KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ CONTENTS

Letters from the Staff…………………………………………………………………………….....2 Committee Description…………………………………………………………………………….4 Historical Background……………………………………………………………………………...6 Current Situation………………………………………………………………………………….11 Questions for Consideration………………………………………………………………………13 Character List……………...……………………………………………………………………....14 References………………………………………………………………………………………...18

1 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​

LETTERS FROM THE STAFF

Dear Delegates,

Welcome to PDI, I’m Adam Elkins and I’m one of your chairs for the Katanga Crisis committee. I’m a first-year student here at Princeton, originally from Chicago, and I’m planning on majoring at the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, hopefully with certificates in Linguistics and Urban Studies--we’ll see how the next few semesters go first. I’m on the Model UN team here (what a surprise, I know), and I’ve been, counting high school, staffing and competing at Model UN conferences now for five years. Outside of that you can find me knitting at the Wilson knitting circle or working at Firestone library, albeit two floors underground.

Here at the Katanga Crisis, we purposely chose a historical situation not often done in Model UN as a challenge, to see how you react to a hopefully novel committee. There’s absolutely no requirement, or even suggestion, to match historical events in history as they actually occur. I’m so excited to see what you come up with for our simulation, with creative solutions taking into account all the complexity of the crisis. Please feel free to email me at [email protected] with ​ ​ any questions about conference specifics, how committee will be run, etc. Good luck to you all, and I’ll see you on February 28th!

Sincerely, Adam Elkins

Dear Delegates,

Hello! I’m Ritvik Agnihotri, one of your chairs for the Katanga Crisis committee. I’m a sophomore majoring in Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering planning on getting certificates (minors) in Robotics Systems and Engineering Management. I have staffed and competed in more MUN conferences than I can count, and I am always impressed by the level of debate and passion I encounter at each new conference. Outside of MUN and school, I play the guitar and love to golf. Feel free to reach out to me to discuss anything–MUN or otherwise–at [email protected]!

For the committee, we hope that our selection of the Katanga Crisis allows delegates to explore atypical solutions and resolution tactics that are rare to find in other MUN conferences. We look forward to engaging delegates in involved, advanced, and intricate plot lines. Please do not hold back from trying out unique and far-fetched solutions. I can not wait to meet you all and to see how the committee unfolds!

Regards, Ritvik Agnihotri

2 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ Dear Delegates,

I am very happy to be serving as your Crisis Director at this year’s PDI! I am a freshman and prospective politics major, looking to concentrate in political economy and earn a certificate in statistics and machine learning. I have been involved in MUN since high school and am currently on Princeton’s MUN team. When I am not pretending to plot world domination, I am also on the Executive Board of Princeton’s chapter of Young Democratic Socialists and a staff writer for the Princeton Progressive (aka The Prog), a left-wing student newspaper. In my free time, I enjoy vibing with my friends over multiple cups of berry tea and barbeque chips.

As your Crisis Director, I am so can’t wait to see the intricate plots you will be hatching behind the scenes. The Cold War is my absolute favorite period of history, so I look forward to becoming absolutely immersed in it. With the involvement of ideologically opposed major world powers, business interests, and revolutionaries, there is so much room for creativity in this simulation. If there is a way to make the Cold War even more crazy than real life, I know you guys can do it. If you have any questions, you can contact me at [email protected]. See you in committee!

Regards, Mary Alice Jouve

3 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ COMMITTEE DESCRIPTION

It’s July 1960 and the Congo Crisis is in full swing. Having just declared independence from

Belgium on June 30th, two weeks earlier, the country was already in disarray. Almost no mechanisms for a peaceful transfer of power were put into place, and within days after independence, the

Belgian-created Congolese army, the Force Publique, ​ ​ had revolted against its white commanders and attacks on white civilians culminated in a mass exile.

Belgian intervention had led to civilian deaths as they were not ready to relinquish full control, and a rift was already growing between Prime Minister Lumumba and President Kasa-Vubu.1

Then, on July 11th, the economically integral mining province of Katanga seceded from the new country to form the State of Katanga, led by the political party Confédération des associations tribales ​ du Katanga (CONAKAT) and its leader, Moïse Tshombe. He was backed up by their former Belgian overlords as they fought to remain in control of the region. This added to the chaos and violence beginning to engulf the region.

