DOCSLIB.ORG

Katanga Crisis Pdi 2020 ​ Contents

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ CONTENTS Letters from the Staff…………………………………………………………………………….....2 Committee Description…………………………………………………………………………….4 Historical Background……………………………………………………………………………...6 Current Situation………………………………………………………………………………….11 Questions for Consideration………………………………………………………………………13 Character List……………...……………………………………………………………………....14 References………………………………………………………………………………………...18 1 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ LETTERS FROM THE STAFF Dear Delegates, Welcome to PDI, I’m Adam Elkins and I’m one of your chairs for the Katanga Crisis committee. I’m a first-year student here at Princeton, originally from Chicago, and I’m planning on majoring at the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, hopefully with certificates in Linguistics and Urban Studies--we’ll see how the next few semesters go first. I’m on the Model UN team here (what a surprise, I know), and I’ve been, counting high school, staffing and competing at Model UN conferences now for five years. Outside of that you can find me knitting at the Wilson knitting circle or working at Firestone library, albeit two floors underground. Here at the Katanga Crisis, we purposely chose a historical situation not often done in Model UN as a challenge, to see how you react to a hopefully novel committee. There’s absolutely no requirement, or even suggestion, to match historical events in history as they actually occur. I’m so excited to see what you come up with for our simulation, with creative solutions taking into account all the complexity of the crisis. Please feel free to email me at [email protected] with ​ ​ any questions about conference specifics, how committee will be run, etc. Good luck to you all, and I’ll see you on February 28th! Sincerely, Adam Elkins Dear Delegates, Hello! I’m Ritvik Agnihotri, one of your chairs for the Katanga Crisis committee. I’m a sophomore majoring in Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering planning on getting certificates (minors) in Robotics Systems and Engineering Management. I have staffed and competed in more MUN conferences than I can count, and I am always impressed by the level of debate and passion I encounter at each new conference. Outside of MUN and school, I play the guitar and love to golf. Feel free to reach out to me to discuss anything–MUN or otherwise–at [email protected]! For the committee, we hope that our selection of the Katanga Crisis allows delegates to explore atypical solutions and resolution tactics that are rare to find in other MUN conferences. We look forward to engaging delegates in involved, advanced, and intricate plot lines. Please do not hold back from trying out unique and far-fetched solutions. I can not wait to meet you all and to see how the committee unfolds! Regards, Ritvik Agnihotri 2 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ Dear Delegates, I am very happy to be serving as your Crisis Director at this year’s PDI! I am a freshman and prospective politics major, looking to concentrate in political economy and earn a certificate in statistics and machine learning. I have been involved in MUN since high school and am currently on Princeton’s MUN team. When I am not pretending to plot world domination, I am also on the Executive Board of Princeton’s chapter of Young Democratic Socialists and a staff writer for the Princeton Progressive (aka The Prog), a left-wing student newspaper. In my free time, I enjoy vibing with my friends over multiple cups of berry tea and barbeque chips. As your Crisis Director, I am so can’t wait to see the intricate plots you will be hatching behind the scenes. The Cold War is my absolute favorite period of history, so I look forward to becoming absolutely immersed in it. With the involvement of ideologically opposed major world powers, business interests, and revolutionaries, there is so much room for creativity in this simulation. If there is a way to make the Cold War even more crazy than real life, I know you guys can do it. If you have any questions, you can contact me at [email protected]. See you in committee! Regards, Mary Alice Jouve 3 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ COMMITTEE DESCRIPTION It’s July 1960 and the Congo Crisis is in full swing. Having just declared independence from Belgium on June 30th, two weeks earlier, the country was already in disarray. Almost no mechanisms for a peaceful transfer of power were put into place, and within days after independence, the Belgian-created Congolese army, the Force Publique, ​ ​ had revolted against its white commanders and attacks on white civilians culminated in a mass exile. Belgian intervention had led to civilian deaths as they were not ready to relinquish full control, and a rift was already growing between Prime Minister Lumumba and President Kasa-Vubu.1 Then, on July 11th, the economically integral mining province of Katanga seceded from the new country to form the State of Katanga, led by the political party Confédération des associations tribales ​ du Katanga (CONAKAT) and its leader, Moïse Tshombe. He was backed