Secessionism in Italy

SECESSIONISM IN ITALY

A comparative case study on regional nationalist movements seeking independence in Veneto and Sardegna

Margherita Cantele

Anja Van Heelsum

Mike Medeiros

June 2018

Political Sciences: International Relations

University of Amsterdam

Table of Contents ABSTRACT ...... 3 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 4 CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 8 2.1 NATIONALISM ...... 8 2.2 PERIPHERAL OR REGIONAL NATIONALISM...... 10 CHAPTER 3: METHODS ...... 16 3.1 DESIGN ...... 16 3.2 OPERATIONALISATION AND QUESTIONS ...... 19 3.3 RESPONDENTS ...... 20 3.4 ETHICS ...... 21 CHAPTER 4: VENETO ...... 23 4.1 CULTURE VS ECONOMICS ...... 23 4.2 ETHNIC VS CIVIC NATIONALISM ...... 26 4.3 AUTONOMY VS INDEPENDENCE ...... 27 4.4 INFLUENCE OF EUROPE ...... 28 CHAPTER 5: SARDEGNA ...... 31 5.1: CULTURE VS ECONOMICS ...... 31 5.2: ETHNIC VS CIVIC NATIONALISM ...... 36 5.3: AUTONOMY VS INDEPENDENCE...... 37 5.4: INFLUENCE OF EUROPE ...... 38 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS ...... 40 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... 45 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 46

2 Abstract Regional nationalist movements seeking independence from the central state are a fairly new phenomenon in Europe and have been rapidly increasing over the last decades. In particular, in Italy as many as 7 regions are currently advancing independence claims. With this in mind, the relevance of learning more about these movements in Europe and understanding how they work in modern age is ever clearer. This research aims to explore the dynamics behind the process of regional nationalist movements developing independent tendencies. The focus of this thesis is on the movements of two Italian regions: the independence movement of Veneto, a rich region of the North, and the independence movement of Sardegna, a poorer region of the South. A comparative case study was carried out, using semi-structured interviews to collect data. It appears that a combination of cultural elements and economic interests operate as the driving force of these movements. This driving force, which was present to different degrees in both movements, is worsened by the centralist character of the Italian state together with its bad administration. Additionally, both movements revealed a regional identity formation far from Ethnic Nationalism and closer to Civic Nationalism; leading to believe that the ladder is more likely to result in a peaceful quest for independence. Moreover, both elements expressed a strong preference towards independence rather than autonomy, which is considered insufficient as the state would still have a say in important matters. Finally, a shared element between the movements was the desire to be part of the European Union, seen as an over-state entity and making belonging to the Italian state unnecessary.

Keywords: Independence, Regions, Nationalism, Culture, Economics

3 Chapter 1: Introduction

Over the last decades, a number of regional movements seeking independence have sprouted in different European states and have been increasing in dimension and gaining more traction. Some examples are Catalonia and Basque Country in Spain, Northern Ireland and Scotland in the United Kingdom, and Flanders and Wallonia in Belgium (The Guardian 2017). Although there is an agreement among scholars on the fact that some features are shared among these movements, each movement manifests some peculiar characteristics. It is, therefore, ever more important to study in detail these movements and understand their dynamics in order to grasp how they work and how to deal with them. This research will focus on regional nationalism and independentism in Italy. Unified Italy has a recent history, only coming together as the country it is today after the First World War. In fact, in 1815, after the Restoration of the Congress of Vienna, Italy was still divided in seven main reigns. The Kingdom of Sardegna included modern day Piemonte, Liguria, Valle D’Aosta, Sardegna, and was under the house of Savoia, an Italian dynasty (Meriggi 2011). The Kingdom of Lombardo-Veneto included modern day Lombardia and Veneto, and was under Austrian domination (Meriggi 2011). The smaller Ducats of Modena and Parma, together with the Gran Ducat of Toscana occupied the central area (Meriggi 2011). The Papal States included part of Lazio, namely Rome, Umbria and Emilia Romagna, and were under the Pope’s ruling (Meriggi 2011). Finally, The Kingdom of Due Sicilie, the largest one, included Abruzzo, Molise, Puglia, Basilicata, Campania, part of Lazio and was under the house of Borboni, a Spanish dynasty (Meriggi 2011). Revolutionary waves aiming to unify the peninsula took place in 1820-21 in Napoli, Sicilia and Sardegna, and 1830-31 in Modena, Parma and the Papal States, but were unsuccessful (Meriggi 2011). The First Independence War occurred from 1848 to 1849 and saw the Kingdom of Lombardo-Veneto losing to the Austrian Empire (Meriggi 2011). The Second Independence war, in 1959, saw the opposite outcome, with the Austrians defeated by the Kingdom of Sardegna, thanks to the help of France (Meriggi 2011). With this war, modern day Lombardia, Emilia-Romagna and Toscana were freed of foreign domination and annexed to the Kingdom of Sardegna (Meriggi 2011). The Expedition of the Thousand in Sicilia, led by Garibaldi on behalf of the Kingdom of Sardegna in the summer of 1860, freed the South from foreign domination and annexed the Kingdom of Sicilia to the enlarged Kingdom of Sardegna, which then changed its name in Kingdom of Italy (Meriggi 2011). In 1866, with the Third Independence war, Lombardo-Veneto freed itself from foreign domination and

4 became part of the Kingdom of Italy (Meriggi 2011). In 1870, what was left of the Papal States was also conquered and annexed to the Kingdom of Italy and Rome became the capital (Treccani). This is why 1871 is officially known as the year of the unification of Italy. However, Trentino Alto Adige was still missing and was only acquired after World War One (Meriggi 2011). It appears clear how Italian history influences its current situation, with seven out of twenty regions showing regionalist tendencies and bringing forward claims of independence from the central government, namely Sud Tirol, Lombardia, Veneto, Valle D’Aosta and Friuli in the North, and Sicilia and Sardegna in the South. For this research, I will focus on two independence movements, one of a region in the North, the independence movement of Veneto, and one of a region in the South, the independence movement of Sardegna. In both regions, there are two different trends, one demanding more autonomy from the central government, even if Sardegna already has a certain degree of autonomy, and one seeking to be completely independent from Italy and create a new state. For the scope of this paper I will focus only on the pro-independence trends. This is a map of Italy, to give the idea of where the two regions are located and their respective dimensions:

Figure one: Map of Italy (Source: Regionimist)

5 In Veneto, the champion of autonomy is the political party Liga Veneta and the champion of independence is the movement Independenza Veneta, seeking to create the Republica Veneta. However, there are many other movements, big and small, that claim independence. Last year, on the 22nd of October, 57.2% of Venetians voted in a referendum for more autonomy of Veneto and 98.1% of them voted "yes", leading President of Veneto Luca Zaia to start negotiations with the central government, which are still ongoing, about the terms of a possible autonomy for the region (Regione Veneto 2017). Previously, Plebiscite.eu, a partisan organization, organized a non-official online referendum to vote on the actual independence of Veneto from Italy in March 2014 and 2.36 million Venetians participated, roughly half of the population eligible to vote, and 89.1% of them voted yes (Romano 2014). This highlights the presence of a desire not only for autonomy, but also for independence. In the mainstream media, this request for independence of the Venetians is often connected with the significantly wealthier status of the region. The independentist claims were first brought forward in the 70s by the political party Lega. Over the last decades, since Lega has shifted more to a moderate position and now solely supports autonomy, this resulted in an increase in the number of independentist parties and in the radicalization of their position. In Sardegna, the main political party historically promoting independence from Italy are the Partidu D’Azione Sardu, created already in 1921. In fact, independence tendencies in Sardegna started after WWI, and throughout the years have experienced ups and downs in strength and popularity. Over the years, one problem with the movements for independence was fragmentation, lack of unity and a central authority to guide them, resulting in some violent episodes in the past carried out by extreme separatists. This reflects on the success of the movement. An example of this is the failure by one vote to pass an independence referendum bill in the Sardinian Assembly in 2014. However, in 2012 the Universtiy of Cagliari, the capital of Sardegna, organized a survey on the identity of the respondents 28% identified as Sardinian, 22% with the identity of their town or village. Only 18% as Italian and 17% as European (Università di Cagliari 2012). This shows a strong regionalist sentiment and the potential of the region towards independence. Today, there is a new cohesive organization of the movements, with 7 different movements coming together in Progetto Autodeterminatzione, which aims to unify and strengthen the independentist position in the region. Currently, Sardinia enjoys a condition of “Statuto Speciale”, meaning it has a certain level of autonomy on some regional matters. We have already witnessed in Catalonia how, once obtained the autonomy of the region, the population moved towards claims of independence. Eventually, the Catalonian unilaterally

6 declared independence, clashing with the central Spanish government. The escalation of the movement in the region and the consequent violent tensions with the state highlight the possible negative consequents of this kind of movements. It is therefore important to explore the dynamics and ideologies behind the independence movements in Italy, an already economically and politically unstable country, as proved by the recent elections in March 2018 and the following struggles to create a unified government. The aim of this paper is to investigate the motives, the ideologies and the aspirations of the movement aiming at Venetian and Sardinian Independence. The goal is to answer the following central question: “Why do regional nationalist movements in Italy seek independence?”. In particular, I am interested in why such claims and tendencies towards independence are present particularly in Veneto, in the North of Italy, and in Sardegna, in the South of Italy; how do the supporters of Independence in the two regions conceive their regional identity, and how is this distinct from the one of Italians; how do they legitimize the tendency toward independence in particular, comparing with other solutions to gain more responsibilities on the administration of the region and freedom from the central state, such as autonomy, which is present in Sardegna and being negotiated in Veneto; and to what extent do they take into consideration the geopolitical scenario in which they operate. The structure of this thesis will be as follow: in chapter 2 I will first try to provide the definition of the key concept to understand this phenomenon, such as nation, nationality and nationalism and I will provide an overview on the most important literature on the topic of regionalism, independentism and secession; consequentially in chapter 3 I will present the research methods, in chapters 4 and 5 I will analyse the data I collected for each region and in chapter 5 I will also layout the conclusions that I extrapolated from my results.