This moment is where we leave you, delegates. This committee consists of stakeholders from the Congolese and Katangan governments, multiple ethnic groups, the military and mercenaries, Belgium, and even the United Nations. Together, you face the hard task of rectifying

1 Image Source: Congo Crisis 1960-64, Mercenary-wars.net, https://www.mercenary-wars.net/congo/map.html. ​ ​

4 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ your opposing viewpoints and perspectives to create peace in the region, in whatever form that may take. Of course, however, many delegates may have personal motives that differ drastically from such lofty idealism…

5 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The area that would become known as Katanga2 has long seen itself as separate from the larger Congo. Even before

European imperialism and colonization reached into the area, the Yeke Kingdom, founded in 1856 by the warrior-king Msiri, gained control of Katanga--in fact, the name Katanga derives ​ from Msiri’s father-in-law.3 For a while, the entire large region of the Congo saw little European intervention due to a malaria-ridden, wet and hot environment combined with hostile local populations. However, a quarter century later, European intervention in the region began in earnest. At a 1876 conference, King Leopold II of Belgium formed the International ​ Association for the Exploration and Civilization of Central Africa, often known as the International ​ African Association, created with European explorers as members and with a stated purpose to

“discover” the already-populated land in the African interior and “civilize” its people. Under this guise of charitibility, Leopold began to essentially annex the Congo for himself.

The Belgian king hired a renowned British explorer, Sir Henry Morton Stanley, who had previously traveled throughout the Congo for the British without attracting much support from his own country. He shifted allegiances to King Leopold II, and to gain control of the region he

2 Creative Commons 3 Petit, Pierre. “Petit, P. 2005. Luba 17th & 18th Centuries / Msiri Yeke Kingdom.” Academia.edu - Share Research, ​ ​ ​ www.academia.edu/34111606/Petit_P._2005._Luba_17th_and_18th_centuries_Msiri_Yeke_kingdom.

6 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ followed a similar strategy to how the United States treated the Native American tribes. Stanley signed countless “treaties” with local leaders, written in a language they could understand, giving up rights to their land with horribly inadequate compensation. Following this initial contact, Stanley built military posts and a road network to keep control. In this way, the Congo lost its independent status to European imperialism.

Around the same time of Stanley’s expeditions, Leopold was campaigning in Europe for the other European powers to recognize himself as the rightful ruler of the Congo.4 This was happening at the start of the Scramble for Africa, a short period at the end of the nineteenth century when

European powers all fought one another for control of

large sections of the continent. Thus, Leopold wishing

to control such a large, central area was, needless to say,

controversial. For years he played various monarchs off

one another, and even convinced the American

president, Chester A Arthur, to support his claim. He

founded another organization, this time specifically as a governing body under his control, called the International Association of the Congo (AIC). As a result, at the Berlin Conference, in November 1884, where European powers partitioned Africa among themselves, 905,000 sq mi of Congolese territory was given to the AIC, explicitly under the personal rule of Leopold and without any connection to the Belgian state. This was by far the larger portion of the unclaimed area, and the AIC guaranteed free trade for all European powers and the

4 Creative Commons

7 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ abolition of slavery (the first one would happen, the second not so much). Thus was formed the

Congo Free State (CFS).

Still, however, throughout this conquest, Katanga under the Yeke Kingdom and Msiri maintained its independence. It controlled important trade routes between Africa’s east and west coasts and was a major player in the international slave trade, and as such was quite powerful.

However, King Leopold II wanted full control over the entire Congo Basin and the CFS under his control still didn’t constitute this entire area. And given Katanga’s massive mineral deposits, particularly that of copper ore,5 it faced the resource curse, also known as the paradox of plenty: countries with the most natural resources are often subject to the most violence and turmoil, over the control of those very resources. Following this pattern, Leopold sent William Stairs to lead the aptly named Stairs

Expedition to conquer Katanga for him. At first received by Msiri under the guise of peace, Stairs eventually decided that there was no peaceful outcome the expedition could be satisfied with. He assassinated Msiri and annexed Katanga for Leopold.