up by their former Belgian overlords as they fought to remain in control of the region. This added to the chaos and violence beginning to engulf the region. This moment is where we leave you, delegates. This committee consists of stakeholders from the Congolese and Katangan governments, multiple ethnic groups, the military and mercenaries, Belgium, and even the United Nations. Together, you face the hard task of rectifying 1 Image Source: Congo Crisis 1960-64, Mercenary-wars.net, https://www.mercenary-wars.net/congo/map.html. ​ ​ 4 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ your opposing viewpoints and perspectives to create peace in the region, in whatever form that may take. Of course, however, many delegates may have personal motives that differ drastically from such lofty idealism… 5 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The area that would become known as Katanga2 has long seen itself as separate from the larger Congo. Even before European imperialism and colonization reached into the area, the Yeke Kingdom, founded in 1856 by the warrior-king Msiri, gained control of Katanga--in fact, the name Katanga derives ​ from Msiri’s father-in-law.3 For a while, the entire large region of the Congo saw little European intervention due to a malaria-ridden, wet and hot environment combined with hostile local populations. However, a quarter century later, European intervention in the region began in earnest. At a 1876 conference, King Leopold II of Belgium formed the International ​ Association for the Exploration and Civilization of Central Africa, often known as the International ​ African Association, created with European explorers as members and with a stated purpose to “discover” the already-populated land in the African interior and “civilize” its people. Under this guise of charitibility, Leopold began to essentially annex the Congo for himself. The Belgian king hired a renowned British explorer, Sir Henry Morton Stanley, who had previously traveled throughout the Congo for the British without attracting much support from his own country. He shifted allegiances to King Leopold II, and to gain control of the region he 2 Creative Commons 3 Petit, Pierre. “Petit, P. 2005. Luba 17th & 18th Centuries / Msiri Yeke Kingdom.” Academia.edu - Share Research, ​ ​ ​ www.academia.edu/34111606/Petit_P._2005._Luba_17th_and_18th_centuries_Msiri_Yeke_kingdom. 6 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ followed a similar strategy to how the United States treated the Native American tribes. Stanley signed countless “treaties” with local leaders, written in a language they could understand, giving up rights to their land with horribly inadequate compensation. Following this initial contact, Stanley built military posts and a road network to keep control. In this way, the Congo lost its independent status to European imperialism. Around the same time of Stanley’s expeditions, Leopold was campaigning in Europe for the other European powers to recognize himself as the rightful ruler of the Congo.4 This was happening at the start of the Scramble for Africa, a short period at the end of the nineteenth century when European powers all fought one another for control of large sections of the continent. Thus, Leopold wishing to control such a large, central area was, needless to say, controversial. For years he played various monarchs off one another, and even convinced the American president, Chester A Arthur, to support his claim. He founded another organization, this time specifically as a governing body under his control, called the International Association of the Congo (AIC). As a result, at the Berlin Conference, in November 1884, where European powers partitioned Africa among themselves, 905,000 sq mi of Congolese territory was given to the AIC, explicitly under the personal rule of Leopold and without any connection to the Belgian state. This was by far the larger portion of the unclaimed area, and the AIC guaranteed free trade for all European powers and the 4 Creative Commons 7 KATANGA CRISIS PDI 2020 ​ abolition of slavery (the first one would happen, the second not so much). Thus was formed the Congo Free State (CFS). Still, however, throughout this conquest, Katanga under the Yeke Kingdom and Msiri maintained its independence. It controlled important trade routes between Africa’s east and west coasts and was a major player in the international slave trade, and as such was quite powerful. However, King Leopold II wanted full control over the entire Congo Basin and the CFS under his control still didn’t constitute this entire area. And given Katanga’s massive mineral deposits, particularly that of copper ore,5 it faced the resource curse, also known as the paradox of plenty: countries with the most natural resources are often subject to the most violence and turmoil, over the control of those very resources. Following this pattern, Leopold sent William Stairs to lead the aptly named Stairs Expedition to conquer Katanga for him.
Recommended publications
  • Files, Country File Africa-Congo, Box 86, ‘An Analytical Chronology of the Congo Crisis’ Report by Department of State, 27 January 1961, 4