7 Chapter 2: Nationalism and sub-nationalism

2.1 Nationalism In this chapter I will create a comprehensive theoretical background to better understand the regional nationalist movements seeking independence in Veneto and Sardegna. Independentist and secessionist movements are often identified as a phenomenon of sub- nationalism. A nationalistic sentiment is, thus, a big component of the narrative of regionalist movements with aspirations for separation from the central government. It is important to start with an attempt to define what nationalism is. Nationalism is a sentiment linked to the idea of nation and nationality. According to Benedict Anderson, one of the most respected scholars in the field and author of Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, a nation is: “it is an imagined political community - and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign” (Anderson 1983: 6). Anderson explains that the idea of nation exists first in the idea of the communion of each citizen with the other citizens inhabiting it, and this idea of nation is characterized by borders and by the fact that no other nation can have authority on it (Anderson 1983). Today, the most common term adopted in relation to this entity in the field of international relations is the one of “nation-state”, a territory where a distinct group lives under a recognized government, both at national and international level (Montevideo 1993). One of the first definitions of nationalism is given by John Stuart Mill: “A portion of mankind may be said to constitute a Nationality if they are united among themselves by common sympathies which do not exist between them and any others – which make them co- operate with each other more willingly than with other people, desire to be under the same government, and desire it should be government by themselves or a portion of themselves exclusively” (Mill 1861:181). As Mill highlights, this feeling of sympathy exists only among a certain group, differentiating them from other groups; this can lead to the development of nationalistic tendencies among that group and an urge to separate from the rest. However, among scholars in the field there appears to be a lack of consensus on a single definition of nationalism, mainly because nationalism is considered a “doctrine of self-determination” and there are numerous ongoing debates about self-determination, more specifically on who has right to it and when (Keiting 1996). With this in mind, I believe analysing the idea of self-determination and its criteria under international law will help to create a better understanding of what nationalism is. The right to self-determination was first born as a remedial right, in relation to colonization, after the First

8 World War (Klabbers 2013). This principle entails that “identifiable groups have a right to determine for themselves how they wish to be politically organized” through “independent statehood, association or integration” (Klabbers 2013 p. 129). Even if the international community has opposed the use of this right for any other means rather than colonisations, minorities all over the world have started using it to achieve independence from the central government and secede. International law is not clear on the criteria for secession, but it is possible to extrapolate some by looking at some recent secession cases where it has been granted. Secession has been granted in cases where it was “last resort”, so only applicable when all other options have failed, and when large-scale human rights violations were committed and the government was the perpetuator or unable to protect its people (de Villiers 2012). In order for secession to be granted, international support and approval is fundamental, as it can push the government to recognize the minority’s right to it and agreement to it (de Villiers 2012). And finally, secession is granted only when the internal right to self-determination, so “people's pursuit of its political, economic, social and cultural development within the framework of an existing state”, is not respected; only then minorities have so far recognised the right to external right to self-determination and, thus, claims for secession are legitimized (de Villiers 2012). In order to create an even more comprehensive idea of nationalism, I will present the three major approaches to nationalistic studies as summarized by Umut Özkirimli (2000). The three approaches are primodialism, modernism and ethno-symbolism. Primordialism is the earliest approach and considers the nation a “primordial” category, as nations are natural, ancient and a fixed phenomenon (Özkirimli 2000). While the view of nation is shared among primordialists, there are different views on the role “sociobiological, cultural or psychological factors” play in the creation of national identity, however, they agree that it is part of human nature (Özkirimli 2000). The primordialist approach is opposed by the modernists, the second approach presented. For modernists, nations and nationalism are a new and modern phenomenon only, developed together with the international system they exist in (Özkirimli 2000). This is because they are created by conditions such as “capitalism, bureaucracy, industrialism, urbanization and secularism” that are typical of modern times (Özkirimli 2000). The third approach, ethno-symbolism, critiques the approach of modernists because they “underestimate the significance of local cultures and social context” (Özkirimli 2000). Ethno- symbolists consider “pre-existing ethnic ties” among people to play a key role in the creation of identity. Özkirimli says ethno-symbolism can be considered an attempt to create a middle ground between primordialism and modernism (Özkirimli 2000). This approach is the most diffused in current times.

9 Micheal Keiting (1996) says that there are two types of nationalism that have been observed so far: ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism. In ethnic nationalism, the membership to a nation is considered “ascriptive” and it is based on ethnicity (Keiting 1996). On the other hand, in civic nationalism the membership is considered voluntary and it is based on “common values and institutions, and patterns of social interaction”; ethnicity is thus irrelevant (Keiting 1996). Keiting specifies how these two categories are, however, just ideal types and even if these categories appear normative, contrary to what most believe this doesn’t mean one, namely civic nationalism, is “good” and one, namely ethnic nationalism, is “bad” (Keiting 1996). It is now important to identify the different typologies of nationalism. Michael Hetcher (2000) highlights how academics have observed important differences between nationalist movements over the years and he attempts to present the different typologies encountered up to that point: state-building nationalism, peripheral nationalism, irredentist nationalism and unification nationalism (Hetcher 2000). State-building nationalism is the process of assimilation of territories with different cultures in another state under a central government and tends to be culturally inclusive to achieve a culturally homogeneous population (Hetcher 2000). Peripheral nationalism is the process through which the members of a particular territory resist the incorporation into another state or attempt to secede from the state they are already part of (Hetcher 2000). Irredentist nationalism is the process of including territories of a bordering state in which the population is part of nationality of the state they are trying to incorporate into (Hetcher 2000). Unification nationalism is the process of merging a territory that is divided on the political level but has the same culture in a unified state and tends to be culturally exclusive towards other territories with different culture (Hetcher 2000). He, finally remarks that these typologies are not exhaustive, for example, they don’t include nationalist movements resulted from migration of religious groups to a specific area of religious significance already inhabited by another population, such as Zionism (Hetcher 2000). The typology of nationalism that applies to this research is the one of peripheral nationalism, as the Independence movements in Italy focus on the secession of the specific region from Italy.

2.2 Peripheral or Regional Nationalism This part of the theory chapter focuses only on peripheral nationalism as it is the most relevant for this research. While investigating peripheral or “regional” nationalism, one interesting question is “how are regions and regional identities formed?” According to Paasi (1986), a region is “a process which, once established, is continually reproduced and gradually

10 transformed in individual and institutional practices” (p. 110). The process of “institutionalisation” of regions is when, over time and space, a territorial unit becomes an entity formed by social action and consciousness and reproduced in individual and institutional practices (Paasi,1986). This process has four interacting stages: territorial shape, conceptual shape, institutional shape and established role (Paasi 1986). The first stage is the “assumption of territorial awareness and shape”, in which a territory assumes a defined shape in the mind of the people that inhabit it through economic, political and cultural practices. The second stage is the “development of the conceptual (symbolic) shape”, in which the concepts and practices of the specific territorial unit are used to establish group solidarity (Paasi 1986). The third stage is the “development of the sphere of institutions”, in which formal institutions such as “education, law and the media, alongside local or regional politics, economics, administration and culture” are created in the territorial unit thanks to the group solidarity (Paasi 1986). The final stage is “the region as an established part of a regional system and regional consciousness”, in which the institutionalized territorial unit becomes a region in the social consciousness of people belonging to it (Paasi 1986). Once a regional identity is formed in the mind of the people, this can lead to the birth of regionalist tendencies. The three main components of regionalism according to Stein Rokkan and Derek Urwin (1982) are: the view of the central state, the identification with a territory and the development of group identity. The first component is the perception of the central state as unfit to fulfil the needs of a group of people living in a specific territory in the eyes of the members of this group and the consequent reaction to this perception, expressed in the creation of regionalist movements (Rokkan & Urwin 1982). The second component is the realization of the crucial role of the territory for these movements (Rokkan & Urwin 1982). The third component is the creation of a “group identity” linked to the territory and the mobilisation of support for the movements linked to this new group identity (Rokkan & Urwin 1982). In regard to the origins of regional or “minority” nationalism, Michael Keiting explains that one of the problems with nationalism is exactly that groups within the nation are also able to develop a national identity different from the national identity of the rest of the population of the state and start advancing national claims in favour of that identity (Keiting 1996). This process involves the rejection of the nationalism of the whole state and the development of self- determination claims of groups within the state (Keiting 1996). Due to the absence of largely agreed upon criteria to evaluate these claims, the conflict between the group and the central state cannot be resolved peacefully (Keiting 1996). Keiting differentiates between two types of nationalistic claims: one type of claims is the substitution of one exclusive collective national