However, even after absorption by a European power, Katanga wasn’t fully integrated into the CFS. It was governed entirely separately until 1910 by the Comité Spécial du Katanga, until the ​ ​ Belgian government took control of the CFS and Katanga as the Belgian Congo. Still, Katanga was

5 “Copper Ore from Inzell Germany Isolated on White Background.” 123RF, ​ ​ www.123rf.com/photo_94137821_copper-ore-from-inzell-germany-isolated-on-white-background.html.

8 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ given administrative autonomy, governed separately from the former CFS. Its special treatment, while not entirely unusual, did allow Katangan identity to continue as separate from the Congolese.

Of course, both Katanga and the Congo were and still are populated by countless individual ethnic and cultural groups, so to say all residents of Katanga identified with the region is an oversimplification, but there certainly was an aspect of shared history, including the Yeke Kingdom.

Finally, however, in 1933, Katanga lost its special status and was fully absorbed into the

Belgian Congo. The next period would mark intense exploitation and importation of European culture. The capital city and the province as a whole were renamed Élisabethville, after a European ​ monarch. Throughout this time, a variety of mining companies, primarily the Union Minière du Haut ​ Katanga (UMHK), operated in the region, extracting the province’s natural resources, especially copper,6 for the economic gain of the colonizers. The native Luba population protested often and the Belgians reacted by brutally suppressing any dissent. Many were put in forced labor camps and some were even killed during raids. Nevertheless, the company maintained control over vast mines ​ of copper, cobalt, and even uranium. In fact,

according to one report, the UMHK ​ “accounted for between 60 to 70 percent of

all private investment in Congo”7 during this

time. As such, the Congolese administration

began to rely heavily on Katangan mining tax

6 Creative Commons 7 Lezhnev, Sasha. A Criminal State: Understanding and Countering Institutionalized Corruption and Violence in the Democratic ​ Republic of Congo. Oct. 2016, enoughproject.org/files/A_Criminal_State_Enough_Oct2016_web.pdf. ​

9 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ revenues for the purpose of running its government, which would cause massive problems come independence.

The leadup to Congolese independence was quick and rushed. Groups had fought for independence for years to no avail, but everything changed in December 1959. Pro-independence riots broke out in the capital, Léopoldville, which for the first time were so widespread that the independence movement began to gain support in the rural areas of the Congo where most of the population lived. Additionally, the movement previously was almost entirely composed of the

évolués (French for “evolved”), a small class of Europeanized Congolese Africans who attended colonial schools, spoke French, followed European laws and often customs, etc. But in this protest, the movement gained the support of more and more Africans outside of this small caste. A month later, in January, the Round Table Conference8 in Brussels was to decide the fate of the Congo, with most Belgians proposing a thirty-year transition-to-independence plan. However, all major

Congolese political parties were also in attendance, the most relevant to us being ABAKO, MNC-L, and especially CONOKAT (a Katangan secessionist party). They pushed for a five month timeline, which the Belgians accepted, and declared independence as agreed on June 30th, 1960.

8 Creative Commons

10 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​

CURRENT SITUATION

Upon Congolese independence, the new nation immediately fell apart due to countless unresolved issues, which leads us to our crisis today. The issue of federalism is unsettled, leaving immense tension between The Léopoldville government and the individual provinces. What more, there are countless preexisting loyalties not to the new central government or to Belgium’s arbitrary

grouping of land, but to ethnic groups and

individual tribes.9 There are opposing

viewpoints on what Belgium’s and Belgians’

role should be in the future, undecided before

independence. Nowhere is this more clear

than in the army, the Force Publique, where

the white head general Émile Janssens told the

black soldiers under his command that nothing was to change, beginning a massive ongoing military mutiny. While the new President and

Prime Minister, Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu, try to stop the violence, it is only intensifying, with attacks, looting, and rape of white civilians leading to a refugee crisis.

And now we bring in Katanga. With a long tradition of separation from the rest of the

Congo, the province had an independent streak. From the Yeke Kingdom to the Comité Spécial du ​ Katanga to autonomous status, it had long had its own separate identity. Additionally, just like the ​

9 Artheos. D. R. Congo, Ethnic Groups' Areas. 2003, ​ ​ www.artheos.org/cgi-bin/get.pl?c0=&c1=&c2=&lang=eng&pg=7&O=5316&P=2030.

