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1990

Plains Indians in New : The Genízaro Experiance

Russell M. Magnaghi Northern Michigan University

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Magnaghi, Russell M., " in : The Genízaro Experiance" (1990). Great Plains Quarterly. 414. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/414

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. PLAINS INDIANS IN NEW MEXICO THE GENIZARO EXPERIENCE

RUSSELL M. MAGNAGHI

T he colonial period in American history must, helped determine the character of Indian re­ include not only the English experience on the lations along the New Mexican frontier. From Atlantic shore but the Spanish story in the the time of Columbus's return to Spain there Southwest and the approaches to the Great had been a debate over enslaving Indians. Be­ Plains. l Part of the New Mexican story is the tween 1503 and 1510 the Spanish crown had emergence of a new people who become part of authorized the enslavement of Caribbean In­ our multicultural experience, the detribalized dians who practiced cannibalism, engaged in Indians of the Plains and Mountains who were warfare, or rebelled against the Spanish. A royal given the name genfzaros and were eventually decree dated 17 November 1526 instructed absorbed into Pueblo-Spanish society. 2 The Spanish explorers to read the Requenmento (Re­ Spanish had tried to implement their Indian quirement) to Indians they encountered in all policy on the Great Plains, but frustrated by the new territories. If the Indians did not submit, environment and the native people, they re­ the resulting warfare was considered just and mained in their New Mexican settlements and the Indians could be enslaved. The utopian­ watched as Plains Indians involuntarily came minded New Laws of 1542, which prohibited to them. the enslavement of Indians, were all but ig­ nored. Ultimately the "just war" provided the INDIAN SLAVES AND SERVANTS mechanism whereby non-Christian Indians were enslaved. 3 The Spanish carried this concept and The Spanish position on Indian slavery practice with them after they left the valley of Mexico and marched northward. When Spaniards under Francisco de Coron­ ado reached the Great Plains in the 1540s, they A professor of history at Northern Michigan University, found an inhospitable environment. The Plains Russell M Magnaghi has published articles and books on dominated the area from the Nebraska the Spanish and Indians in the Southwest, Sandhills to the Pecos River in West until the close of the seventeenth century.4 These [OPQ 10 (Spring 1990): 86-95] nomadic people disappointed the Spanish, who

86 GENIZARO EXPERIENCE 87 were seeking stable and cohesive communities a market for prisoners, including not of Indians upon whom Spanish institutions could only Spanish and Pueblo people but Plains In­ be imposed. Many of the Spanish governors dians who stood in the way of Comanche ex­ who went to New Mexico after the beginning pansion. The trade in captives took place at of Spanish settlement in 1598 were ineffective traditional Indian fair sites such as Taos, Pecos, leaders who regarded their appointments as op­ and elsewhere. In 1744 Fray Miguel Menchero portunities for personal gain. 5 As a result the observed that Taos's importance lay in the fact Spanish exploited the Pueblo Indians and often that non-Christian Indians entered the pueblo attacked and enslaved the Plains Apaches, to sell captives, who were such an important whom they perceived as uncivilized. These In­ commodity that Fray Pedro Serrano referred to dian captives were one of the few profitable them as the "gold and silver and richest treas­ commodities that could be sent southward to for the governor" or anyone else who might the labor-starved silver mines of Nueva Viz­ want to trade. Prices varied according to the caya. 6 sex of the captive. In 1776 a female Indian between twelve and twenty years of age was TRADE IN· INDIAN CAPTIVES traded for either two good horses and trifles or a mule and a scarlet cover. Males were worth The relationship between the Spanish and half as much as females. 9 the Indians was further altered with the Pueblo The Plains Indians who were introduced into Revolt of 1680 and the promulgation of the New Mexico came from tribes throughout the colonial legal code known as the Recopilacion region: the Plains , Comanche, Ju­ of 1681. The rendered the Span­ mano, , Pawnee, and Wichita. The Paw­ ish reluctant to enslave or exploit the Pueblos. nees were commonly taken as slaves throughout The Recopilacion carefully spelled out the Chris­ the colonial era and were found in both French tian obligation to ransom captive Indians en­ and Spanish communities on the eastern and slaved by other Indian tribes, a principle given western edges of the Plains. Jumano and Pawnee further royal sanction in 1694, after a group of contact with the Spanish began in the seven­ killed their Pawnee