The Development of Digital Television in China and Norway
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Intercultural Communication Studies XVII: 3 2008 Vaagan & Wang The Development of Digital Television in China and Norway Robert Vaagan Yu Wang Oslo University College Communication University of China The paper1 identifies key determinants for government media policy formulation in China and Norway regarding the shift to digital television (DTV) taking place in many countries. Drawing mainly on documentary analysis of key policy documents, the paper finds that despite obvious differences between the two countries, Chinese and Norwegian authorities face broadly similar challenges with respect to DTV: a need to weigh public interest, state broadcasting services and, ultimately, political control against commercial market pressure, viewership preferences, and affordability. Compared to other media, television has, since the 1950s-60s, come to play a dominant role in many countries as a means of mass communication and entertainment; global television has become an important aspect of globalization (Cottle, 2003; Langer, 2003; Bignell, 2004). DTV is widely seen as a major paradigm shift in television history. The U.S. Federal Communications Commission states that DTV will “transform your television viewing experience” (FCC, 2007). Many developments – technological, commercial, political and cultural – are converging as the analog switch-off and digital roll-out take place globally (Carlsson, 2006; Harrie, 2006; Iosifides, 2006; Leiva, Starks & Tambini, 2006; Wang, 2005; Zhou, 2007). The “second media age” involves media convergence and the blending of traditional broadcasting with interactive networking (Bolin, 2005; Holmes, 2005). Although digitization is technology-driven and global, including programs and formats, it is important to realize that television content remains largely local (Bignell, 2004). At the same time, emerging interactive networking technologies (e.g. EPG and e-commerce through TV) seem to confirm the validity of “narrowcasting” (i.e. individual preferences of the viewer-consumer become decisive criteria for business development) (Hirst & Harrison, 2007). The “public sphere model” is vying with the “business model” as public broadcasters limited to license fees, struggle to compete with the marketing and advertisement-driven commercial broadcasting of big business media conglomerates (Carlsson, 2006; Croteau & Hoynes, 2006). All these developments converge in DTV. Theory, Methodology and Research Focus While China and Norway are both rich countries by many standards, their differences are obvious not least in terms of demographics, geography, politics and culture. Yet these factors also make them interesting to compare, regarding media digitization. For instance, their governments have chosen different DTV platforms. In China, where DTTV has never been a real option, policy makers have opted for cable TV as the main platform for DTV development. Analog switch-off and digital roll-out is planned region-by-region over a 10- year-period: 2005-2015. Despite enormous economic growth over the last decade, there is uncertainty about the willingness of Chinese viewers long accustomed to free television 169 Intercultural Communication Studies XVII: 3 2008 Vaagan & Wang services from the national broadcaster CCTV, to adapt to a new environment of pay-TV which DTV ushers in. At the same time, the main policy goal of the ruling Communist Party is the development of a “harmonious society” (Hu, 2005). Policy makers are therefore attempting to find a business model that will prove attractive to developers and viewers alike and at the same time allow Chinese authorities retention of political control. In Norway, switchover will take place region-by-region from 2007-2010. European public broadcasters are promoting DTTV (Aslama & Syvertsen, 2006), but Norwegians are questioning whether their government’s longstanding advocacy of DTTV is viable in the face of commercial DTV competition based on satellite, cable or IPTV transmissions. Several theories and methodologies are relevant in a comparative article like ours. The choice of theory and methodology depends on the focus of analysis, typically either audiences, institutions or texts (Bruhn, 2002; Holmes, 2005; Williams, 2003). Here we are mostly concerned with the formulation of government DTV policies in two quite different countries. Syvertsen (2004) in her study of Norwegian media policy distinguishes between analysis of policy content and consequences (normative theory, policy goals, and policy consequences) and descriptive studies of policy formulation (stakeholders and structure). In this brief paper which is a first draft of a larger research project, we have chosen to limit the discussion to a