11 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ Belgian Congo before it, the new Republic of the Congo-Léopoldville (at this time there were two

Republics of the Congo!) relies heavily on Katangan mineral revenues to function. So just a few days into independence, Katanga is thrust into a violent, chaotic revolt, forced to essentially bankroll a weak government from which it sees minimal benefits.

Other factors outside of Africa are also at play. The instability and anti-white sentiment growing in the Congo worries Europeans, specifically those invested heavily in

Katanga’s mining operations. Without recognizing it overtly,

Belgium certainly wanted to guarantee itself future mining revenues for as long as possible, however it could. What more, the Cold War10 between the United States and the

Soviet Union permeates virtually every conflict on Earth, the

Congo included. Closer to home, individual ethnic groups within even Katanga, such as the previously mentioned Luba, are split on the question of Katangan independence, with a civil war brewing. The UMHK, which seeks to avoid potential nationalization and overtaxation of the

Congolese mining industry by the Leopoldville government, is also eager to support an independent and business-friendly Katanga. With substantial money, connections, and access to mercenary assets, the UMHK appears poised to become a major player in whatever transpires in Katanga.

With all this going on around him, Moïse Tshombe, the leader of CONOKAT, declared ​ independence for the State of Katanga on July 11th, 1960, and the rest, delegates, is up to you.

10 Creative Commons

12 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ QUESTIONS FOR CONSIDERATION

❖ What are the main factors behind Katanga’s secession and how can they be worked into a diplomatic solution? Think about ethnic divisions, economic differences, and more. ❖ What implications does this conflict have on international relations as a whole? Think in terms of the Cold War, imperialism, decolonization, relations between Western powers, etc. ❖ Consider the Republic of the Congo and Katanga’s situation in the context of other recently decolonized nations. While they may be legally free, they are still financially indebted to and under the influence of their former colonizers. How does paradigm affect the Republic of the Congo and Katanga? Are Western powers justified in the intervention in Katanga? ❖ As a non-governmental arbiter of peace, in what capacity should the UN be involved here? Even though the UN is supposed to not be biased towards any one government, consider whose interests it is upholding in the Katanga Crisis.

13 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ CHARACTER LIST CYRILLE ADOULA: Adoula was the the party vice president of the Mouvement National ​ Congolais (MNC); however, he did not always agree with Lumumba’s strong nationalistic and more leftwing stances. He broke off to create the MNC-Kalonji party with Albert Kalonji, which opted for a federated government, allowing more autonomy for specific ethnic groups. Adoula also had connections to many trade unions in the Congo, in the Congo, as he was a part of the International Congress of Federated Trade Unions before delving more deeply into politics. As a more liberal moderate compared to Lumumba, Adoula was favored by the CIA and kept contact with them.11

ANDREW CORDIER: Cordier acted as Special ​ Representative of the Secretary General of the UN, meaning that he supervised the UN’s global array of staff and offices. However, Cordier did not act as a neutral party but worked to further US interests in the Congo and other sites of conflict. In the Congo, Cordier worked to undermine the power of Lumumba and his leftwing nationalist faction. Cordier drew the ire of the Soviet Union, who saw his role as making the UN a patsy organization for the United States and usurping the role of SG Hammarskjöld. 12 13

LARRY DEVLIN: Devlin was the CIA station chief of the Congo. Devlin kept tabs on Lumuba’s ​ relationship with the Soviet Union, resorting to sabotage to ensure that the USSR would not be able to gain major influence in the Congo.14 This was not limited to blocking shipments of money, where he utilized the CIA’s wide global network to facilitate. He kept close tabs on the consulates of Eastern European block nations like Czechoslovakia, which the KGB was known to work through. He was also early to develop a relationship with Mobutu, who he supported and helped climb up the ranks in the new government.15

NDAYE EMANUEL: Emanuel was a leader of a faction of the Luba ethnic group. They are ​ primarily found in the Katanga region. Emanuel led a group who were in support of Katanga seceding from the Republic of the Congo.16

