpose Drawing on my research among Muslims in the Middle East and Europe, Hindus in Bali, Indonesia, and Buddhists in Bhutan, I shall explore what values people have in common that can provide the basis for a possible universal ethics, and what are the obstacles in its way. I shall ground my analysis in how people live their lives within a religious and cultural frame, and how universal values can be discerned at the grassroot levels that resonate across boundaries of ethnicity and civilization. Thus I will address one of Session 3 Session the main questions posed by the organizers of this session: What are the possibilities of creating a new universal human civilization that can resolve the conflict of civilizations, and how should it be discussed? Personal biography To anchor my discussion, permit me to give a piece of my own biography: I grew up in Northern Norway on an island in the Arctic Ocean 300 far beyond the Arctic Circle.
    [Show full text]
  • From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back
    The Role Of The Northern League In Transforming The Italian Political System: From Economic Federalism to Ethnic Politics and Back Francesco Cavatorta Introduction Until the early 1990s, Italy displayed a stable party system, where newcomers found it particularly difficult to challenge the overwhelming influence of the traditional parties: Christian Democrats (DC), Socialist Party (PSI), and Communist Party (PCI). New political formations managed to emerge, but they were largely unable to sustain their electoral success over a long period of time and failed to establish themselves as credible alternatives. 1 The appearance of the Northern League (NL) in the late 1980s was also treated as temporary disaffection of sectors of the electorate from traditional politics. However, this proved not to be the case and the NL went on to become a very central player in the political system. This article examines the conditions for the emergence of the Northern League and its long lasting impact on Italian politics. The Northern League is partly responsible for major changes that occurred in Italy over the last decade and while its electoral fortunes have somewhat declined in recent years, the issues it brought to prominence are today very much central in political debates. The article argues that the NL, far from being a single-issue party, has a clear vision of what Italy in the new millennium should look like. Moreover, the article argues that this vision is similar to the one held by a number of right-wing parties in Western Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party. Accordingly, the NL has abandoned its pro-independence position and has entered again into a political and electoral alliance with the centre-right Berlusconi-led coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Insular Autonomy: a Framework for Conflict Settlement? a Comparative Study of Corsica and the Åland Islands
    INSULAR AUTONOMY: A FRAMEWORK FOR CONFLICT SETTLEMENT? A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CORSICA AND THE ÅLAND ISLANDS Farimah DAFTARY ECMI Working Paper # 9 October 2000 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg . Germany % +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper # 9 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Marc Weller Issue Editors: Farimah Daftary and William McKinney © European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2000. ISSN 1435-9812 i The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of inter-ethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 9 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) © ECMI 2000 CONTENTS I.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colours of the Fleet
    THE COLOURS OF THE FLEET TCOF BRITISH & BRITISH DERIVED ENSIGNS ~ THE MOST COMPREHENSIVE WORLDWIDE LIST OF ALL FLAGS AND ENSIGNS, PAST AND PRESENT, WHICH BEAR THE UNION FLAG IN THE CANTON “Build up the highway clear it of stones lift up an ensign over the peoples” Isaiah 62 vv 10 Created and compiled by Malcolm Farrow OBE President of the Flag Institute Edited and updated by David Prothero 15 January 2015 © 1 CONTENTS Chapter 1 Page 3 Introduction Page 5 Definition of an Ensign Page 6 The Development of Modern Ensigns Page 10 Union Flags, Flagstaffs and Crowns Page 13 A Brief Summary Page 13 Reference Sources Page 14 Chronology Page 17 Numerical Summary of Ensigns Chapter 2 British Ensigns and Related Flags in Current Use Page 18 White Ensigns Page 25 Blue Ensigns Page 37 Red Ensigns Page 42 Sky Blue Ensigns Page 43 Ensigns of Other Colours Page 45 Old Flags in Current Use Chapter 3 Special Ensigns of Yacht Clubs and Sailing Associations Page 48 Introduction Page 50 Current Page 62 Obsolete Chapter 4 Obsolete Ensigns and Related Flags Page 68 British Isles Page 81 Commonwealth and Empire Page 112 Unidentified Flags Page 112 Hypothetical Flags Chapter 5 Exclusions. Page 114 Flags similar to Ensigns and Unofficial Ensigns Chapter 6 Proclamations Page 121 A Proclamation Amending Proclamation dated 1st January 1801 declaring what Ensign or Colours shall be borne at sea by Merchant Ships. Page 122 Proclamation dated January 1, 1801 declaring what ensign or colours shall be borne at sea by merchant ships. 2 CHAPTER 1 Introduction The Colours of The Fleet 2013 attempts to fill a gap in the constitutional and historic records of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth by seeking to list all British and British derived ensigns which have ever existed.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Their Shadow: Ethnopolitical Mobilization in Consolidated Democracies
    Reclaiming their Shadow: Ethnopolitical Mobilization in Consolidated Democracies Ph. D. Dissertation by Britt Cartrite Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder May 1, 2003 Dissertation Committee: Professor William Safran, Chair; Professor James Scarritt; Professor Sven Steinmo; Associate Professor David Leblang; Professor Luis Moreno. Abstract: In recent decades Western Europe has seen a dramatic increase in the political activity of ethnic groups demanding special institutional provisions to preserve their distinct identity. This mobilization represents the relative failure of centuries of assimilationist policies among some of the oldest nation-states and an unexpected outcome for scholars of modernization and nation-building. In its wake, the phenomenon generated a significant scholarship attempting to account for this activity, much of which focused on differences in economic growth as the root cause of ethnic activism. However, some scholars find these models to be based on too short a timeframe for a rich understanding of the phenomenon or too narrowly focused on material interests at the expense of considering institutions, culture, and psychology. In response to this broader debate, this study explores fifteen ethnic groups in three countries (France, Spain, and the United Kingdom) over the last two centuries as well as factoring in changes in Western European thought and institutions more broadly, all in an attempt to build a richer understanding of ethnic mobilization. Furthermore, by including all “national
    [Show full text]