description of policy formulation focussed on stakeholders and structures. This research focus will be developed in later works with comparative analysis of key institutions and audiences, drawing on appropriate theories and methodologies. China Development of DTV Policy Digitization is making considerable impact on the broadcasting industry, on individual families and on society as a whole. All governments attach great importance to digitization and formulate policies and plans, reflecting active encouragement of digitization. Many countries have made a timetable for digital switchover and analog switch-off. Depending on the differentiation of the transmission signals of the television, digital television consists of three types – terrestrial DTV, cable DTV and satellite DTV. The development of these three types of digital TV is also a factor any government will take into consideration in establishing a policy for the digital TV industry. As it is conceived by the European Commission (EU, 2005), the term switch-off refers to the termination of terrestrial transmission of analog television; switchover refers to the transition from analog to digital broadcasting of all networks, including terrestrial, cable, satellite and DSL (digital subscribe lines). In China, the State Council has prioritized broadcasting digitization since 2004. The State Administration of Radio, Film and Television (SARFT ), which is the authority over the radio, TV and film industries in China and a main stakeholder, has established a policy for digital TV regulation in the form of a series of rules and regulations in recent years. (SARFT, 2000- 2005). Thus in 2004, SARFT estimated in the 10th five-year plan of radio, film and TV technology and plan of 2010 prospect that digital television users will exceed 30 million households in 2005, that digital broadcasting will be fully applied in 2010, and that analog switch-off will be achieved by 2015 (SARFT, 2004b). In terms of China, digital television 170 Intercultural Communication Studies XVII: 3 2008 Vaagan & Wang policy refers to the digital television policy in mainland China, excluding Taiwan, the Hong Kong Special Administration Region and the Macao Special Administration Region. The Cable TV Corporation of Hong Kong SAR closed the simulating signal on June 10th in 2004 and all network users shifted to digital TV. Digital ground broadcasting opened in 2004 in Taiwan. According to the Taiwan Economic Plan and Development Committee, the current frequency channel of simulating ground TV will be cancelled by 2010 and digital TV broadcasting will be applied fully. DTV Policy of SARFT Chinese digital television policy took shape from the mid-1990s. SARFT began to do some research of digital television policy from 1996. In the Transition plan of the digitization of satellite broadcasting (SARFT, 2000), SARFT made it clear that the promotion of digital television begins with cable DTV. In November 2001, SARFT approved that cable DTV will be a pilot commercial operation in the first 13 cities nationwide. That number had grown to 49 at the end of 2006. On January 17, 2003, SARFT issued a Work outline of the radio, film, TV in 2003, in which it was stated clearly that the focus is “to establish the new system of the cable DTV, to construct four platforms, to promote the transformation of the broadband, optical-cable and bi-direction in the cable DTV, to clarify the key technology on the user regulation system, electrical program guide information and the set-top-box” (SARFT, 2003a). In May 2003, SARFT promulgated a Transition Time Schedule of the Cable TV Digitalization in China (SARFT, 2003b). This document defined the strategy of China’s digital switchover beginning with Cable TV. A plan was advanced to fulfill the transition period of cable TV digitalization region-by-region. The digitization in the East, Central and West regions will be conducted in four stages in the years 2005, 2008, 2010 and 2015 gradually, then realizing the digitization of the cable TV in full scale. In the first stage from 2003 to 2005, cable digitization will be fulfilled in the municipalities directly under the central government, the cities at higher levels of the municipality of the East region and the capitals of the provinces in the Central region. In the second stage from 2006 to 2008, cable digitization will be fulfilled in the cities at higher levels of the districts, the districts in the Central region, the majority counties, part of the cities at higher levels of districts, and the minority counties in the West region. In the third stage from 2009 to 2010, cable digitization will be realized in the counties in the Central region and the cities at higher levels of counties in the West region. In the fourth stage from 2011 to 2015, cable digitization will be carried out in