    Files, Country File Africa-Congo, Box 86, ‘An Analytical Chronology of the Congo Crisis’ Report by Department of State, 27 January 1961, 4

    This is an Open Access document downloaded from ORCA, Cardiff University's institutional repository: http://orca.cf.ac.uk/113873/ This is the author’s version of a work that was submitted to / accepted for publication. Citation for final published version: Marsh, Stephen and Culley, Tierney 2018. Anglo-American relations and crisis in The Congo. Contemporary British History 32 (3) , pp. 359-384. 10.1080/13619462.2018.1477598 file Publishers page: http://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2018.1477598 <http://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2018.1477598> Please note: Changes made as a result of publishing processes such as copy-editing, formatting and page numbers may not be reflected in this version. For the definitive version of this publication, please refer to the published source. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite this paper. This version is being made available in accordance with publisher policies. See http://orca.cf.ac.uk/policies.html for usage policies. Copyright and moral rights for publications made available in ORCA are retained by the copyright holders. CONTEMPORARY BRITISH HISTORY https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2018.1477598 ARTICLE Congo, Anglo-American relations and the narrative of � decline: drumming to a diferent beat Steve Marsh and Tia Culley AQ2 AQ1 Cardiff University, UK� 5 ABSTRACT KEYWORDS The 1960 Belgian Congo crisis is generally seen as demonstrating Congo; Anglo-American; special relationship; Anglo-American friction and British policy weakness. Macmillan’s � decision to ‘stand aside’ during UN ‘Operation Grandslam’, espe- Kennedy; Macmillan cially, is cited as a policy failure with long-term corrosive efects on 10 Anglo-American relations.
  • Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: the Legacy of Patrice Lumumba (2010) - Not Even Past

    Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: the Legacy of Patrice Lumumba (2010) - Not Even Past

    Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Lumumba (2010) - Not Even Past BOOKS FILMS & MEDIA THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN BLOG TEXAS OUR/STORIES STUDENTS ABOUT 15 MINUTE HISTORY "The past is never dead. It's not even past." William Faulkner NOT EVEN PAST Tweet 0 Like THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Making History: Houston’s “Spirit of the Lumumba (2010) Confederacy” by Tosin Abiodun In the 1960s the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) emerged as a political ‘hot spot’ in Africa. The transition from decades of Belgian colonial brutality and paternalism to independence, as historical records reveal, did not go smoothly. Gender and Decolonization in the Congo departs markedly from most work on this process by focusing on gender. There is a tendency on the part of May 06, 2020 scholars to neglect gender in their histories of decolonization in Africa. Political scientists, for instance, are apt to focus on the rise of the Cold War rivalry More from The Public Historian between the United States and the Soviet Union. Much historical scholarship on the DRC shows enthusiasm for resolving puzzles arising from the perennial question: BOOKS who assassinated Patrice Lumumba? Karen Bouwer delivers on her stated goal, to draw attention to America for Americans: A History of Congolese women’s active role in the politics of Xenophobia in the United States by decolonization. Overall, the study goes a long way toward Erika Lee (2019) presenting the first truly groundbreaking investigation of women’s political participation in the DRC. Bouwer illustrates women’s contribution to politics with a narrative woven around the life and popular representation of Patrice Lumumba.
  • SELF-DETERMINATION OUTSIDE the COLONIAL CONTEXT: the BIRTH of BANGLADESH in Retrospectt

    SELF-DETERMINATION OUTSIDE the COLONIAL CONTEXT: the BIRTH of BANGLADESH in Retrospectt