11 identity by another also exclusive minority identity; another type of claims simply rejects all together the idea of an exclusive nationality in favour of an inclusive nationality (Keiting 1996). The former is likely to lead to a separatist position (Keiting 1996). As previously mentioned, in regional nationalist movements there are two trends, one aiming to more autonomy from the central government and one seeking independence from Italy and the formation of a new state. These two trends can be explained by Pereira et al (2018), who consider regionalism “one process with two varieties”: autonomism and secessionism. According to the researches, autonomism and secessionism are interrelated and many crucial aspects of these varieties are shared. One important common aspect is the rejection of the “status quo and the attempt to find an alternative with higher level of self-government and lower level of dependency from the central government” (Pereira 2018:200). What differentiates the two varieties of regionalism is the variable that determines support, which for autonomism is mainly cultural variables and for secessionism is economic variables (Pereira 2018). Benito Giordano (2000) highlights that there has been an increase in the number of parties in European regions striving for autonomy in recent decades. He contrasts this fact with the claims popular in the 50s and 60s that the process of industrialisation and urbanisation of post-war economic growth would eventually eradicate regionalist tendencies (Giordano 2000). He then attempts to explain why these movements are not only still present in Europe but even increasing. He believes that the institutionalism relates to the processes of “regionalisation” carried out in European states in the last years, with regions gaining gradually more importance and leverage, and is more related to economic factors (Giordano 2000). Instead, autonomism is a form of “minority, separatist and ethnic regionalisms” that has been gaining traction in the recent years and it is more related to ethnicity and identity (Giordano 2000). To elaborate more on the increasing of regionalist movements seeking independence, we need to investigate the incentives for adopting such a position. Alberto Alesina and Enrico Spolaore further elaborate upon their iconic article On the Size and Number of Nations, published in 1997, in which they stated that democratization leads to secessionism (Alesina & Spolaore 1997). They bring forward a reflection on the tendency to have smaller and more numerous nations in current times and they summarize the two main incentivizing elements that motivate groups to seek secession. The first element generates from the evolution of political regimes in modern times (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). As the two authors explain, the regimes that were more popular in the past, such as monarchies and dictatorships, had the capability to disregard the preferences of their people, even using force to maintain their power and the centrality of their states (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). But since democracies took over,

12 it became almost impossible to ignore and suppress these preferences. In particular, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities gained more of a say in how they desired to be governed with governments obliged to fulfil these desires (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). Secondly, they identify how the political and economic situation has improved in recent years, even if not in all parts of the globe. This is due to the increase in “free trade, and international agreements and institutions that fostered peace and economic integration” (Alesina & Spolaore 2015 p.3). With these conditions, small countries can trade freely with the rest of the world. Because of this, they argue entities such as the EU increase the attractiveness of regional secessions and diminish their costs and losses (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). They conclude, however, stressing how the choice regarding borders falls always under the preferences of citizens, which are not always based on an economic cost-benefit analysis (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). These preferences are often influenced by other non-material factors such as culture and identity (Alesina & Spolaore 2015). Let’s then focus on how support for such movements can be explained. For both varieties mentioned above, Pereira et al (2017) present two potential causal factors: culture and economy. Cultural elements such as “historical, traditional, linguistic and ethnic factors” have been often linked with the creation of minority identity features (Pereira et al 2017). Yet, the researches recognise that cultural factors cannot be the only valid explanation for support for all regionalist movements. Economic elements such as “income, wealth and relative economic well-being” can also play a role in influencing support for secessionism and autonomism (Pereira et al 2017). Empirical evidence shows how socio-economic issues affect voting to a much larger extent than what appeals to history and traditions (Pereira et al 2017). Finally, to fully grasp how these movements work and what to expect from them, it is necessary to investigate their strategies. Ryan Griffiths (2016) says that secessionist movements have shown the use of two general strategies, with one often completing the other: one is to target the national government and demand more rights and autonomy from it, usually this strategy entails a referendum; and the other one is to address the international community so that this can push the government to fulfil the requests of the movement (Griffiths 2016). According to Griffiths (2016), in both strategies we can see elements of coercion and normative appeal combined. He stresses how “local technological, institutional, and historical factors” can condition the choice of one strategy over the other (Griffiths 2016). He concludes presenting two paths to pursue secession, namely a “high road” and a “low road” (Griffiths 2016). The main factor that differentiates the two paths is the use of violence, the “low road” is based on violence while the “high road” takes advantage of tools such as networking and lobbying; the

13 latter is typical of mature democracies (Griffiths, 2016). Interestingly enough, he highlights how the “high road” has the lowest success rate in obtaining secession and questions whether violence is necessary to achieve the goals of secessionist movements (Griffiths, 2016). Overseeing the literature, I conclude that the following aspects are particularly relevant to answer my central question and for the two regions that I want to study. The first aspect comes from Pereira et al (2017), from whom I took the concepts of Economically-driven Independentism and Culturally-driven Independentism. These concepts are relevant in answering my research question because it lies at its very core as these are identified as the two possible catalysts for independence movements. However, thinking about these specific regions, it seems that some issues were not mentioned in the literature, namely geography and shared history. I believe that geographical elements, such as mountains, deserts and seas, can play a role in the creation of a national identity, as well as its evolution. It wouldn’t surprise me if an island, such as Sardegna, would develop a different national feeling than the one of the mainland. And finally, as mentioned already in the introduction of this paper, Italy’s past cannot be forgotten when analysing its present, as recent history might have a big influence on the current regionalism present in the region. Due to the characteristics of the regions, I expect the independence tendencies in Veneto to be economically-driven and in Sardegna to be culturally driven. The second aspect comes from Micheal Keiting (1996), from whom took the concepts of Ethnic and Civic Nationalism. This is relevant in answering my central question because the formation of a national, or in this case sub-national identity, is the origin of independence claims. The third aspect come from Pereira et al (2017), from whom I took the concepts of independentism and autonomism. This set of concepts are relevant in answering my central research question because they help understand why they seek independence in particular and not another solution, such as autonomy. The fourth aspect comes from Alesina and Spolare (2015), from whom I took the concept of the influence of Europe. This concept is relevant in answering my central research question because the presence of this institution might create an opportunity for regional nationalist movements to seek support outside of the state, increasing the chances of them pursuing independence. In relation to these four aspects, I developed the sub-questions of my central research question. In relation to the aspect of the role played by cultural and economic factors, the sub- question is “Why such claims and tendencies towards independence are present in particular in Veneto, in the North of Italy, and Sardegna, in the South of Italy?” In relation to the aspect of national identity formation with ethnic and civic nationalism, the sub-question is “How do the supporters of Independence in the two regions conceive their regional identity, and how is this

14 distinct from the one of Italians?” In relation to the aspect of regionalism possibly resulting in autonomism and independentism, the sub-question is “How do they legitimize the tendency toward independence in particular, comparing with other solutions to gain more responsibilities on the administration of the region and freedom from the central state, such as autonomy, which is present in Sardegna and being discussed in Veneto?”. Finally, in relation to the aspect of the influence of Europe, the sub-question is “To what extent do they take into consideration the geopolitical scenario in which they operate?”

15 Chapter 3: Methods

3.1 Design The main focus of this research is to explore the ways in which independence movements in Europe, and specifically in Italy, function, are motivated and legitimise their claims. In order to achieve this I conducted a qualitative research. The research design is a comparative case study, namely the cases of Veneto and Sardegna. I used interviews to gather information on the driving forces and nature of the movements and I analysed the data I collected through the interviews to achieve a well-rounded knowledge of the movements and their characteristics. Once my data was collected I organized it, identified the main themes and, accordingly, created a coding system to make sense of it. Coding is “the process of organizing data by bracketing chunks and writing a word representing a category in margins” (Creswell 2014:247). A qualitative research is preferable when the topic is relatively new and there is a lack of research on it, as it is the case with the topic of this thesis (Creswell 2014). Additionally, since I wanted to explore the catalysts of the movements and the attitudes of their members, arguably abstract factors, a qualitative research was more suitable than a quantitative one (Creswell 2014). Since a comparative case study design is exploratory, it allows the researcher to gain knowledge of a specific case, which is the goal of this research; this is why I chose a comparative case study design (Creswell 2014). Additionally, a comparative case study appeared to be a good fit for this research because, normally, case studies are used when the research aims to answer the questions “how” and “why”, as this research does, and when it is not possible to manipulate the contemporary phenomenon one aims to study; it is, indeed, impossible for me to manipulate the behaviours of the members of independence movements (Yin 2003). Interviews can be structured or semi-structured (Creswell 2014). I conducted semi- structured interviews because it allowed me to cover with certainty some specific topics that I already identified as relevant for my research, while keeping the possibility open for new topics to come up that I didn’t consider but which are also relevant (Creswell 2014). Once the collection of data through interviews was completed, I started analysing them. I organized the material retrieved and read it all together in order to get a general sense of it. I then coded the material on Veneto and on Sardegna separately, identifying the major recurrent themes in order to attribute meaning to the data.

16 I choose Veneto and Sardegna because they present rather different characterises. Veneto is considered richer than Sardegna and it is more densely populated. Additionally, they are situated in two different areas of Italy, Veneto is in the North and Sardegna in the South. Since North and South are often portrayed with opposing peculiarities having one region per area might help achieving diversity. It is important to provide some information on the two regions, to get a better idea of the context. The first graph represents the election result of March 2018 in the whole of Italy, including Veneto and Sardegna, as I believe elections results and political orientation are an important factor to keep in mind while analysing regional independentist movements. The second and third graphs represent the census of the population in Veneto and Sardegna. Finally, the fourth graph represents the Human Development Index in Italy, to show the difference in wealth between Veneto and Sardegna. In looking at this, it is important to keep in mind that in Sardegna there is a high level of tourism, which creates wealth but it is not at all equally distributed among the whole population.