11 Lemarchand, René, and Bernd Michael Wiese, “The Congo Crisis,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia ​ Britannica, inc, October 4, 2019) 12 Lawrence R. Devlin in the early 1960s when he was station chief in Congo, The New York Times, ​ https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/12/washington/12devlin.html 13 Saxon, Wolfgang, “Dr. Andrew W. Cordier Dead at 74; Columbia President and U.N. Leader,” The New York Times ​ (The New York Times, July 13, 1975) 14 Walle, Nicolas van de, “Chief of Station, Congo: Fighting the Cold War in a Hot Zone.,”Foreign Affairs ​ (PublicAffairs, January 29, 2009) 15 “The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference.” (Wilson Center. September 23, 2004) 16 Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer, "The Katangese Secession, 1960–1963," In The Katangese Gendarmes and War in ​ Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home, (Bloomington, Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 2016), 41-60

14 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​

ANTOINE GIZENGA: Gizenga was the confounder of the MNC with Lumumba and served at ​ ​ his side as the deputy prime minister of the Republic of the Congo. Even more overtly leftwing than Lumumba, Gizenga was the head of the Parti Solidaire Africain (PSA) and was connected to Pierre Mulele, who was an open Maoist. Gizenga was a strong believer in Congolese nationalism and a centralized socialist government as opposed to a federation of individual ethnic groups. Gizenga was also more open to working with the USSR and was distrustful of the USA’s intentions in the region. 17

ANDREI GROMYKO: As the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Soviet Union, Gromyko was ​ responsible for the country’s policy positions and actions in the Congo. The MNC saw the Soviet Union as an important counterweight to American influence that could help their government be successful. The Soviet Union worked to support the leftwing factions in the Congo with munitions shipments, some advisors, and money. The threat of the USSR militarily supporting Lumuba’s government hung over the conflict, which the United States did not take lightly.18

DAG HAMMARSKJÖLD: Hammarskjöld was the Secretary General of the UN at the time of the ​ Congo crisis. Even though he was picked for the job since he was considered a neutral party between the US and Soviet Union, the Soviet Union did not approve of his involvement in the Congo nor believe in his commitment to decolonization. Hammarskjöld supported bringing peacekeepers into the region in order to quell the insurrection in Katanga.19

THOMAS MICHAEL “MAD MIKE” HOARE: Hoare was a World War II veteran who went ​ on to become a mercenary in South Africa. Heavily connected to Beligian mercenary groups, Hoare created his own unit called 4 Commando, which was present in Katanga during the crisis. Hoare helped Tshombe prop up his new government.20

ÉMILE JANSSENS: Janssens was the head of the Force Publique, which was the Beligan Congo’s ​ ​ ​ gendarmerie. After the Congo gained its independence, Janssens wanted to retain control of his force with no regard for the new government, as he was still in support of colonial rule. Due to his policy of not allowing native Congolese to hold positions of power in the Forces Publique, unrest and ​ ​ mutiny destabilized his organization, adding to the general chaos of crisis.21

ALBERT KALONJI: Kalonji began as a member of the MNC but broke off to form a rival faction ​ called the MNC-Kalonji. This group wanted a federated government with more representation for individual ethnic groups. Because he felt that the Baluba ethnic, which he was a part of, wasn’t being

17 Socialist International, “Antoine Gizenga 1925 - 2019,” Socialist International (Socialist International, May 29, 2019) ​ 18 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Andrey Andreyevich Gromyko, Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia ​ Britannica, inc., July 14, 2019) 19 “Dag Hammarskjöld – Facts,” NobelPrize.org (Nobel Media AB, 2020). ​ 20 Allen, Henry, “'Mad Mike' the Mercenary,” The Washington Post (WP Company, November 13, 1978) ​ 21 Olivier Boehme, "The Involvement of the Belgian Central Bank in the Katanga Secession, 1960-1963," African ​ Economic History, no. 33 (2005), 1-29.