    SELF-DETERMINATION OUTSIDE THE COLONIAL CONTEXT: THE BIRTH OF BANGLADESH IN RETROSPECTt By VedP. Nanda* I. INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistan War in December 1971, the independent nation-state of Bangladesh was born.' Within the next four months, more than fifty countries had formally recognized the new nation.2 As India's military intervention was primarily responsible for the success of the secessionist movement in what was then known as East Pakistan, and for the creation of a new political entity on the inter- national scene,3 many serious questions stemming from this historic event remain unresolved for the international lawyer. For example: (1) What is the continuing validity of Article 2 (4) of the United Nations Charter?4 (2) What is the current status of the doctrine of humanita- rian intervention in international law?5 (3) What action could the United Nations have taken to avert the Bangladesh crisis?6 (4) What measures are necessary to prevent such tragic occurrences in the fu- ture?7 and (5) What relationship exists between the principle of self- "- This paper is an adapted version of a chapter that will appear in Y. ALEXANDER & R. FRIEDLANDER, SELF-DETERMINATION (1979). * Professor of Law and Director of the International Legal Studies Program, Univer- sity of Denver Law Center. 1. See generally BANGLADESH: CRISIS AND CONSEQUENCES (New Delhi: Deen Dayal Research Institute 1972); D. MANKEKAR, PAKISTAN CUT TO SIZE (1972); PAKISTAN POLITI- CAL SYSTEM IN CRISIS: EMERGENCE OF BANGLADESH (S. Varma & V. Narain eds. 1972). 2. Ebb Tide, THE ECONOMIST, April 8, 1972, at 47.
  • Directors Fortnight Cannes 2000 Winner Best Feature

    Directors Fortnight Cannes 2000 Winner Best Feature

    DIRECTORS WINNER FORTNIGHT BEST FEATURE CANNES PAN-AFRICAN FILM 2000 FESTIVAL L.A. A FILM BY RAOUL PECK A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE JACQUES BIDOU presents A FILM BY RAOUL PECK Patrice Lumumba Eriq Ebouaney Joseph Mobutu Alex Descas Maurice Mpolo Théophile Moussa Sowié Joseph Kasa Vubu Maka Kotto Godefroid Munungo Dieudonné Kabongo Moïse Tshombe Pascal Nzonzi Walter J. Ganshof Van der Meersch André Debaar Joseph Okito Cheik Doukouré Thomas Kanza Oumar Diop Makena Pauline Lumumba Mariam Kaba General Emile Janssens Rudi Delhem Director Raoul Peck Screenplay Raoul Peck Pascal Bonitzer Music Jean-Claude Petit Executive Producer Jacques Bidou Production Manager Patrick Meunier Marianne Dumoulin Director of Photography Bernard Lutic 1st Assistant Director Jacques Cluzard Casting Sylvie Brocheré Artistic Director Denis Renault Art DIrector André Fonsny Costumes Charlotte David Editor Jacques Comets Sound Mixer Jean-Pierre Laforce Filmed in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Belgium A French/Belgian/Haitian/German co-production, 2000 In French with English subtitles 35mm • Color • Dolby Stereo SRD • 1:1.85 • 3144 meters Running time: 115 mins A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE 247 CENTRE ST • 2ND FL • NEW YORK • NY 10013 www.zeitgeistfilm.com • [email protected] (212) 274-1989 • FAX (212) 274-1644 At the Berlin Conference of 1885, Europe divided up the African continent. The Congo became the personal property of King Leopold II of Belgium. On June 30, 1960, a young self-taught nationalist, Patrice Lumumba, became, at age 36, the first head of government of the new independent state. He would last two months in office. This is a true story. SYNOPSIS LUMUMBA is a gripping political thriller which tells the story of the legendary African leader Patrice Emery Lumumba.
  • Development, Post-Leninism and Revolution in Africa

    Development, Post-Leninism and Revolution in Africa

    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Development, Post-Leninism and Revolution in Africa Ernest Wamba-Dia-Wamba Theories and practices of development are increasingly said to be in emu'1 Is this not another proof that, in most cases if not in all, theories and prac- tices of development have been but theories (ideologies) and practices for further integration of the "less developed countries" into the world capitalist economic hierarchical system now in a prolonged crisis? In fact, can 'national developmentalism', a localised version of progressrvism2 or moder- nism (both variants: perfectibilism and millenarianism), be anything other than bourgeois and capitalist? Communities that have refused to participate in the process of capitalist integration have been either exterminated (eg. in the Americas: Indian com- munities3 ) or are in a process of being wiped out (northern Brazil) or when they have survived, despite state organised systematic pressure to force them to participate (remaining communities of hunters and gatherers,, Hzabe of Tanzania,4 Pygmies of the Equatorial forest, Khoi-San of Southern Africa, etc.). On the other hand, the unsuccessful attempt by Kampuchea,5 under the leadership of the Khazmer Rouges to break away from the world capitalist market, triggered off an intense sentimental and ideological cam- paign of denigration almost universally authorizing the military invasion of Kampuchea.
  • H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016