Figure two: Italian Election Results 2018 (Source: Italy’s Ministry of Interior)

Figure three: Census Veneto (Source: Istat.it)

Figure four: Census Sardegna (Source: Istat.it)

18 Figure five: Human Development Index (Source: Mapscroll)

3.3 Operationalisation and Questions Based on the four categories mentioned in Chapter 2, I prepared some questions that I believe helped me touch upon these specific aspects. There is at least one question per aspect, as well as other answers that might produce relevant findings. However, while conducting the interview, I kept a window of possibility open for new factors to be explored in case something came up during the interviews, therefore the structure of the interview was not fixed or always the same. The interview questions are:

1. What is your position on the independence of Sardegna/Veneto? If favourable, why? 2. Are you involved with a movement/political party that seeks independence of a region from Italy? If yes, which movement/political party are you part of? 3. What would be the benefits of obtaining independence that you see for this region? Can you think of any negative consequence of independence? If yes, which? 4. Some people say economic interests of the region are the driving force in independence movements, what would you comment on this? Others think culture is the most relevant factor, what would you comment on this? 5. How would you describe the Venetian People/the Sardinian People? How do they differentiate from Italians? 6. Why do you think independence is the best option compared to autonomy? 7. What do you imagine independent Veneto/Sardegna to be like in the future?

The first 2 questions are introductory questions, to warm up to and to get to know better the respondents and their backgrounds. The 3rd and 4th questions can be referred to the influence of cultural elements and economic interests; the first aspect. The 5th question is related to the formation of regional nationalism and identity through civic nationalism or ethnic nationalism; the second aspect. The 6th question explores the dichotomy of independence and autonomy; the third aspect. Finally, the 7th question looks into the aspirations of the independentists for the two regions in the international arena, especially related to the European Union; the fourth aspect. Based on the aforementioned 4 aspects respectively, this is the coding system I created:

19 Culture vs Economics • Cultural Elements o History o Language o Work ethics • Economic Factors o “Residuo fiscale” o 70% Fiscal Pressure o Potential • Reasons Related to Italian Political Situation • Self-determination

Ethnic vs Civic Nationalism • Ethnic Nationalism • Civic Nationalism

Independence vs Autonomy • Pros Autonomy • Cons Autonomy • Pros Independence • Cons Independence?

Europe Influence • Europe • Italy

3.4 Respondents I conducted 14 interviews, 7 with Venetian independentists and 7 with Sardinian independentists. In the case of Veneto, I started by contacting some of the different independence movements in the region through their websites. Three people came back to me: Alessandra Zanella from Indipendenza Veneta, Gianluca Busato from Plebiscito.eu and Antonio Guadagigni from Veneto Stato. Consequentially, I used their help to find new relevant interviewees, using a snowballing technique. The other interviewees are Ettore Beggiato, ex

20 member and leader of various independentist parties and author of the book Nazione Veneta, Lorenzo Fogliata, lawyer and expert of Venetian legislation, Andrea Favaro, lawyer, Luciano Sandonà, member of the political party Lega and part of the Venetian Regional Council. All the interviewees are highly educated and belong to upper-middle class. Moreover, they presented a tendency to the right-wing political position. One interviewee was a woman, the rest were men. In the case of Sardegna, I first contacted the organization Progetto Autoderminazione, a project that brings together different independence movements in the region under the common goal of achieving independence for Sardegna. Their PR forwarded my messages to the representatives of the various movements and three got back to me, Bustianu Compostu of Sardegna Natzione, Brigida Carta and Gianfranco Sollai who both militated in the past in independentist movements, such as Sardinia Natzione and Partitu Sardu Dazione, and now work in Progetto Autodertminazione. Additionally, Ettore Beggiato who has close ties with other independentist movements in Italy, including the Sardinian one, put me in contact with some other relevant supporters of the Sardinian Independence, namely Edordo Figus, who is member of the independentist organization for young people Scida!, Paola Bonesu, a political consultant, and Andrea, a professor. Finally, Paola Bonesu put me in contact with Mario Carboni, historic member of the Partito Sardu Dazione. All the interviews are highly educated and belong to upper-middle class. Moreover, they presented a tendency to the left-wing political position. Finally, two interviewees were women, the rest were men.

3.5 Ethics In order to respect the rights and the desire of the interviewees, I decided to grant them the possibility of giving informed consent through full disclosure. When I contacted them, I included a brief but complete description of my research and its objectives and offered a summary of the questions, when requested. Additionally, I made clear I could maintain their anonymity if they desired, however the interviewees expressed a preference in having their name mentioned in my paper, except the Sardinian professor Andrea who requested for only his first name to be disclosed. I am not concerned with the fact that making public their names and the information they shared with me would put them in danger. This is because since 2006 talking about Independence is legal and overall accepted in Italy, even if not everyone shares this view no harm can come to the interviewees from this. Moreover, I sent them a copy of the transcript in order for them to approve it. In presenting my findings, some information resulted not to be relevant for my research, so I left this out. However, I didn’t purposely ignore any

21 information just because it didn’t meet my expectations or to manipulate the meaning of what any interviewee said. Finally, before the interview started I asked the permission to record it. For this I received a positive response, expect from Zanella, who asked me not to be registered and I complied.

22 Chapter 4: Veneto

In this first results chapter, the answers to sub-research questions stated in the previous chapter are presented and each relative aspect was investigated for the case of the independentist movements of Veneto. 4.1 Culture vs Economics With interview questions 3 and 4, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 1: “Why such claims and tendencies towards independence are present in particular in Veneto, in the North of Italy, and Sardegna, in the South of Italy?” From the interviews, both economic and cultural factors surfaced as important in driving independence movements, but other factors were also brought to my attention. All interviewees recognized the presence of strong economic interests connected with independence, they were reluctant, however, in identifying them as the catalyst of independence movements. The majority also mentioned cultural elements and many recognized them as the focal point of Venetian independentism, with only one interviewee not believing that culture played a role at all. On top of these two factors, another argument in favour of independence that was brought up by many interviewees is related to their discontent with the Italian government and administration. Finally, the theme of freedom and right to self- determination was recurrent. There are two trends of opinion in relation to the role cultural factors have in generating independentist claims. Some of the interviewees believe culture to be the critical catalyst as well as the element at the basis of this quest for independence, on which then other aspects, such as the economic aspect, can be built on. They alluded to the fact that without cultural elements the rest wouldn’t hold. One of these is Luciano Sandonà, member of the Regional Council of Veneto, who to support this claim gave the example of Lombardia, a neighbouring and rich region, which on the economic level would have benefits even bigger than Veneto coming from independence. However, as it lacks the strong cultural feeling that characterizes Veneto, the independence movements in the region are much weaker. This was clear in the referendum on autonomy that took place last October, where Veneto had a much higher response rate and more positive votes in general than Lombardia. Another argument in favour of the centrality of culture was presented by Andrea Favaro, a Venetian lawyer who now is resident in Sofia. He explained how in Veneto there are 7 provinces, some are very rich, such as Padova and Vicenza, and some are quite poor, such as Rovigo and Belluno. If it was a matter of merely economic interests we would be hearing about independence of Padova and Vicenza

23 alone, as they wouldn’t want to be disadvantaged by the other poorer provinces. Instead the independence claims envision Veneto as a whole, including richer and poorer areas. Others recognised the presence of cultural factors but stated that without the economic pressure, culture alone would fail to create strong independence movements. One of these is Gianluca Busato, cofounder of the partisan movement Plebiscito.eu. and author of Una x per il Veneto, who said that the cultural aspect has been undoubtedly present over the two centuries since the end of the Venetian Republic. But he believes that at this moment in time the aspect that is favouring most the increase and spread of independence claims is the economic one, linked to new developments that allow small but progressive states, like independent Veneto would be, to rise within a geopolitical organism such as Europe. The most popular belief, however, resulted to be the former, namely viewing cultural aspects as pivotal in stimulating independentist ideas. Nevertheless, it appears to be the combination of the two that in some way ensures the development and empowerment of these ideas. Alessandra Zanella, member of one of the biggest movements in the region Indipendenza Veneta, explains how there is an ongoing deep crisis in Italy, and in Veneto, not only from an economic point of view, as many can witness, but also from a cultural point of view, “the state simply doesn’t work on both dimensions” she said. Ettore Beggiato, who in the past has been part and leader of different independentist parties and is the author of La Questione Veneta, reveals how for him the cultural aspect is the prevailing one, but he recognises the importance of economic factors, as he knows that more often than not big masses are moved by their own economic interests the most. He also clearly dissociates the movements from its portrayal in the mainstream media, as it is often depicted with an egoistic connotation, and he explains that the aim is not the one of gaining privileges and richness but to have the opportunity to freely continue being Venetians on every level. A similar opinion is expressed by the expert of Venetian Law and history Lorenzo Fogliata, who believes that the prevailing of one aspect on the other is simply a personal choice, says for him it is without a doubt more important the cultural aspect because of his pride in belonging to what used to be a glorious civilization and its rage with the Italian government for keeping its history from being celebrated, “[…] The knowledge of your past is one of the most important element of a human being.” (interview 9, expert) He does recognise, however, that the economic stimuli are numerous and even more powerful than those of any other European country seeking independence, such as Catalonia and Scotland. He thinks that this choice depends on what you hold closer to your heart: if it is your past and history then it is the cultural element, if it your present and, as he jokily says,