captives in front teenth century although their baptismal entries of the Spaniards who refused to ransom them. 7 begin in 1702-03. The begin to show As these policy changes were being institu­ in the records in the late 1 nos. The Coman­ tionalized in the early eighteenth century, the ches are first listed in the Spanish records in appeared, far from their homes in the early eighteenth century. A final group of north central and determined to make Indians who first appear in the Spanish church the southern Plains their new home. They pro­ records in 1742 are the A or Aa Indians. Al­ ceeded to drive the Utes and Plains Apaches though scholars have thought they were from their territory and by midcentury domi­ Pawnees, Dolores Gunnerson has identified nated the Plains with French firearms and am­ them as Crows.!O munition readily available through Wichita middlemen. In their encounters with the Plains THE FIRST GENIZAROS Apaches and later with the Comanches, the poorly equipped and undermanned Spaniards The captives who remained in New Mexico found that the Indians acted individually and were divided into two groups: indios sirvientes would not enter into peace negotiations as a (Indian servants) and indios genizaros depending political entity. As a result both Indian and on their status. Indian servants were non-Chris­ Spanish settlements of New Mexico came under tian Indians who were allotted to the settlers constant attack. 8 after having been ransomed at the fairs. Ac­ The Spanish duty to ransom any and all cap­ cording to the Recopilacion, it was the duty of tives who entered New Mexico quickly created the Spanish owner to acculturate them and their 88 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 duty to work off their ransom payment. l1 The tervened and if mistreatment could be proven process of hispanic acculturation began imme­ removed abused Indians from their masters. 15 diately and was expected to be thorough enough Once these Indian servants had paid their to place these Indians within the hierarchy of debts they were free to leave the Spanish house­ Spanish society. Through baptism they entered hold and then became known as genfzaros. Al­ the Catholic faith and received Christian names. though over the years a number of meanings Being of unknown parentage, these Indians were have been given to this term, Fray Agustfn listed in baptismal records as "of the house of," Morff, referring to the genfzaros of the barrio "servant of," or "adopted by." Their surnames de Analco in Santa Fe in 1779, gave a precise were taken from the households they were at­ and correct definition of genfzaro: "This name tached to, from their godfathers, or, if the In­ is given to the children of the captives of dif­ dians were females, occasionally from their ferent [Indian] nations who have married in the godmothers. 12 As part of the indoctrination pro­ province. "16 This term was used by the local cess these Indians learned a simple form of Hispanic people to identify these people through Spanish. Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez the eighteenth and into the early nineteenth noted in 1776 that genfzaros were not very fluent centuries. Known by the New Mexicans as in Spanish, and, continuing in a critical tone, "children of the enemy," genlzaros lacked social that he did not believe that even with practice status because they were not Spanish, Pueblo they would become SO.13 Originating from di­ Indian, or hostile Indian. Because of this lack verse tribes with varied languages, the genfzaros of status they could not be admitted into the adopted Spanish as their lingua franca. Since pueblos and legally obtain land. As Fray Dam­ any hope of returning to their own people was ian MartInez wrote in 1792, they were reduced out of the question, these unfortunate Indians to living without "land, cattle or other property were forced to acculturate into Spanish society. with which to make a living except their bows They mixed European values with their own, and arrows."17 dressed in Spanish clothes, and followed the customs of the dominant society. GENIZAROS IN FRONTIER OUTPOSTS The practice of keeping Indian servants un­ der even these circumstances frequently led to At first the genfzaros naturally congregated abuses among the Spanish. For instance in 1763 in the barrio of Analco in the southern section two genfzaras appealed directly to Governor T 0- of Santa Fe, while others sought acceptance in mas Velez Cachupfn against their masters. The Pueblo villages. Their lack of legal status and women complained that they had been im­ the increased population pressures on land in properly cared for and not instructed in the the valley in the eighteenth century Christian faith. Furthermore they were sent out made their settlement difficult. 