    H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016

    H-Diplo Article Review 20 16 H-Diplo Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux H-Diplo and Diane Labrosse H-Diplo Article Reviews Web and Production Editor: George Fujii No. 614 An H-Diplo Article Review Forum Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux Published on 16 May 2016 H-Diplo Forum on “Beyond and Between the Cold War Blocs,” Special Issue of The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-1013. Introduction by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, University of Lausanne; Sandra Bott University of Lausanne; Jussi Hanhimäki, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies; and Marco Wyss, University of Chichester Reviewed by: Anne Deighton, The University of Oxford Juergen Dinkel, Justus-Liebig-University Wen-Qing Ngoei, Northwestern University Johanna Rainio-Niemi, University of Helsinki, Finland URL: http://tiny.cc/AR614 Introduction1 by Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss2 “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War” n his recollection of recent events such as the Bandung Conference, the Soviet proposals for a unified and neutralised Germany, and the signing of the Austrian Treaty, veteran journalist Hanson W. Baldwin Iwrote in the New York Times in May 1955 that these ‘and half a dozen other developments in Europe and 1 H-Diplo would like to thanks Professor Andrew Williams, editor of IHR, and the four authors of this introduction, for granting us permission to publish this review. It original appeared as “Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, Sandra Bott, Jussi Hanhimäki, and Marco Wyss, “Non-Alignment, the Third Force, or Fence-Sitting: Independent Pathways in the Cold War.” The International History Review 37:5 (December 2015): 901-911.
  • The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor Democratic Republic of the Congo

    The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor Democratic Republic of the Congo

    The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy Abstract This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and its impact on democratisa- tion and the implementation of the practice of good governance. This is done by focusing especially on the presidential and legislative elections of 1960 and 2006. The Congolese electorate is known for its ambiguous and paradoxical behaviour. At all times, ethnicity seems to play a determining role in the * Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy is a research fellow at the Centre for Management of Peace, Defence and Security at the University of Kinshasa, where he is a Ph.D. candidate in Conflict Resolution. The key areas of his research are good governance, human security and conflict prevention and resolution in the SADC and Great Lakes regions. He has written a number of articles and publications, including La transition démocratique au Zaïre (1995), L’insécurité à Kinshasa (2004), a joint work, The Many Faces of Human Security (2005), Parties and Political Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (2006), originally in French. He has been a researcher-consultant at the United Nations Information Centre in Kinshasa, the Centre for Defence Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, the Institute of Security Studies, Pretoria, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, the Southern African Institute of International Affairs and the Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria. The article was translated from French by Dr Marcellin Vidjennagni Zounmenou. 219 Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy choice of leaders and so the politicians, entrusted with leadership, keep on exploiting the same ethnicity for money.
  • Questions Concerning the Situation in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville)

    Questions Concerning the Situation in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville)

    QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE SITUATION IN THE CONGO (LEOPOLDVILLE) 57 QUESTIONS RELATING TO Guatemala, Haiti, Iran, Japan, Laos, Mexico, FUTURE OF NETHERLANDS Nigeria, Panama, Somalia, Togo, Turkey, Upper NEW GUINEA (WEST IRIAN) Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela. A/4915. Letter of 7 October 1961 from Permanent Liberia did not participate in the voting. Representative of Netherlands circulating memo- A/L.371. Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, randum of Netherlands delegation on future and Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Gabon, Ivory development of Netherlands New Guinea. Coast, Madagascar, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, A/4944. Note verbale of 27 October 1961 from Per- Togo, Upper Volta: amendment to 9-power draft manent Mission of Indonesia circulating statement resolution, A/L.367/Rev.1. made on 24 October 1961 by Foreign Minister of A/L.368. Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, Indonesia. Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Gabon, Ivory A/4954. Letter of 2 November 1961 from Permanent Coast, Madagascar, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Representative of Netherlands transmitting memo- Togo, Upper Volta: draft resolution. Text, as randum on status and future of Netherlands New amended by vote on preamble, was not adopted Guinea. by Assembly, having failed to obtain required two- A/L.354 and Rev.1, Rev.1/Corr.1. Netherlands: draft thirds majority vote on 27 November, meeting resolution. 1066. The vote, by roll-call was 53 to 41, with A/4959. Statement of financial implications of Nether- 9 abstentions, as follows: lands draft resolution, A/L.354. In favour: Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, A/L.367 and Add.1-4; A/L.367/Rev.1. Bolivia, Congo Brazil, Cameroun, Canada, Central African Re- (Leopoldville), Guinea, India, Liberia, Mali, public, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo Nepal, Syria, United Arab Republic: draft reso- (Brazzaville), Costa Rica, Dahomey, Denmark, lution and revision.
  • Von Wildgänsen Und Pmcs

    Von Wildgänsen Und Pmcs

    Von Wildgänsen und PMCs. Der Wandel in der gesellschaftlichen Wahrnehmung von Söldnern in Film und Fernsehen. Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophie an der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz Eingereicht von David Christopher Jaklin, Mag. phil. am Institut für Geschichte Erstbegutachter: Dieter-Anton Binder, Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr.phil. tit. Univ.-Prof. Zweitbegutachter: Helmut Konrad, O.Univ.-Prof. Dr.phil. Dr.h.c. 2017 2 Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort 5 I. Einleitung 6 A. Vorgehensweise 8 B. Aufbau der Arbeit 9 C. Verwendete Quellen und Literatur 10 II. Die Problematik der Terminologie 13 D. Definitions- und Differenzierungsversuche 14 1. Völkerrecht und internationale Organisationen 14 2. Die Problembeurteilung des UN Special Rapporteur on the use of mercenaries 19 E. Wissenschaftlicher Diskurs – ein Abwägen der Grauzonen 19 1. Differenzierung von Söldnern und PMCs 19 2. Das Artikulieren der definitorischen Grauzonen 21 3. Tim Spicer – aus den Augen und dem Mund eines Beteiligten 22 4. Die Rückkehr zum alten Söldnerbegriff 23 5. Die moralische Bewertung der “Söldner” 24 F. Exkurs: Die historische Genese der Söldner 25 1. Die Condottieri 26 2. Die Reisläufer 28 3. Die Landsknechte 29 4. Der Krieg im Wandel – der 30-jährige Krieg als Zäsur 29 G. Zwischenfazit – Das Spannungsfeld der Definition 31 H. Die für diese Arbeit verwendete Definition 33 I. Vorgehensweise und Methode 33 J. Forschungsfragen 37 III. Narrative und Stereotypen 38 K. Die weißen Söldner 40 1. Dark of the Sun – The Mercenaries – Katanga 42 2. The Wild Geese und Daniel Carneys Blick auf die Weißen Söldner seiner Zeit 49 3. The Dogs of War und Frederick Forsyths Beitrag zum Genre 56 4.
  • Non-Alignment and the United States