24 “your wallet,” then it is inevitably the economic element. He does specify, however, that they are in no way competitive but rather he identifies them as synergetic. The main concern in terms of economic interests is the so called “residuo fiscale”, meaning per-capita fiscal balance calculated as the difference between final revenue and expenditure, is on average in deficit in the case of Veneto. This leads many Venetians to complain about the amount of taxes they have to pay to the central state. Zanella explains how this is argued to be around 17 billion euros for Veneto. Another economy- related argument is the great potential of Veneto as a world player, thanks to its wide export system, the efficiency and quality of its products that is appreciated in foreign countries, and the entrepreneurship oriented attitude of its people. Busato says that the central government has been showing a negative attitude towards the potentiality of Veneto and, therefore, sees Italy as an obstacle to the region in reaching its full potential. Finally, as Fogliata highlights, Veneto would be able to develop even more once freed of the fiscal pressure of Italy, which is as high as 70%. A strong cultural element mentioned by many interviewees is the past history of Veneto, the long-lasting civilization of the “Repubblica della Serenissima”, a great maritime power that ruled the Mediterranean from 751 to 1797 A.D and had as its core territory the current region of Veneto. Furthermore, Beggiato argues that the historic and cultural aspect can be linked to the environmental aspect, because the region’s territory has been periodically experiencing devastation and cementation over the last years and, as he says, “[…] I dream of a Veneto free to choose its identity and the territory, that we have occupied for thousands of years, is part of our identity and we need to safeguard it.” (interview 2, independentist) Language is also an important cultural element, as many interviewees brought it up and specified that it is not a “dialect”, as in Fogliata’s words many try to make us believe, but a real language that is spoken all across the region. Busato adds that there is definitely a language that, even if with some local variations, is spoken by 70% of the population within families. One interviewee, Antonio Guadagnini, the secretary of Veneto Stato and a member of the Regional Council of Veneto, believes that the main reason to seek independence is neither cultural nor economic, even if he at least recognises the presence of the latter while instead completely rejecting the former. He is strongly convinced that independence would free Veneto from the antiquate structure that is the Italian central state and that smaller more horizontal forms of government can at best represent citizens and their interests. He adds culture is not a sufficient reason to seek independence and gives the example of Sudtirol, another Italian region, where cultural identity is completely protected within the system of the state. Similar arguments are carried out by other interviewees, such as Zanella, who also critiques the central state calling

25 it a “pachyderm” that is heavy and slow and holds back the natural development of people that inhabit it; and Busato, who believes that in the contemporary globalized world it doesn’t make sense to be stuck in a “giant and rigid bureaucratic apparatus” but it is easier, in order to live the challenges of modernity, to operate with “small and agile institutions flexible enough” to deal with these challenges. Throughout the different interviews, there is the recurrence of the theme of pursuing the right to freedom and self-determination as a legitimating factor for the Venetian people seeking independence. Busato argues that for him the most important aspects are “[…] All principles of freedom, not as a goal but as a way of living, and self-determination is strictly connected to that.” (interview 8, independentist) He says that the right to independence is ensured by the principle of self-determination, which is ratified by Italy in law 886 and in the statute of the region Veneto in article 2 since 1971, in which the Venetian people are given the right to govern themselves according to their traditions, history and culture. Zanella as well makes a point on the rightfulness of pursuing independence for any person that desires to do so in the light of the international norms and the right to self-determination. Favaro says very bluntly “[…] I never understood why I have the freedom to choose which dentist should take care of my teeth and which architect should project my house but I can choose the ordainment under which I should live.” (interview10, lawyer)

4.2 Ethnic vs Civic Nationalism With interview question 5, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 2: “How do the supporters of Independence in the two regions conceive their regional identity, and how is this distinct from the one of Italians?” From talking to the Venetian independentists, it appears clear that they believe in the existence of a Venetian People and have a very clear idea of how this population is characterised; only one interviewee expressed his reservation on this. Venetian people as intended by the interviews are the inhabitants of the Veneto region and descendants of the civilization of the “Repubblica della Serenissima”. They recognise some distinct characteristics of these people, such as the work ethics and the value of family and speaking the same language as well as following the same laws. But at the same time, they highlight the openness of this civilization, explaining how people from all over the world became part of it over the centuries. Beggiato makes a paragon with a forest, where “[…] Many trees are born and die within, but some trees’ seeds are also carried by the wind and if the forest is healthy that the new trees will be accepted and the forest will thrive by living in harmony” (interview 2, independentist). Fogliata further elaborates on this dynamic characteristic of the

26 Venetian people and explains how the glue between the newcomers and the old inhabitants was always the laws and how they were enforced for all the same. The statements of the interviewees excluded any racial and ethnic connotation. Instead, it appears clear how much emphasis is given to the institutions of the civilization, especially to the rule of law and law enforcement, as Fogliata explained. Many interviews also expressed a feeling of belonging to shared norms and values. Busato, Zanella, Beggiato and Sandonà all highlight how much the pride of belonging to Veneto is felt by the people, especially in recent years thanks to a rediscovery of its past. This is exemplified by the presence of many symbols linked to the “Repubblics della Serenissima”, such as the Lion of San Marco, both in public places like bridges and roundabouts and by private properties. Beggiato explicates how the independence movement of Veneto has no racist characterization: while since its appearance in the 80s it was accused of being anti-south, their fight was really only against the Italian state and the central government. Their aim to “[…] Destroy centralism with its parasite-like, cliental-based approach and asphyxiating bureaucracy, which in the reality of facts can prevent for all people from thriving, not only Venetians” (interview 2, independentist).

4.3 Autonomy vs Independence With interview question 6, I attempt to answer the sub-research question 3: “How do they legitimize the tendency toward independence in particular, comparing with other solutions to gain more responsibilities on the administration of the region and freedom from the central state, such as autonomy, which is present in Sardegna and is being discussed in Veneto?” When asked about the ongoing negotiation for the autonomy in certain matters of Veneto from Italy, started after the overwhelming victory of “yes” at the referendum held in October 2017, interviews’ preference tent drastically still towards the support of independence, with many arguing the impossibility of actually achieving autonomy. It is important to notice that the majority of the independentists aspire at separatism, with only a few contemplating federalism. Busato said that in order to achieve autonomy, a very strong political consensus is necessary, meaning 2/3 of the chambers should be in favor or 50% of the chambers should be confirmed by a referendum with the majority of Italians voting yes. Instead, the process to achieve independence is different, as it is only necessary that the majority of Venetian people vote in favor. Fogliata explained that such a political consensus is hard to imagine, especially in regard to taxes, as the Italian government benefits greatly from the taxes Veneto pays, this is why he continues to support independence.

27 Additionally, many interviewees pointed out the shortcomings of autonomy, highlighting how even if autonomy was achieved it would be unfulfilling: Since it is a matter of delegation not freedom, as Busato put it “[…] The Italian government would simply concede you a longer leash” (interview 8, independentist), it still won’t grant Veneto the freedom it needs to flourish. Especially it wouldn’t have a say on the most pressing situations, such as the fiscal one, as control over these matters are often not allowed with autonomy. Zanella also critiqued autonomy, saying that a real change is not possible in that way, and that independence is necessary to have a total “rip” from the current order of things, only this would lead to effective empowerment. However, the opinions on autonomy are not all negative as there is a sentiment of hope for the future connected to it. Beggiato thinks that independence cannot be brought to fruition by a movement of “everything, now”. This would not be realistic, but it is a gradual change and it would be already a victory to obtain more delegations from the central state. Therefore, he does not see any contradiction of terms, rather one path to independence with some intermediate steps, one of them possibly being autonomy. On a similar line of reasoning lies Sandonà’s idea, who said that he supported, and still does, the process of autonomy, as a passage towards a future of freedom and a fundamental step to make Venetians take conscience of their possibilities. When people voted for autonomy and the possibility to administrate some of their resources, he said, they also unconsciously voted for more freedom from the state. He prises it as the first official result in the direction of independence. Furthermore, it is shared among the interviews the idea that having the people of Veneto thinking about autonomy from the central government is a positive phenomenon. Busato brought up the fact that until 2006 talking about independence was illegal, now nobody is “scandalized” by it anymore. Fogliata, even if he believes that autonomy and independence are two completely different things “or better antithetic”, supported it not because he believes in autonomy, but because he believes in everything that helps the people to start thinking autonomously, autonomy is “a habit to freedom.” Zanella, who also doubts the possibilities of positive developments coming from autonomy, nevertheless stated that talking about autonomy and having in the media everyday helps involve people and inform them at the same time.