15 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ represented by the new government, he created the breakaway province of South Kasai, with his as king, South Kasai was a mining province rich in diamonds.22

JOSEPH KASA-VUBU: Kasa-Vubu was the first president of the Republic of the Congo and head ​ of the political party Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO). He shared power with Prime Minister Lumumba. Kasa-Vubu was considerably more conservative than Lumumba and was much more sympathetic to the Belgians, opposing Lumuba’s calls for Soviet aid. He is often criticized for being ineffectual, as he did not make appeals for help and occupied more of a ceremonial role in government.23

PATRICE LUMUMBA: Lumumba was the head of the MNC and served as first Prime Minister ​ in the new Republic of the Congo. Lumumba was a staunch nationalist and stood strong against Belgian imperialism. He saw the Katanga Crisis as Beligian interference and lobbied hard for the UN to help quell the insurrection. Lumumba’s dealings with the USSR and willingness to ask for their help made him a target of the CIA as they worked hard to ensure American interests were upheld in the Congo.24

VICTOR LUNDULA: After the Force Publique was disbanded in the wake of the Congo’s ​ ​ ​ decolonization, Lundula was made the head of its replacement organization, which was the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC). Lundula was an ally of Lumumba, as he was related to him. This put him in danger as anti-Lumumba forces closed in.25

AIMÉ MARTHOZ: Marthoz was the Director-General of the Union Miniere du Haut Katanga ​ during the Katanga Crisis. He was heavily connected to the French and Belgian governments, using his position as a way to further their interests. Marthoz supported Katanga’s secession because it would allow UMHK greater control over its operation. 26

PIERRE MULELE: Mulele was one of Lumumba’s most trusted allies and was Minister of ​ Education in the new Republic of the Congo government. Mulele often went to the Chzechslovakian embassy for classes about Marxist theory and organizing.27 He was also much more openly left wing than others, openly claiming to be Maoist. Mulele also worked together with Antione Gizenga, as they were both more overtly leftwing and did not oppose working with the Soviet Union.28

22 Briscoe, Charles H., “Thirty Years of Independent Disunity,” Office of the Command Historian (U.S. Army) ​ 23 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Joseph Kasavubu,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc, ​ March 20, 2019) 24 Cordell, Dennis D., and Immanuel Wallerstein, “Patrice Lumumba,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia ​ Britannica, inc., January 13, 2020) 25 Olivier Boehme, "The Involvement of the Belgian Central Bank in the Katanga Secession, 1960-1963," African ​ Economic History, no. 33 (2005), 1-29. 26 Ibid​. ​ 27 “The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference.” (Wilson Center. September 23, 2004) ​ 28 Lemarchand, René, and Bernd Michael Wiese, “The Congo Crisis,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia ​ Britannica, inc, October 4, 2019)

16 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ KISULA NGOYE: Ngoye lead the Luba who were against Katanaga seceding from the Republic of ​ the Congo. Because of his stance, Ngoye was able to gain more power after the insurrection was put down.29

MOBUTU SESE SEKO: Mobutu was the Lumumba’s secretary while he was the leader of the ​ MNC. In the new Congolese government, Mobutu was made Lumumba’s chief of staff. However, Mobutu was approached early on by the CIA to be an informant on the activities of the MNC, with him developing a close working relationship with Larry Devlin.30 The United States believed him to be a good alternative to Lumumba, who was more critical of American foreign policy and more open to working with the Soviet Union..31

32MOÏSE TSHOMBE: Tshombe was an early ​ ​ advocate for independence from Belgium and leader of the Confédération des associations tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) party. After his party gained control of Katanga’s government, Tshombe declared its independence from the Congo, kicking off the Katanga Crisis. Tshombe favored closer cooperation with colonial powers, recieving aid and mercenaries from France and Belgium. Tshombe also wanted the UN to recognize Katanga as an independent state.33

GUY WEBER: Weber was a colonel in the Force ​ ​ Publique before it was disbanded by Lumumba during ​ Congolese independence; however, he stood with Janssens, in that he did not wish to relinquish control of the force. Weber then was made the head of Tshombe’s Gendarmes Katangais and also acted as his advisor. Weber was in communication of a myriad of powerful players in the region including the CIA, UMHK, Belgian businessman, and the Belgian government.34

PIERRE WIGNY: Wigny was the Belgian foreign minister during the Katanga Crisis and was ​ influential in determining Belgium’s foreign policy. He was opposed to Lumumba’s relationship with the Soviet Union and wanted to retain control in the Congo through means like the Forces Publique. ​ ​

29 Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer, "The Katangese Secession, 1960–1963," In The Katangese Gendarmes and War in ​ Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home, (Bloomington, Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 2016), 41-60 30 “The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference.” (Wilson Center. September 23, 2004) ​ 31 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Mobutu Sese Seko,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., October 18, 2019) 32 Spencer, Terence, Moise Tshombe, Dec. 22, 1961, Time, https://libanswers.snhu.edu/faq/48004 ​ ​ ​ ​ 33 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Moise Tshombe.,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., November 6, 2019) 34 Olivier Boehme, "The Involvement of the Belgian Central Bank in the Katanga Secession, 1960-1963," African ​ Economic History, no. 33 (2005), 1-29.