18 At the same to tend sheep, which was considered a male time, however, raids by hostile Indians­ occupation, and in the process one of them was Apaches, Comanches, Navajos, and Utes­ raped. The governor removed them from their made it imperative that the frontier regions be masters and placed them in homes "where they settled for defense. As a result many genlzaros might be instructed in Christian doctrine and were relocated in frontier districts to serve as customs, and be fed and clothed through house­ buffers for the settlements.t9 hold chores appropriate to their sex."14 At other In the RIO Abajo region (south from La Ba­ times when these servants did not receive the jada and Cochiti Pueblo), Belen was settled proper satisfaction large numbers fled the set­ early by the genlzaros and by 1740 they were tlements, and many lived as "apostates" with protesting attempts by the local alcalde mayor the Apaches in the mountains. In an effort to to seize their lands. In 1790 the genlzaros were remedy abuses, the provincial government in- living throughout the community but were con- GENIZARO EXPERIENCE 89

centrated in Plaza Number Three, called Nues­ GENizARO POPULATION tra Senora de los Dolores de los Genfzaros. 20 By the late eighteenth century the settlement con­ Incomplete or missing documentation has tained a large, varied population and was raised rendered accurate data on the genlzaro popu­ to the status of a district. The pueblos of Val­ lation unavailable, and available data must be encia and Cerro de Tome, located thirty leagues augmented to include the servant population as to the south of Santa Fe, were established by well, since they were in the process of becoming Governor Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza in 1740 genlzaros. The 1750 census of New Mexico after forty families of genfzaros applied to be shows a genlzaro population of 154 and a ser­ resettled there. They farmed and scouted and vant population of 693, for a genlzaro-servant defended the frontier with bravery and dili­ population comprising 13.2 percent of the total. gence. By the mid-1770s at the mission of So­ Within Albuquerque alone this combination corro near El Paso there was a community of rose to 28.7 percent. In 1758 Bernardo de Miera Apache genlzaros. , east y Pacheco noted that the population was di­ of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains and Pecos, vided into Spanish and genlzaro portions. Of was originally settled in 1794 as a frontier out­ the latter he noted that there were fifty-eight post against Plains Indians. It was constructed heads of families or 225 individuals. An anon­ for defense with its plaza surrounded by houses ymous report written in 1765 indicated that and a church. Genfzaro soldier-farmers were its there were 191 genlzaro families or 677 indi­ first residents, but after 1799 they were joined viduals living in New Mexico. By 1776 forty­ by mestizos and other genlzaros who were seek­ two genlzaro families or 164 individuals, com­ ing arable land. Eventually a few pacified Co­ prising 12.25 percent of the population of Sante manches and some Pueblo Indians from Nambe Fe, lived in the barrio of Analco, where they joined the population.21 had their own church. Genlzaros not only re­ In the Rlo Arriba region to the north of sided in their own communities or in barrios Santa Fe, other genfzaro settlements began to like Analco but were scattered in Pueblo vil­ appear. Ojo Caliente, in the direct path of raids, lages as well. In 1790 they could be found at was created by order of Governor Joachim Co­ Taos, San Juan, Santa Clara, and Nambe pueb­ dallos y Rabal in an attempt to halt Comanche los. Although the genlzaros came from various, and Ute incursions and depredations. Unfor­ hostile tribes and, according to Spanish ob­ tunately even the tenacious genlzaros who servers, would have been enemies in their na­ formed the majority of the population were tive state, they lived together in peace in New forced to abandon the settlement. San Tomas Mexico. 23 de Abiquiu was established in 1748 and by 1752 Throughout colonial Spanish American so­ Governor Velez CachuPln noted that there were ciety there was a great concern for racial clas­ 108 genfzaros living there with thirty-nine men sification. 24 In New Mexico the population was bearing arms. Governor Mendinueta sought to classified in the 1790 census according to the use genlzaros scattered without fixed residences following ethnic derivations: Spanish; Indian; in the Rlo Puerco region to assist in the rees­ mestizo (generally understood to be a mixture tablishment of the settlement of San Miguel de of Spanish and Mexican Indian); (a mix­ Carnue in the Sandfa Mountains. It had been ture of Spanish and of New Mexican Indian); established in 1763 to help curb Apache raids mula to (sometimes used with its usual conno­ into the Albuquerque region but was abandoned tation and sometimes used by the friars to in­ in 1771. In order to attract genfzaros to the dicate a mixture of Spanish and Indian); enterprise, they were promised an equal footing genfzaro; color quebrada {literally "broken color"; with the Spanish settlers, but continued Apache the exact meaning of this term is disputed, but raids forced the governor to abandon the re­ it denotes a racial mixture, possibly of white, settlement plans. 