4.4 Influence of Europe With interview question 7, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 4: “To what extent do they take into consideration the geopolitical scenario in which they operate?” The interviewees recognised the importance of international relations in the process of adjusting to

28 the new condition if or when independence is achieved. In particular, they expressed a feeling of encouragement connected with institutions such as the European Union. Busato and Zanella both said that in modern times many important developments that have been achieved, for example the European Union and the United Nations, and some big challenges of the past century, such as trade and security, find support to a level superior to the one of the nation state. They concluded that a state like Italy doesn’t make sense anymore, it even becomes a limitation. Beggiato declared himself to be a deep supporter of the European Union and specified that this position doesn’t clash with his independentist stance, even if some think so, as he believes that the real obstacles to achieve a true cohesion of people are indeed the nation-states. The accomplishment of this reality will be achieved by the weakening of the supremacy of nation- states and the straightening of the autonomies of people, such as the Venetian, the Catalonian, the Flemish, the Bavarian. Sandonà elaborated on the inevitability of this process, which in his opinion will be slow and gradual but certain. He thinks this push for independence is similar to other ones found in Eastern Europe in the past that already resulted in the creation of new independence states, and he noticed that at this day there are many other similar pushes all over Western Europe, such as the one in Scotland and Catalonia. He is convinced, “The Europe of today looks nothing like the one of 40 years ago and you can be sure nothing like the one of 40 years from now.” While talking about the process of achieving independence related to the question about the European Union, many interviewees reiterated the fact that this process needs to be peaceful and democratic. One of these is Beggiato: he highlighted how in order to achieve the approval of Europe it is necessary to avoid violent behaviours and conflict. These, he said, would not be beneficial to the cause, but actually work against it by crediting those that condemn independence and try to portrait independentist movements as dangerous. Some interviewees also expressed their expectations for future relationships with Italy to be as peaceful as ever. As Fogliata said, the only negative consequences of independence would manifest if Italy retaliated. He hopes in a “friendly divorce” with a membership in the EU, to open borders with Italy and the continuation of importing venetian products in the peninsula and the rest of the continent. If we look at the information on Veneto as a whole, the most important aspect results to be the economic one, as it is mentioned by all the interviewees and it has heavy consequences. The “residuo fiscale” and fiscal pressure are a big problem for the independentist, and together with the poor administration of the central government they are an explosive combination. However, many interviewees made a point about culture being another relevant aspect. The

29 glorious Venetian history and institutions and the common spoken language ties the Venetians together and contributed to develop a regional identity that separates them from the rest of the Italian population. The idea of achieving autonomy is doubted by many, and even if it was achieved it is portrayed as insufficient. There is a common desire to see independent Veneto approved by Europe and by part of the Union.

30 Chapter 5: Sardegna

In this second result chapter, I will focus on Sardegna. I will use the same order as the chapter on Veneto and present the answers to sub-research questions stated in the previous chapter as well as investigate each relative aspect. 5.1: Culture vs Economics With interview questions 3 and 4, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 1: “Why such claims and tendencies towards independence are present in particular in Veneto, in the North of Italy, and Sardegna, in the South of Italy?” When asked about the motivations behind the quest for independence the interviewees confirmed the presence of cultural and economic factors, as well as highlighting some other factors. In relation to the role of cultural and economic elements as driving forces of these movements, independentists gave two main trends of answers: some interviewees stated that culture is the central element, while some stated that culture and economic interests taken together originate independence tendencies. Some interviews brought up pressing economy-related issues that have a big impact on independence claims and their popularity with the general population of Sardegna. In addition to these elements, some recurrent themes were history, the principle of self-determination and problems related to Italian policies. These seams to also have an incentivizing value in the pursuit of independence. The majority of the interviewees stressed the importance of cultural elements in driving the independentist waves that have been present in the region since after the First World War. In this regard, Bustianu Compostu, coordinator of the movement Sardegna Natzione, talked about a cultural awakening following the WWI, characterised by the Sardinian people taking conscience of their specific history and traditions and distancing themselves from the Italians. He expressed his discontent with the process of unification of Italy, as he does not think it was right to consider Sardinians and Italians as one people by de fault. By unifying them under one state, a process of homologation started, he stated “[…] We were under similar situation under the Spanish, only difference is that they never tried to make us Spanish. The damage Italy has done, to the Sardinian society, the environment and the health of the people, it’s bigger than the one of all the previous dominators put together.” (interview 1, independentist) Moreover, Paola Bonesu, political consultant, said “[…] I think the real question comes down to: does Sardegna have the right to decide for itself?” (interview 3, consultant), her answer is yes. She further elaborated on this saying that this right belongs to many realities, but in particular to Sardegna because of historic and cultural elements that distinguish it from the central state more than

31 other regions. Finally, she specifies that with culture she means “everything that forms a person, not only history and language but also the way they relate to the territory, Sardegna is territorially very different from the rest of Italy.” Mario Carboni, member of the historic party Paritu Sardu DAzione, said that those who state that economic elements are more important than cultural ones in driving independence movements, are simply part of a group of researches that focus on economics and try to explain every phenomenon through economic lenses. This approach prevents them from fully understating complex phenomena as independence movements. He identified the main reason for Sardinia to seek independence with the fact that people happen to take conscience of their nationality and start claiming their right to be represented by a state. He explains how a population wants self-government not only for its economy, but mostly on cultural matters. He made a point giving the example of the Catalans, where they have many economic problems but the main motivation is the language; this purely cultural factor has the most weight. Gianfranco Sollai, member of Progetto Autodeterminazione and lawyer, recognises that other small states in Europe (there are 5 that are even smaller than Sardegna) are all in better conditions because they can use their resources and organise them. He thinks Italian policies addressing Sardegna do not belong with the region particularity. This might actually be a strategy of the central government, he goes as far as saying that Sardegna is not developing because the Italians don’t want Sardegna to develop and to rise their head asking independence with more vigour. He said “[…] We have to be honest, we are colonized.” (interview 5, independentist) But even if he believes that independence is a necessity for Sardegna at this point, because continuing on this path will inevitably lead the land and the people to destruction at the hand of the current dominator, he still insists that economic elements are not the core of the movement. In his words “[…] It is not something you can negotiate, the right to independence is an unalienable right. Even if they offered us better economic situation no Sardinian would give up independence, we can’t be bought.” (interview 5, independentist) Some of the interviewees agreed that both elements are important. Brigida Carta, professor and member of Progetto Autodeterminazione, said, “[…] The two elements to me are on the same level and actually quite connected,” (interview 4, independentist) and she continued explaining how the adequate type of economy is dependent on culture and having a Sardinian culture and being sensible towards Sardinian identity elements would bring in place a sustainable and eco-friendly economy that safeguards peculiar historic aspects of their land. A “right” economy can be realized only if there is sensibility for these aspects. Until now the economic models imposed have clashed with the specificities of Sardegna. She gives the example of the industries and the military bases located on the region, which ruin the

32 environment and threaten the health of the people, “[…] The Italian politics have so far been distracted, to use a euphemism.” (interview 4, independentist) Bonesu also discussed the presence of both cultural and economic elements: “[…] I think the two themes can’t be separated, the independentist answer was definitely born to solve culture problems but was made stronger by the economic situation increasingly ‘uncomfortable’.” (interview 3, consultant) An interesting argument was brought forward by Sollai, connecting culture and economics, he said: “I am convinced that the cultural aspect is important for the formation of a person, when you tell a person they are not important because they have a minor language and a history of submission and loos, and you can’t teach any of it in school, this reflects on the economic reality of those people, the men who create development are rich inside and know how to deal with challenge with other men, they don’t feel inferior.” (interview 5, independentist) He thinks culture is also important because the knowledge of history and territory can help make sensible choices. If the decision about Sardegna were made by the Sardinians, the choices would be more appropriate to the needs of the region. All the interviewees agreed on the existence of distinct cultural elements proper of the Sardinian culture and expressed a strong feeling of belonging to this culture. One of the main cultural element identified by many interviewees is language. Sollai stressed how there are some small differences in the spoken language but there is certainly a common origin and “everyone can understand everyone”, he added “[…] When you hear a Sardinian speaking you can tell the difference not only from Italians but from any other European population, it is a unique language.” (interview 5, independentist) Andrea, lawyer and firm supporter of Sardinian independence, elaborated on the importance of language, saying that it can be considered an important social glue. However, he continued, “I think every Sardinian today knows that Sardegna is something else compared to Italy, even if we didn’t speak this language.” (interview 6, lawyer) Additionally, Bonesu further explained how Sardinian is a Romanic language, and not a dialect as many claim, and it is unfortunately disappearing. This, in her opinion, entails a sort of disorientation at the cultural level. In this regard, she gave the example of low rate of school attendance, not only for the lack of transportation making reaching school difficult, but also due to the fact that the school system doesn’t respond to the culture of the territory and it is perceived as estranged in the eyes of the people. Moreover, geography has also been identified as a relevant cultural element. Even if language is the strongest glue, as Edoardo Figus, member of the independentist youth organization Scida!, explained, the territory is also important. With globalisation, it might seem irrelevant, but, in the past, being isolated influenced a lot the way of living, the feeling of community, the civic duties. Andrea agrees, he

33 said “living in an island brings us all together.” (interview 6, lawyer) Moreover, Sollai thinks that the problems of Sardinia are very particular, exactly because it is an Island, and Italian policies fail because they don’t understand this. The majority of the interviewees put emphasis also on the economic problems of the region. Bonesu said that at the moment there is a big economic crisis and Sardinia is not competitive at the international level. According to Figus, at the present state of things, independence is the only option to grant development. He explained: “[…] Leaving aside the cultural aspect, as a matter of fact I take being Sardinian for granted, in a state you cannot force homologation, from an economic point of view independence is necessary to emancipate from a government that blocks us.” (interview 7, independentist) In his opinion the only way Sardegna can develop is endogenously. Additionally, he brought forward the argument of the relationship between centre and periphery and how the periphery will always be taken advantage of by the centre. He identified Italy as the centre and Sardegna as the periphery and said “We are aware we are being taken advantage of and we want to free ourselves.” (interview7, independentist) Sollai explained that he rejects the belief that a people must first to be rich in order to advance claims for independence and be legitimized in doing so, because sometimes a person is stopped from developing and becoming rich exactly because they lack a state that represents them. Carboni said “[…] We have so many economic problems but this doesn’t stop us.” (interview 11, independentist) Another economy-related argument is presented by Sollai, about the impossibility of properly publicising their products, as the label ‘made in Italy’ prevents the consumer to know Sardinian products and appreciate them. He gives the example of Pecorino Romano, a cheese that is processed in Lazio but made with Sardinian milk. However, it only takes the name of the Italian capital, which is in Lazio, and the Sardinian contribution is forgotten. This, he argued, has an impact on the economy as publicity is very important to be successful. If Sardegna was a state it would be more well- known and it would be an advantage in terms of presenting their products to the world. If Sardinian products were more publicised, there would be an increase in demand and therefore in production, which would entail more work. He also said that tourism would increase in this process of exposure. Among the other elements that surfaced as influential there are history, the principle of self-determination and problems related to Italian policies. History appears to play a role in the conceptualization of the relationship between Sardegna and Italy in the minds of the Sardinians themselves. As Compostu explained, Sardegna has a history of being conquered and oppressed by a series of different foreign powers, namely the Punic population, the Romans, the Saracens,