17 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ Another top priority of Wigny’s was to restore stability to the Congo so that Belian business interests could once again turn profits.35

REFERENCES Allen, Henry. 1978. “'Mad Mike' the Mercenary.” The Washington Post. WP Company. November 13, 1978. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1978/11/13/mad-mike-t he-mercenary/473b33ac-3eb3-493d-816c-6560fa239914/ Briscoe, Charles H. n.d. “Thirty Years of Independent Disunity.” Office of the Command Historian. U.S. Army. Accessed January 29, 2020. https://www.soc.mil/ARSOF_History/articles/v14n1_congo_sb_disunity.html. Congo Crisis 1960-64, Year, mercenary-wars.net, https://www.mercenary-wars.net/congo/map.html. Cordell, Dennis D., and Immanuel Wallerstein. 2020. “Patrice Lumumba.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. January 13, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Patrice-Lumumba. CoolBen, Admin. “Congo in Crisis: The Rise and Fall of Katangan Secession.” Association for Diplomatic Studies & Training. ADST, March 16, 2018. https://adst.org/2015/09/congo-in-crisis-the-rise-and-fall-of-katangan-secession/. “Dag Hammarskjöld – Facts.” n.d. NobelPrize.org. Nobel Media AB 2020. Accessed January 29, 2020. https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1961/hammarskjold/biographical/. “FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1958–1960, AFRICA, VOLUME XIV: 239. Memorandum of Conversation.” n.d. U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State. Accessed January 29, 2020. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1958-60v14/d239. Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer. "The Katangese Secession, 1960–1963." In The Katangese Gendarmes and War in Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home, 41-60. Bloomington; Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2016. Accessed January 30, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1cg4n48.7 Lawrence R. Devlin in the early 1960s when he was station chief in Congo, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/12/washington/12devlin.html Lemarchand, René, and Bernd Michael Wiese. 2019. “The Congo Crisis.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. October 4, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/place/Democratic-Republic-of-the-Congo/The-Congo-crisis# ref467781. Olivier Boehme. "The Involvement of the Belgian Central Bank in the Katanga Secession, 1960-1963." African Economic History, no. 33 (2005): 1-29. Accessed January 31, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/4617603. Saxon, Wolfgang. 1975. “Dr. Andrew W. Cordier Dead at 74; Columbia President and U.N. Leader.”

35 “FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1958–1960, AFRICA, VOLUME XIV: 239. ​ Memorandum of Conversation,” U.S. Department of State (U.S. Department of State)

18 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ The New York Times. The New York Times. July 13, 1975. https://www.nytimes.com/1975/07/13/archives/dr-andrew-w-cordier-dead-at-74-columbia -president-and-un-leader.html. Socialist International. 2019. “Antoine Gizenga 1925 - 2019.” Socialist International. Socialist International. May 29, 2019. https://www.socialistinternational.org/news/in-memoriam/antoine-gizenga-1925-2019-309. Spencer, Terence, Moise Tshombe, Dec. 22, 1961, Time, https://libanswers.snhu.edu/faq/48004 ​ ​ “The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference.” 2004. Wilson Center. Wilson Center. September 23, 2004. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/the-congo-crisis-1960-1961-critical-oral-history- conference. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Andrey Andreyevich Gromyko.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., July 14, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Andrey-Andreyevich-Gromyko. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2019. “Joseph Kasavubu.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. March 20, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Kasavubu. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Mobutu Sese Seko.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., October 18, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mobutu-Sese-Seko. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2019. “Moise Tshombe.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc. November 6, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Moise-Tshombe. Walle, Nicolas van de. 2009. “Chief of Station, Congo: Fighting the Cold War in a Hot Zone.” Foreign Affairs. PublicAffairs. January 29, 2009. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/2007-05-01/chief-station-congo-fi ghting-cold-war-hot-zone

19