22 Indian, and black or any combination of the 90 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 three}; and lobo (racial mixture). The popula­ fzaros became traders with Plains and Mountain tion was "whitened" by upward economic mo­ Indians during periods of peace. At Abiquiu Ute bility and marriage, as children took the status Indians arrived in late October or early Novem­ of the mother. The 1790 census shows that gen­ ber to trade deerskins for horses and broad knives fzaro males were married to women of varied (belduques) and jerked deer and buffalo meat for racial origin: mestiza (24), genfzara (11), Indian com flour at the annual trade fair. There was (9), coyote (3), and two each color quebrado, also a small trade in captive children. 29 After Spanish, and mulatta. Two genfzara married the Anza-Ecueracapa treaty of 1786 between Pueblo Indians from Soccoro near EI Paso who the Spanish and Comanches, the Indians and had moved into their wives' community at Be­ Spaniards of New Mexico, especially the "in­ len. The genfzaros were blending into the local digent and rude classes of the frontier villages" society where racial mixture was tolerated. 25 known as , could venture onto the Plains and trade with the Comanches. Many of the genfzaros knew Plains Indian languages, and GENIZARO OCCUPATIONS with a very small investment in "a few trinkets The genfzaros' occupations changed with and trumperies of all kinds, and perhaps a bag their status. The first genfzaros were referred to of bread and maybe another of pinole," they in the Spanish records as the "servants" but could become involved in trade that might net never as the "slaves" of the Spaniards who had them a mule or two. 30 Spanish and Mexican ransomed them. Those who were released from officials promoted such trade to maintain their debt were usually forced into menial tasks knowledge of the territory, the Indians, and and were considered the poorest residents of the foreign intrusion. community. Later others became skilled and in­ The Spanish governments had inadequate genious craftsmen, making baskets, pottery, and military forces and finances for guarding the shields. 26 In 1776 Fray Francisco Dominguez New Mexican frontier and relied on Indian aux­ critically evaluated the role of the genfzaros that iliaries, both Pueblos and genfzaros, who went he encountered on his tour of New Mexico. He on expeditions with their own resources. Gen­ did not note the occupations of those he met fzaro military equipment was basic because the in Santa Fe but recorded finding many servants Spanish did not supply them with arms. In the in other Spanish communities and ranches. late 1750s sixty-three genfzaros in the province Some genfzaros at Abiquiu were starving in the were armed with the traditional bow and arrow midst of good farm land, but to the south, at and eleven lances, but only three had muskets. 31 Los Jarales, some were farming small plots of The Spanish hoped that the genfzaro farmer­ arable land. 27 By 1790 most genfzaros were farm­ soldiers settled where the Apache, Comanche, ers (28.6 percent) and day laborers (25 per­ and Ute raiders entered the province would stop cent), occupations characteristic of the local these raids, and in many cases they acted with economy. Weaving woolen blankets, a "very bravery and zeal. The government utilized gen­ ordinary cloth," and cloth for coats, serge, ser­ fzaro troops for offensive operations as well. They apes, baize, sackcloth, carpeting, and stockings could bring the struggle to their traditional ene­ was a common cottage industry throughout the mies---the people who had seized them-and province, where sheep were plentiful and cloth halt, at least temporarily, the constant raids was considered a medium of exchange. As a against New Mexican settlements. Although pay result, 15.3 percent of the genfzaro work force was non-existent, the genfzaros took such booty found employment as carders, spinners, and as captives, horses, livestock, and foodstuffs. 32 weavers. The remainder were occupied as mu­ The genfzaros were effective frontier fighters. leteers, carpenters, shoemakers, builders, During the summer of 1777, fifty-five genfzaros sweepers, and shepherds. 