    Non-Alignment and the United States

    Robert B. Rakove. Kennedy, Johnson, and the Nonaligned World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 315 pp. $31.99, paper, ISBN 978-1-107-44938-1. Reviewed by Simon Stevens Published on H-1960s (August, 2014) Commissioned by Zachary J. Lechner (Centenary College of Louisiana) The central historical problem that Robert B. of a policy of “engagement” of the “nonaligned Rakove sets out to solve in Kennedy, Johnson, and world.” The subsequent souring of relations was a the Nonaligned World is how to explain the re‐ consequence of the abandonment of that ap‐ markable transformation in the relationship be‐ proach under Lyndon Johnson. Central to tween the United States and much of the postcolo‐ Rakove’s argument is the distinction between nial world over the course of the 1960s. The assas‐ Kennedy’s approach to states in the Third World sination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 was met with that were “aligned” in the Cold War and those that genuine grief in many postcolonial states, reflect‐ were “non-aligned.” Common historiographic ing the positive and hopeful light in which the characterizations of Kennedy’s policy toward the United States under Kennedy had been widely Third World as aggressive and interventionist viewed. And yet by the second half of the decade, have failed to appreciate the significance of this the United States “had come to be seen not as an distinction, Rakove suggests. In the cases of states ally to Third World aspirations but as a malevo‐ that the U.S. government perceived to be already lent foe. Polarizing accusatory rhetoric unusual in aligned with the West, especially in Latin America the early 1960s became unremarkable by the and Southeast Asia, the Kennedy administration decade’s end, emerging as a lasting feature of was intolerant of changes that might endanger world politics, a recognizable precursor to con‐ that alignment, and pursued forceful interven‐ temporary denunciations of the United States” (p.
  • Save Pdf (0.18

    Save Pdf (0.18

    REVIEW ESSAYS INSIDE THE CIA: CONGO IN THE 1980s Larry Devlin. Chief of Station, Congo: A Memoir of 1960-67. New York: Public Affairs, 2007. xi + 288 pp. Photographs. Map. Index. $26.95. Cloth. Congo watchers have been distressed at the little mention that the Congo receives in U.S. news media. After all, the lethal crisis there has cost the lives of over five million people—often described as the greatest humani- tarian catastrophe since World War II. So when a book is published about the Congo's history and the New York Times covers it—in its news section, no less—that speaks to its importance. That is what happened in February 2008 to Larry Devlin's Chief of Station, Congo. This book makes a major con- tribution to the history of the Congo just after it gained its independence and especially regarding the role of the U.S. in creating the Mobutu dicta- torship. Devlin was the CIA station chief in Kinshasa in the 1960s. His book reads like a detective novel and tells the story, with impressive frankness, of how he and the U.S. ambassador, Claire Timberlake, quickly came to the conclusion that the newly elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba was either Communist controlled or completely duped by Communists, and therefore had to be gotten rid of. It was he who was given the order, appar- ently originating with President Eisenhower, to arrange for the assassina- tion of Lumumba. But he felt this to be both immoral and unnecessary and he states that he basically sabotaged the order.
  • Seychelles.Html the Case of the “Seychelles” the Truth Commission Files

    Seychelles.Html the Case of the “Seychelles” the Truth Commission Files

    http://www.contrast.org/truth/html/seychelles.html The Case Of The “Seychelles” The Truth Commission Files [Seych-Report] Date (coup attempt): 25 November 1981 Place: Mahé International Airport on Mahé Island (Seychelles) Name Victim: Objective of the coup was to bring down the Seychelles government of President France-Albert René and to re-install the former President James Mancham. Information Victim: President France-Albert René: he ousted the former President Mancham in the 1977 coup [SE:167]. Mancham had been 'enthusiastically wooed by former information Secretary Eschel Rhoodie as a politically ally' and SA was unhappy with the rule of René. After the overthrow of Mancham, SA aircraft landing rights were withdrawn and SA'n economic overtures collapsed. [S.Tribune 29/11/81] Perpetrators: Hoare and his 43 mercenaries (Notes*1) were disguised as tourists: rugbyplayers and members of a beer-drinking group called the "Ancient Order of Frothblowers." They arrived in a Royal Swazi jet on Mahé, carrying their own weapons. Nine mercs (members of Hoare's advance guard) were already on the island on the evening of Wednesday, 25 November 1981. Perpetrators information: -In 1978 Seychelles exiles in SA, acting on behalf of ex-president James Mancham, began discussions with officials concerning a coup attempt to be launched in Seychelles.[SE:172] Gérard Hoareau, Seychelle dissident, was one of the authors of the 1981 coup attempt. Later expelled from SA. -As coup plans developed, the operation became en object of struggle between the Military Intelligence service (MI) and the civilian one (NIS). The SA Government allocated the coup operation to MI, but appointed Martin Dolinchek as a liaison officer on behalf of the NIS.