34 the Arabs, the Pisans, the Genoeses and the Spanish. Therefore, the popular conception about Italy is that it is simply the last conqueror and as the other passed, Italy will pass too. The sentiment of being under a “colonizer” or “dominator” is shared by many interviewees, such as Fugus, Bonesu and Carta, and it can explain why Sardinian would want independence. Additionally, the concept of self-determination was mentioned by multiple interviewees. Cumpostu thinks that self-determination is the concept of freedom applied to population and, as no one can take a person’s freedom, the same is for people. He critiques the Italian constitution for being undemocratic, because it states that the territory of the state is indivisible and doesn’t take into consideration that there might be some people in the state submitted against their will. Andrea feels strongly that all people need to be respected, and so does Sollai who thinks all people should be considered equals and have the same rights. Furthermore, Sollai believes that any group of people with a strong identity, formed by specific economic, cultural and social factors, will inevitably claims its independence. He argues that even modern day states, for example Italy, were born reclaiming a unifying national identity. The Italian state today represents the Italian people, an Italian nation with its own language, culture and economy. However, other people with an own, different, national identity that might exist within the state and this process they are left incapable of fully embrace it. For example, within the Italian state, there is the Sardinian identity. There is a necessity of a state entity because only through such apparatus a national identity can be safeguarded. He explained “I cannot imagine another institutional form able to do so, this applies for many stateless nations such as Catalonia, Corsica and Scotland”. (interview 5, independentist) Another recurrent theme is the critique towards Italian policies in the region. Many interviewees, such as Andrea and Bustianu, complained the presence of 60% of Italian military based in the region against the will of the people. Another issue is the problem of transportation, brought forward by Sollai, Carta and Andrea, that makes moving around and leaving the region very difficult, which impacts economic competitiveness. The choice of creating industries that struggle to function and need important aids from the state, is also opposed by the interviewees, in particular Andrea. He says that the state should instead finance activities more apt to the region. Figus and Bonesu remembered the plan of “The Rebirth of the South”, carried out by the Italian government in the 80s with the creation of chemical industries to foster development, which failed completely and produced opposite effects. Many complaints were also moved against wind mills and solar panels, as they ruin the landscape according to Andrea and Carta. Cumpostu complained against the attempt of the Italian government to impose nuclear waste in the region, some of which take up to four million years to decompose. The Sardinians have

35 of course protested against it and opposed it, but the Italian government won’t take them into consideration. Carta also talked about the problem of pollution, due to military bases and industries, and she said that Sardegna is treated as the “cleaning lady” of Italy. A strong point made by various interviewees is the complaint against the fact that the Sardinian language is not taught in schools. Sollai is a strong supporter of reforming the school system and teach Sardinian along with a language that would allow to communicate with other populations, which he thinks is English in today’s world. He remembered how when he was a child he already realized this duality of being Sardinian and being Italian, as he would speak Sardinian with his family and community but Italian at school. At the time, speaking Sardinian was even prohibited. Since then, he embraced the idea that it is necessary to safeguard the national identity of the Sardinian people, and of all people. The extraction of gas in Arborea, a particular important area for agriculture, is also seen negatively, because it was done without consulting the local community and damages the area and agriculture. Sollai explained how the outrage with this practice actually brought many of the inhabitants of the region to embrace the independentist cause. He was not the only one to notice this. Various interviwees, such as Carta and Figus, also stated that these policies put in action by the state and disapproved by the people play a role in the increase in the support for independence claims.

5.2: Ethnic vs Civic Nationalism With interview question 5, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 2: “How do the supporters of Independence in the two regions conceive their regional identity, and how is this distinct from the one of Italians?” There seems to be a strong national feeling, but it is not connected to race. On the contrary, one characteristic presented by many independentists as typical of Sardinian nationalism is inclusivity. Andrea explained that Sardinian is “whoever marries the cause” (interview 6, lawyer), highlighting how independence needs to be constructed with everyone, not only those with same language, last name (typical Sardinian last names end in “u”) or ideological and political vision. Sollai stressed that asking what differentiates them from Italians is the same as asking what differentiates French from Italians, “we are another people, full stop.” (interview 5, independentist) But he cares to specify that there are not genetic differences, the Sardinians are those who live in the island and share common values and culture, whether they were born there or arrived later on it does not matter. Carta also highlights how Sardinians are rich of values, among which the fact that they are very hospitable and welcoming, solidarity is at the base of Sardinian Independentism. Figus explained that in the past there were some more ethnic-oriented branches of the movements,

36 almost racist he says. He refers to a strain of more extreme and violent nationalist groups that developed in the 50s and 60s. However, he specified, they soon died out as they didn’t meet much support.

5.3: Autonomy vs Independence With interview question 6, I attempted to answer the sub-research question 3: “How do they legitimize the tendency toward independence in particular, comparing with other solutions to gain more responsibilities on the administration of the region and freedom from the central state, such as autonomy, which is present in Sardegna and being discussed in Veneto?” It is important to notice that the independence that Sardinian independentists seek is of federalist type, not so much separatism. Some interviewees expressed their discontent and disappointment with how the autonomy of the region has been administrated so far. “[…] We have autonomy on paper but it is an instrument given from above to keep us quiet” (interview 7, independentist), Figus stated. He thinks it can be used wisely but depends on who governs Sardegna, if they are under the influence of Rome, as they are now, it will never be fully implemented. Carta said that autonomy is now not actually practiced, due to Sardinian politicians, as they are part of national parties and have the same agenda as the central government. She specified “[…] We need indigenous politicians to take over the situation and carry out actions with interests of Sardegna only in mind.” (interview3, independentist) Bonesu explained that there is autonomy in theory but “calling it a success would be lying”, the problem lies with the regional ruling class, as it is connected to national government and depends on its support. Therefore, they are like puppets and, she explained “[…] Every political game is made in Rome.” (interview 3, consultant) Other interviewees, however, stated that even if the autonomy was fully implemented according to its current terms, it would still not be enough. Compostu explained how, in general, every person is better off if they can decide for themselves, “[…] We can only say yes or no, we can’t say if, we can’t give conditions, conditions are democracy.” (interview 1, independentist) He continued by describing autonomy as an elastic: in his experience, the elastic is larger when the state’s interests are not touched, but they are under threat, the elastic becomes immediately smaller. The main problem to him with autonomy is that “the last word will always be with the state”. According to Andrea, the autonomy of Sardegna is incomplete and has less space for action than other regions in Italy. He also highlighted how for many independentists, autonomy is the opposite of independence. Carboni agrees, he said that the autonomy is limited and it needs many changes, it needs to grant Sardegna with maximum

37 competences, one fundamental aspect is the economic and fiscal competence, in that case “[…] It would be a step close to independence, but still not the same.” (interview 11, independentist) Sollei referred to the conditions to which autonomy is restricted in its current statute, namely the fact that it cannot be in contrast with the Italian nation. This makes it very limited, for example they cannot change the main language from Italian to Sardinian.

5.4: Influence of Europe With interview question 7, I attempted to answer the sub-research question: “To what extent do they take into consideration the geopolitical scenario in which they operate?” The majority of the interviewees expressed the expectation of having independent Sardegna as a member of the European Union and overall positive feelings towards the institution. Carta wants to achieve a Europe of people, and for the Sardinians to be together with other people participating and making their voice heard. Sollai also expressed its desire for Sardegna to play a relevant role in the European Union. He said that if in Europe all people would have a say, even those without a state, then things would be different. However, as things are now, the importance of one’s voice is conditional to it being represented by a state, therefore achieving independence is fundamental in order to gain weight. Compostu stated that he believes in Europe, but one that voices all the people, not in the hand of antiquate and rigid nation-states. Carboni explained that he has a European prospective and appreciates the presence of an over state power, eliminating the need for states like the Italian one. However, some interviewees were sceptical about this topic, for example Figus explained how it is a very delicate matter, and not everyone agrees. Populist narratives, together with witnessing the struggles that the European Union continuously face, divide the population in those in its favour and those against it. It is hard to pass a positive message and to have one million and a half people agree on this. Finally, all interviewees stressed the importance of implementing a peaceful strategy in achieving independence, or it will result in retaliation by the Italian government and disapproval and rejection by the European Union. Summarizing, we see that for Sardinian independentists culture seems to have central importance. The cultural element is strongly felt by all interviewees, and they identify as Sardinians, not as Italians. On top of this, they had a lot to say about the economic development of the region and how it would improve with independence. While they feel close to the Sardinian culture, they expressed negative feelings towards the institutions, or better how they are run: in the interest of nationalist parties. To this is connected the matter of autonomy, which is also in the hands of members of nationalist parties and not used at the advantage of the

38 Sardinians. Many state that, even under better administration, autonomy under the current terms would be insufficient. Finally, they expressed their positive attitude towards the European Union.