28 successfully fought the White Mountain Located in frontier settlements, many gen- Apaches. Their reputation grew with their suc- GENfZARO EXPERIENCE 91 cesses and at times local commanders specifi­ and status within Hispanic society, many others cally requested their presence on a military stayed at the bottom of the social ladder. Nu­ mission. The genfzaro fighting force was offi­ merous court records show that genfzaros were cially recognized and formally organized in 1808 common thieves, stole horses and livestock, and when the governor created the tropa de Genf­ cheated Indians at trade fairs. Some were picked zaro, commanded by a corporal from their own up as vagabonds as far south as and ranks. Unfortunately the history of this unit has returned to New Mexico. Others spent their been 10st. 33 time gambling and engaging in petty theft. In Genfzaros' fluency in Plains Indian languages one instance a genfzaro and his wife allegedly made them excellent scouts and interpreters. In killed Fray Ordoinez y Machado, the parish priest 1776 at Ranchos de Taos the Indians spoke at Abiquiu, by witchcraft. 39 Spanish, the Taos language, and "to a consid­ erable extent the Comanche, Ute and Apache AMERICANS AND ASSIMILATION languages."34 In the summer of 1800 when Josef Miguel led an expedition from New Mexico to In the nineteenth century Mexican inde­ the he took along four genfzaro pendence and the arrival of Americans down interpreters. 35 Although individual genfzaros the gradually erased the distinc­ were trusted as scouts or interpreters, as a group tion between genfzaro and Spaniard. The Plan they were regarded as potentially traitorous and of Iguala, which preceded Mexican independ­ on a number of occasions some of them were ence in 1821, stated that the government was tried for sedition. 36 no longer concerned with the racial origins of its citizens. After independence there was little influence from Mexico and the genfzaros co­ GENIZARO LEADERS AND OUTCASTS existed with their Spanish and Pueblo neighbors Through intermarriage with mestizos and but continued to be viewed as a different ele­ economic mobility, genfzaros were able to enter ment within provincial society. When Ameri­ Spanish society and some individuals played cans first went to New Mexico they were leadership roles. At El Paso in 1765 ten genfzaro unfamiliar with the Jocal social traditions and families had acquired the status of citizens, a in many instances were unable to make a clear sign of upward mobility among Indians. When distinction between Spaniards, Pueblo Indians, the genfzaro-dominated barrio of Analco at and genfzaros. Thus in 1821 when the Amer­ Santa Fe was threatened with destruction, Ven­ ican trader Thomas James left San Miguel del tura Bustamente, a genfzaro, traveled to Arizpe Vado, primarily a genfzaro community, he wrote in 1780 to protest this action. 37 Other genfzaros that he was joined by "the alcalde and a com­ played important roles in the religious life of pany of Spaniards [emphasis added] bound for the communities. In 1812 Jose Cristobal Guerro, Santa Fe." On these and other occasions James a San Miguel del Vado genfzaro of Comanche used the terms "Spaniards," "Spanish Indians," extraction, led a drive for a resident priest. His and "Mexican Indians" when he was probably petition to the bishop of was so per­ referring to genfzaros. More than a decade later suasive that the bishop thought that the town Josiah Gregg noted that the population con­ would become one of the most populous in New sisted of white creoles, "mestizos or mixed cre­ Mexico. The lack of secular priests in the late oles," and Pueblo Indians. In his estimation of eighteenth century caused many Spanish and the population (70,000) of New Mexico, "mes­ genfzaro communities to tum to penitential tizos or mixed creoles" accounted for 84.2 per­ confraternities (cofradfas) to administer reli­ cent of the total population. It was in this class gious affairs. This movement continues with the genfzaros would have fallen. 40 certain modifications into the present century. 38 The genfzaro population continued to follow Although many genfzaros found occupations earlier settlement patterns. They had already 92 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990 settled San Miguel del Vado and early in the into Pueblo Indian life or into the lower social century they continued the process down the and economic strata of Hispanic society. The Pecos valley and settled San Jose del Vado, La term "genfzaro" fell into disuse and remains only Cuesta and, around 1822, Anton Chico, which in colonial documentation. Yet it has been es­ remained the eastern gateway to New Mexico timated that by the late eighteenth century gen­ until the 1860s. 41 fzaros constituted one-third of the population In these frontier locations the genfzaros con­ of New Mexico. 44 They were an enduring hu­ tinued to play an active role with the Indians man legacy of the cultural conflict on the Plains and the commerce of the Plains. Their em­ between the Spaniards and the Indians-Indi­ ployment as comancheros, interpreters, and ans who became an integral part of Hispanic hunters (ciboleros) continued until the 1870s. society in New Mexico and part of the Amer­ The frontier settlements of the genfzaros also ican experience. attracted some Comanche and Kiowa settlers who provided an important link with the Co­ manche and possibly spared New Mexico the NOTES disastrous raids that befell Durango and Chi­ 1. Two critical studies of Borderland historiog­ huahua to the south. With the development of raphy are Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa, the Santa Fe trade, genfzaros joined the cara­ " and Borderlands Historiography in vans and traveled to St. Louis and back as guides Transition: Implications for History," and interpreters. The Missouri demand for New Journal of American History 75 (September 1988): 393-416; and David J. Weber, "John Francis Bannon Mexican-made blankets created opportunities and the Historiography of the Spanish Borderlands," for others in the weaving industry. 42 Journal of the Southwest 29 (Winter 1987): 331-63. The disputed identity oOose Angel Gonzales 2. The termgenfzaro had its origins in Spain where highlights the possible depth of the assimilative it designated a Spaniard of mixed European paren­ process in New Mexico and the incomplete his­ tage. The contemporary spelling is jenizaro meaning "one begotten by parents of different nations or com­ torical record. In August 1837 the Hispanics posed of different species" or merely mixed, hybrid. and Pueblo Indians in Rfo Arriba rose in revolt The word is of Turkish origin, yeni cerci new troops. and acclaimed Gonzales governor. Was Gon­ In English, janizary refers to Christian boys, primarily zales, the buffalo hunter from Taos, actually the from Albania, Bulgaria, and Bosnia, who were seized son of a Pueblo mother and genfzaro father, with as annual tribute, instructed in the Muslim faith, and trained and enrolled as salaried infantry in the sul­ close ties to the people who revolted? Or was tan's personal guard and in the main part of the army. he a Pueblo Indian from Taos or a vecino from Their discipline and loyalty made them one of the Ranchos de Taos, as some sources indicate? most formidable fighting forces in the fifteenth and When the insurrection was crushed after the sixteenth centuries. They were eliminated in a series battle of Pojoaque, Gonzales and others were of reforms in 1826. (Fray Angelico Chavez, "Gen!­ zaros," Handbook of North American Indians, South­ captured and executed. Although Governor west 9 [Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, Manuel Armijo called him a "genfzaro" when 19791: 198). he asked Padre Antonio Martinez to hear his 3. Charles Gibson, Spain in America (New York: final confession, the controversy over Gonzales' Harper & Row, 1967), p. 38; Clarence H. Haring, origins-Hispanic, Pueblo, or genfzaro--can­ The in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1947), p. 7; Russell M. Magnaghi, not be settled by the existing primary source "The Indian Slave Trader: The Comanche A Case describing his death and origins. If he was a Study" (Ph. D. diss., Saint Louis University, 1970), genfzaro he was the first and only person of his pp. 13-19. class to be governor of New Mexico. 43 4. Coronado to the King, 20 October 1541, in The genfzaro people are unique in the history The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542, Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, ed. George Win­ of Native Americans in the United States. By ship (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Of­ the time Anglo-Americans reached New Mex­ fice, 1896), pp. 364, 367-69. For a brief survey of ico, the genfzaro people had been amalgamated Spanish intrusions onto the Great Plains see Noel GENIZARO EXPERIENCE 93

M. Loomis and Abraham P. Nasatir, Pedro Vial and Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, with Other Contem­ the Roads to Santa Fe (Norman: University of Okla­ porary Documents (Albuquerque: University of New homa Press, 1967), pp. 16-27; for the , Mexico Press, 1956), p. 252. For a detailed study of see Karl H. Schlesier, "Rethinking the Dismal River the pre-hispanic trade between the Plains and Pueblo Aspect and the Plains Athapaskans, A.D. 1692- Indians see Charles L. Kenner, A History of New 1768," Plains Anthropologist 17 (May 1972): 101-33; Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman: University and Michael B. Collins, "A Review of Llano Esta­ of Press, 1969); for a thorough study of cado Archaeology and Ethnohistory," Plains Anthro­ the captive trade fairs see: Magnaghi, "The Indian pologist 16 (May 1971): 92-95. Slave Trader," pp. 135-43. 