39 Chapter 6: Conclusion and Discussion

Through the analysis of the data collected, I was able to globally answer my research question, namely “Why do regional nationalist movements in Italy seek independence?”, by addressing the four sub-research questions. In both regional nationalist movements, the one of Veneto and the one of Sardegna, cultural elements that legitimize independent claims and economic interests that incentivise these claims were present and were addressed multiple times and consistently by the independentists. However, there is a fundamental difference between the two regions when speaking of economic component, in Veneto it relates mostly to the direct loss of money to the central state, while in Sardegna it relates to the wrong economic policies adopted by the central state in the region that independentists think preclude Sardegna from developing. In terms of cultural elements, both movements recognised common language and history and traditions as important to create a distinct regional identity. While the theory suggested that it was either one element or the other to play a role in driving independentist movements, the data seem to point in the direction of the combination of the two factors being the catalyst of independence tendencies in regional nationalist movements. I believe that neither element alone can fuel strong independence claims, instead cultural factors can be seen as at the origin of such claims and only thanks to incentivising economic factors they can be increased and become part of regional nationalist movements. It is relevant to mention that in the case of Veneto, the economic component appeared very strong but a lot of importance was given to cultural elements. It is worth mentioning that many outside the independence movements are sceptical about the cultural claims of Venetian independentists. Maybe this can be explained by the desire of the independentists to appeared legitimized in the eyes of other Italians and other European people in general. On the contrary, in Sardegna the cultural element appeared very strong, but a lot of emphasis was placed on economic interests in favour of independence. This emphasis might be motivated by a desire to involve the general population, creating interest by promising an improvement in the development, a matter that many appear to have at heart. Something to keep in mind when talking of the possibility of independence for Veneto and Sardegna is their territory. Sardegna is an island; therefore, its territory is already detached from the main land and if the region were to achieve independence there won’t be any major consequence for the territorial composition of Italy. Veneto, on the other hand, doesn’t have any territorial division giving by natural elements, on the contrary it is complete part of Italy. If the region was to obtain independence, a whole other region, namely Friuli Venezia Giulia, would be separated from the rest of Italy.

40 From a preliminary scrutiny, the movement for the independence of Veneto and Sardegna seemingly presented elements typical of Ethnic nationalism, emphasising the importance of the “Popolo Veneziano” and “Popolu Sardu”. However, after carrying out my research, the character of national identity in these movements was openly not ethnic, as members of both the Venetian movement and the Sardinian expressed their distance from positions related to identity creation based on fixed characteristics such as ethnic, linguist and religious factors. In the case of Veneto, it is clear that we are talking about Civic Nationalism, with strong attachment to regional institutions and common values. However, in the case of Sardegna it was not as clear. The Sardinians agreed on sharing common values and experiencing a feeling of belonging to the stateless nation of Sardegna. However, they do not feel close to the institutions of the regions, because they are administrated by members of national parties, who have national interest at heart, lacking a strong component of civic nationalism. This does not come as a complete surprise, however, as Keating (1996) specifies this two categories are ideal types. It appears that nationalist or sub-nationalist movements with tendencies to civic nationalism are more likely to pursue independence with peaceful means. This might be related to the fact that they recognise some positive elements in their already existing system and aim to pursue it through democratic ways, rather than feeling the need to rebel against the central state to achieve the freedom that allows creating a new system. Additionally, the differences between independence and autonomy became clear. Specifically, it was explained why these movements support independence and do not want to settle down for autonomy. Autonomy is seen as insufficient: every decision would still require the Italian government’s approval, and there are some issues on which the independentists are simply not willing to negotiate. This connects with the centralist character of the Italian state, even if autonomy is granted it is way too limited to allow the regions to address important problems. In their article, Pereira et stated that the causal factors of secessionism are economic variables and of autonomism are cultural variables. This appears to be incorrect in the case of Veneto and Sardegna, as the cultural variables is present in both but they firmly reject autonomy in favour of independence. Finally, the existence of an over-state entity, namely Europe, proved to be important for regional nationalist movements to adopt the decision of seeking independence from the central state. Members from the movements of both Sardegna and Veneto reiterated how the possibility of being part of such a geopolitical system makes belonging to the outdated nation-state unnecessary. Many independentists reiterated their desire to be part of the European Union once independence is achieved, as this will allow protection and possibility to trade. However, some

41 others were cautious with this idea because the general population of Italy is not favourable to being part of the Europe, as transpired from the last elections, and they can see how it might cause controversy and division. It was stated that efforts to build new relations as an independent state with Europe are necessary, as the support of the Union is crucial to survive the international arena without Italy. The peaceful character of the independence quest of both movements will contribute to this. However, the focus for now remains on gaining the support of the people that inhabit the region before focusing on the international support. While complaining against the Italian administration, none of the independentists mentioned immigration, suggesting they don’t consider. However, among the general population this is a recurrent theme and source of animosity against the state. Finally, while I expected to see some substantial differences between the two movements, one in the North and one in the South, they present many common positions, such as the love for their culture, the rejection of ethnicity, the positive attitude towards the European Union and the discontent with the Italian administration. From the interviews, it even transpired a sense of solidarity between the two movements, with many independentists expressing reciprocal respect and support. However, the Venetian and the Sardinian movements do represent two different economic situations, one region is rich and one region is poor. This helps to generalise the conclusions to other movements with different types of economic situations. Thinking from an economic perspective, Veneto can be seen closer to the movements of Catalonia and the Flanders, which are also among the richest regions in their respective states. However, I think Catalonia and the Flanders have a more firmly distinct national identity, especially in relation to language. While Sardegna can be seen closer to the movements of Corsica and Ireland, which are characterised by poor economies and strong distinct regional identities with legitimised cultural claims. Finally, the Venetian movement appears more unified and advanced, while the Sardinian movement is still rather fragmented; this has been a problem of the Sardinian movement through the years, but change is in sight thanks to Progetto Autodeterminazione. It is important to keep in mind that both movements exist in a very peculiar setting, namely the Italian state, so generalization to other independence movements outside Italy can be made but with some caution. However, discontent about the central government and its administrations are not unique to Italy. Scottish and Catalonian independentists have also expressed in multiple occasions their dislike the policies of the United Kingdom and Spain respectively.

42 The theory has proven useful to analyse real life phenomena, even if there were some elements missing. I found a lack of attention to the form of government as potential cause for retaliation of the population resulting in regionalisation and a quest for independence. Specifically, the Italian government’s politics were perceived negatively by independentists belonging to both movements and members of both movements criticised the strong centralist character of the state. Even if in theory a regionalisation project has been carried out since the 1970s, with some regions obtaining special autonomy powers, in reality the central government maintains a strong centralist character. This was used to legitimize their claims to become independent. While I assume that better administration and a more federalist approach would decrease the chance of regional nationalist movements advancing independence claims, it needs to be noted that even in states that fulfil these criteria, like Germany, independence claims still exist. Bavaria has been pursuing independence for decades, however, this is the only region that presents such a movement in the area and it is much more restricted than the ones present in Italy. At a practical level this research can help to understand these movements better and possibly find a peaceful solution by fulfilling their aspirations within the reality of the state, even if this might be challenging. A bigger attention to the needs of the regions and an increased respect for their regional identities could produce positive results and help manage the movements, avoiding conflict. Some other wealthy regions in Italy want to gain more independence from the central state, namely Lombardia and Friuli Venezia Giulia. These movements are however less advanced than the Venetian one, maybe due to its lack of cultural component. Cultural arguments to support independence claims have been advanced by a number of regions in Italy, such as Sudtirol, which feels closer to the Austrian culture, and Sicily, which claims a different heritage altogether. However, I do not believe that these movements have high risk of escalating into violence. If we look at independence movements in Europe where conflict broke off, like for example Bosnia, the Basque Country and Northern Ireland, we can observe how they had a recent history of war and war tends to repeat itself (Oskar & Ron 2007). This is not the case with Italian regions. Moreover, this Bosnian independence movement had strong ethnic components and religious characterization, which is lacking in Sardegna and Veneto. Additionally, in multiple occasions the respondents from both groups expressed their determination to maintain the process democratic and peaceful. Only this way it can gain more support at the international level and especially by the European Union. It is worth mentioning that the desires of the independentists might not be met in reality, even if they follow a peaceful

43 quest, as Europe has proven to not encourage regions declaring independence, as it was the case for example with Catalonia. Overseeing this study, the research methods, namely semi structured interviews, have provided me with many useful insights on the topic and allowed me to explore unforeseen relevant findings. I would suggest in the future research the use of a survey to reach the general population, as my sample was restricted to a highly educated upper-middle class sample consisting mostly of men. If the opinion of general population is accessed, a more accurate and comprehensive idea of the tendencies, pro or con independence, will be drawn. I believe it is important to determine whether these movements are representative of the feelings of the general population or not, also to predict how they will evolve in the future. Moreover, it is important to consider the fact that I am from Veneto, which might have influenced in a way the type of answers I received. One might assume that by sharing nationality, the Venetians were more open and honest.

44 Acknowledgements

I want to thank all the respondents who made this thesis possible: Gianluca Busato, Alessandra Zanella, Ettore Beggiato, Andrea Favaro, Lorenzo Fogliata, Luciano Sandonà, Antonio Guadagnini, Birgida Carta, Gianfranco Sollai, Andrea Arborea, Bustianu Compostu, Paola Bonesu, Mario Carboni, and Edoardo Figus. I also want to thank Alessandro Morisin, founder of Indipendenza Veneto, who sent me his book “Autodeterminazione”, which helped me to gain more insights on the movement. Finally, a special thank you to my supervisor Anja Van Heelsum, for her guidance.

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