5. France V. Scholes, Church and State in New 10. David M. Brugge, "Some Plains Indians in Mexico, 1610-1650 (Albuquerque: University of New the Church Records of New Mexico," Plains An­ Mexico Press, 1937), p. 70. thropologist 10 (1965): 181-89; James H. Gunnerson 6. Philip W. Powell, Soldiers, Indians and Silver: and Dolores A. Gunnerson, Ethnohistory of the High The Northward Advance of New Spain, 1550-1600 Plains (Denver: Colorado State Office, Bureau of Land (Berkeley: University of Press, 1952); Management, 1988), pp. 49-50. Robert C. West, The Mining Community in Northern 11. Recopilacfon de !eyes. . . . (Madrid, 1681) , New Spain: The Parral Mining District (Berkeley: Uni­ libro VII, titulo VII, leyes III, XVII. versity of California Press, 1949), p. 52; Peter J. 12. Colin M. MacLachlan and Jaime E. Rodriguez Bakewell in Siltier Mining and Society in Colonial Mex­ 0, The Forging of the Cosmic Race: A Reinterpretation ico: Zacatecas, 1546-1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge of Colonial Mexico (Berkeley: University of California University Press, 1971), pp. 122-29 stresses the wide­ Press, 1980), pp. 208-9, 223-28; New Mexico Ge­ spread use of free wage labor in and near Zacatecas nealogical Society, comp., Albuquerque Baptisms, rather than the use of Indian slaves. Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1706-1850 (Albuquerque: 7. Recopilacfon de !eyes de los reynos de las Indias. New Mexico Genealogical Society, 1983), pp. 2, 4, Mandadas imprimir y publicar por la Majestad cat6lica 8, 13, 15, 17,35,36,39,51-55. del rey don Carlos II, (Madrid, 1681), libro VII, titulo 13. Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexic;o, VII, leyes II and XVII; Alfred B. Thomas, ed., After p.42. Coronado: Spanish Exploration Northeast of New Mex­ 14. "Diligencias seguidas por querella de dos 'Ynd­ ico, 1696-1727 (Norman: University of Oklahoma ias Genizaras sirbientes contra sus amos," 12- \5 Oc­ Press, 1935), pp. 13-14. tober 1763, Spanish Archives of New h1exico 8. Catherine Price, "The Comanche Threat to (SANM), Santa Fe, microfilm reel 9, fra:mes 524- Texas and New Mexico in the Eighteenth Century 26. and the Development of Spanish Indian Policy," 15. Pedro Alonso O'Crouley, A Desc.ription of the Journal of the West 24 (1985): 34-45. The classic work Kingdom of New Spain, fjpt. trans. anded. Sean Gal­ on Comanche life is Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson vin (1774; rpt. : John Howell Books, Hoebel, The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains 1972), p. 52; Hackett, Historical Documents, 3:401; (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1952); Juan Fray Joachim Rodriguez., San Ildefonso, Complaint, de Ulibarri, "The Diary of Juan de Ulibarri to EI 14 April 1766, SANM, reel 9, frames 949-51. Cuartelejo, 1706," in Thomas, ed., After Coronado, 16. Alfred B. Thomas, ed. and trans., Forgotten p. 113. For an overview of these developments see Frontiers: A Study of rihe Spanish Indian Policy of Don Magnaghi, "The Indian Slave Trader," pp. 78-90. Governor of New Mexico, 1777- 9. Fray Alonso de Posada, "The Report of Fray 1787 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), Alonso de Posada in Relation to and T e­ pp. 91-92. guayo," trans. S. Lyman Tyler and H. Daniel Taylor, 17. Fray Damian Martinez to Fray Juan Agustin New Mexico Historical Review 33 (October 1958): Morfi, 1792, AGN Historia, vol. 25, folio 138. 301-03; Cheryl Foote, "Spanish-Indian Trade along 18. Ibid.; Robe1[t R. Miller, "New Mexico in the New Mexico's Northern Frontier in the Eighteenth Mid-eighteenth Century: A Report Based on Gov­ Century," Journal of the West 24 (1985): 22-33; Fray ernor Velez Cachupin's Inspection," Southwestern Miguel Menchero to Jose Villasenor, Informe, circa Historical Quarterly 79 (October 1975): 171. 1744, Archivo General de la Nadon, Mexico City 19. Frederick W. Hodge, ed., Handbook of Amer­ (AGN) Historia, vol. 25, folio 231; "Report of ... ican Indians, North of Mexico. Bureau of American Serrano," in Historical Documents Relating to New Ethnology Bulletin No. 30, 2 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to Government Printing Office, 1907-1910) 1:489. 1773, ed. Charles W. Hackett (Washington, D.C.: 20. Virginia Langham Olmsted, comp., Spanish Carnegie Institution, 1937) 3:486; Eleanor B. Adams and Mexican Colonial Censuses of New Mexico, 1790, and Fray Angelico Chavez, eds. and trans., The Mis­ 1823, 1845 (Albuquerque: New Mexico Genealog­ sions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray ical Society, Inc., 1975), pp. 42-44. 94 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SPRING 1990

21. Henry W. Kelly, "Franciscan Missions of New 29. Adams and Chavez, The Missions of New Mex­ Mexico, 1740-1760," New Mexico Historical Review ico, p. 252. 16 (January 1941): 68; Florence H. Ellis, "Tome and 30. Josiah Gregg, The Commerce of the , Father J. B. R.," New Mexico Historical Review 30 (April ed. Milo Milton Quaife (New York: The Citadel Press, 1955): 93; "Declaration of Fray Miguel de Menchero, 1968), p. 219. Santa Barbara, May 10, 1744," in Hackett, Historical 31. Kessell, Kiva, Cross and Crown, p. 512; Miller, Documents . .. , 3:401-2; "Description of ... EI Paso "New Mexico in the Mid-eithteenth Century," p. del Rio del Norte, as Given by One of Its Citizens, 176. after Seven Years Residence There, September 1, 32. "Declaration of ... Menchero ... 1744," 1773," in Hackett, Historical Documents, 3:506-8; Hackett, Historical Documents, 3:402; Oakah L. Jones, O'Crouley, A Description, p. 51; Oakah L. Jones, Los Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest (Norman: Uni­ Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of versity of Oklahoma Press, 1966), p. 175. New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 33. Report of Caballero de Croix. Mexico, 2 July 1979), pp. 116-17; Kenner, History of New Mexico­ 1777, SANM, reel 10, frame 925; [Chacon] "Ex­ Plains Indian Relations, p. 63. tracto de las novedades occuridas en la Provincia del 22. Eleanor B. Adams, ed., Bishop Tamar6n's Vis­ Nuevo Mexico desde 4 de octubre haron 29 de no­ itation of New Mexico, 1760 (Albuquerque: University viembre ... 1800," Sante Fe, 24 November 1800, of New Mexico Press, 1954), p. 57; Miller, "New SANM, reel 14 frame 652. Santa Fe, 24 November Mexico in the Mid-eighteenth Century," p. 176; 1800, SANM, reel 14, frame 652; Joseph Manuel de Robert Archibald, "Canon de Carnue: Settlement Ochoa, Ojo de Anaya, 30 November 1800, SANM, of a Grant," New Mexico Historical Review 51 (Oc­ reel 14, frames 658-59; Comandante General Sal­ tober 1976): 316, 319. 23. Virginia Langham cedo to Governor Maynez, Chihuahua, 12 August Olmsted, comp., Spanish and Mexican Censuses of 1808; Governor Maynez/Manrrique to Comandante New Mexico, 1750 to 1830 (Albuquerque: New Mex­ General Salcedo, Santa Fe, 20 June 1809, SANM, ico Genealogical Society, Inc., 1981), pp. 1-97; John reel 16, frames 596, 907-9. L. Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown: The Pecos Indians 34. Adams and Chavez, The Missions of New Mex­ and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. ico, p. 113. Department of Interior, National Park Service, 1979), 35. [Chacon to Pedro de Naval. Santa Fe, 10 p. 512; Donald C. Cutter, trans., "An Anonymous June 1800, SANM, reel 14, frames 548-49. Statistical Report on New Mexico in 1765," New 36. David J. Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 1821- Mexico Historical Review 50 (1975): 349-51; O'Crou­ 1846: The American Southwest under Mexico (Albu­ ley, A Description, pp. 58-59. There are few citations querque: Press, 1982), p. for genfzaros in their early communities, Belen, Tome, 213; trial of genizaros for sedition, Santa Fe-Chihu­ and Abiquiu, because they had been baptized before ahua, 9 December 1807 to 28 March 1808, SANM, they arrived and were probably listed as Spanish in reel 15, frames 1099-1117. burial records. 37. Olmsted, Censuses of New Mexico, 1790, 1823, 24. For a definitive study on racial classification, 1845; SANM, 1790 census, reel 12; Ralph E. see Magnus Morner, Race Mixture in the History of Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 2 Latin America (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967). vols. (Cedar Rapids, Iowa: The Torch Press, 1914), 25. Olmsted, Spanish and Mexican Colonial Cen­ 1:1138. suses, p. i; Olmsted, Censuses of New Mexico, 1790, 38. Kenner, A History of New Mexico-Plains Indian 1823, 1845; SANM, 1790 census, reel 12. Relations, p. 64; Jones, Los Paisanos, p. 149; for stud­ 26. Albert H. Schroeder, "Rio Grande Ethnoh­ ies of , see Lorayne Horka-Follick, Los istory," New Perspectives on the Pueblos (Albuquerque: Hermanos Penitentes: A Vestige of Medievalism in University of New Mexico Press, 1972), p. 62; Alfred Southwestern United States (Los Angeles: Westernlore B. Thomas, ed., "An Anonymous Description of Press, 1969); Fray Angelico Chavez, "The Penitentes New Mexico, 1818," Southwestern Historical Quar­ of New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review 29 terly 33 (July 1929): 61. (April 1954): 97-123. 27. Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexico, 39. Adams and Chavez, The Missions of New Mex­ p.42. ico, pp. 126, 259, 336. 28. Thomas, "An Anonymous Description," p. 40. Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians 59; Miller, "New Mexico in the Mid-eighteenth and Mexicans (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Century," p. 178; Marc Simmons, trans., "The Cha­ 1984), pp. 80, 58, 71, 108,68; Gregg, Commerce of con Economic Report of 1803," New Mexico Histor­ the Prairies, p. 142. ical Review 60 (January 1985): 85; Olmsted, Censuses 41. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains In­ of New Mexico, 1790, 1823, 1845; SANM, 1790 dian Relations, p. 63. census, reel 12. 42. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains In- GENfZARO EXPERIENCE 95 dian Relations, pp. 63, 79; James, Three Years, pp. zales, Genfzaro Governor," New Mexico Historical Re­ 108, 110; Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, p. 157. view 30 (1955): 190-94, takes the position that 43. The controversy over Gonzales' origins is best Gonzales was a genfzaro. He states that Gonzales traced in Janet Lecompte, Rebellion in RCo Arriba, escaped after the battle Pojoaque and died several 1837 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, months later. 1985), pp. 36-75; Fray Angelico Chavez, "Jose Gon- 44. Schroeder, "Rio Grande Ethnohistory," p. 62.